論文的目的是想要了解羅馬尼亞自2007年成為歐盟成員後，在公共外交面對的主要挑戰。作者試圖從2007年以後，找出羅馬尼亞公共外交元素，理解該國在建立國家品牌的努力。 　　共產主義解體之後，羅馬尼亞不能夠建立自己的認同，無力面對歐洲聯盟的高期望。這兩個情況共同導致羅馬尼亞2007年之前的困境，加入歐盟之後這個困境更甚。看歐洲的環境及挑戰，羅馬尼亞爲克服挑戰努力以赴，但步履艱辛。 本論文參考資料主要是二手資料（例如：參考書，研究論文，報告，期刊文章等），但作者自信這些資料價值不容懷疑。 / The purpose of this thesis is to gain understanding of the main challenges of public diplomacy in the case of Romania after the 2007 European Union membership acceptance. The situation that presents itself after 2007 was only looked at in correlation to the country’s past attempts to create a national brand that includes elements of public diplomacy. Not being able to create an identity after the fall of communism and high expectations from the European community, together create the situation in which Romania finds itself not only before 2007 but more visible after the European Union membership. Looking at the European context and examples of the connectivity between challenges a set of possible recommendations are constructed to overcome the challenges. Both challenges are present before and after 2007 but once the European Union membership was granted they became even more visible. The information is based on secondary sources (e.g. reference books, research papers, reports, journals’ articles, etc.) from organizations, publishers, universities, research institutes, media outlets, individuals, etc.

This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.

Plusieurs indices permettent de croire que le premier ministre Harper a pour projet de faire du Parti conservateur le parti politique dominant au Canada. À cette fin, il doit transformer l’organisation sociale et politique du pays de façon à le rendre plus conservateur. L’objectif du présent mémoire est de préciser les fondements idéologiques du projet de réforme de l’État canadien du premier ministre en m’appuyant sur les écrits des membres de l’École de Calgary. Je fais l’hypothèse que les politiques publiques mises en place par Harper sont inspirées des convictions des membres de cette école de pensée, dont il est un proche. Dans le premier chapitre, je détermine la signification du concept d’idéologie et établis la pertinence de l’analyse des idéologies pour expliquer les décisions politiques. Je définis ensuite les principaux types de conservatisme, afin de déterminer lequel inspire les membres de l’École de Calgary et le Parti conservateur. Dans le second chapitre, je dresse un portrait de la pensée de l’École de Calgary relativement à quatre thèmes, soit ceux du développement économique et social, du pouvoir judiciaire, de la politique étrangère et de l’identité nationale. Enfin, dans le troisième chapitre, je recense les décisions prises par le gouvernement Harper en relation avec ces quatre mêmes thèmes et vérifie leur concordance avec les idées portées par l’École de Calgary. / Several signs suggest that Prime minister Stephen Harper is seeking to make the Conservative Party the new dominant political party in Canada. For this purpose, he has to transform the social and political organization of the country to make it more conservative and move the ideological preferences of the majority to the right. The objective of this thesis is to explain the ideological foundations of the reform strategy adopted by Harper in light of the writings of the members of the Calgary School. Because the Prime minister is close to the members of this school of thought, my hypothesis is that the public policies he implements are inspired by their convictions. Through a brief review of the literature, I clarify, in the first chapter, the meaning of the concept of ideology and establish the relevance of studying ideologies to explain political decisions. Then, I define the main types of conservatism to determine which one inspires the Calgary School and the Conservative Party. In the second chapter, I draw a portrait of the ideas promoted by the members of the Calgary School, on issues of social and economic development, on the role of the judiciary, on foreign relations and on national identity. Finally, in the third chapter, I identify the decisions taken by the Harper government in relation to these four themes since it came to power and I verify their consistency with the ideas promoted by the Calgary School.

This thesis explores the intersections of culture, nationalism, and neoliberal globalization through examination of the construction of Mexican identity in Canada after the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994. I evaluate how visual art has been used by the governments of Canada and Mexico to negotiate new bilateral relationships in the face of increased North American integration under free trade. My study includes analysis of two Canada-based exhibitions, “Mexican Modern Art, 1900-1950” and “Panoramas: The North American Landscape in Art.” Framing my discussion within the larger history of North American integration, I argue that these two exhibitions are part of a larger exchange in the area of cultural diplomacy between Canada and Mexico, which was especially prominent at the turn of the millennium. These case studies provide a means to assess the manipulation of culture, the creation of a new North American identity, and the management of national/ist narratives within the larger project of neoliberal globalization. Critically situating my study within the current discourse of globalization theory, I contend that artworks in these exhibitions were positioned in a manner to positively reinforce new trade relationships under NAFTA. / Thesis (Master, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2008-08-20 15:05:45.256

Ce mémoire part du constat que l’histoire et, a fortiori, la mémoire ont été largement sollicitées par le discours officiel français au moment et au lendemain de la réunification allemande. La fin définitive de l’après-guerre et le retour à la souveraineté diplomatique de l’Allemagne suscitent en France des questions qui inquiètent – en raison notamment du souvenir de l’histoire – et raniment la volonté d’encadrer la puissance allemande dans la communauté européenne. Pour comprendre le rôle que la mémoire a pu tenir dans la diplomatie française, l’étude tente d’analyser l’usage que les responsables français ont fait du passé en tant qu’instrument de la politique étrangère et le poids qu’il a représenté dans la vision française de l’unification allemande. Ce mémoire démontre que l’entendement du passé se conforme, sous toutes ses expressions, à la politique européenne de la France. Il atteste également que la France se saisit de ce moment charnière pour structurer un espace européen qui fait écho aux principes universalistes issus de la Révolution française, lesquels doivent être désormais portés par le binôme franco-allemand. L’invention de la tradition et l’usage métaphorique du passé répondent d’une préoccupation politique de réconciliation franco-allemande et accompagnent la mise en place d’un patriotisme historique sur lequel pourront s’établir les identités civique et juridique européennes. La mémoire officielle, qui est entièrement orientée vers la promotion et la justification de l’avenir communautaire, dénature certaines données historiques de manière à exorciser le présent d’un passé encombrant. Les limites de la mémoire officielle se trouvent donc dans cette représentation d’un passé aseptisé; un passé n’étant pas une finalité, mais un moyen déférant à l’intérêt national. / This dissertation analyzes references to history and, a fortiori, to memory in the official French discourse during and after German unification. Partly because of history, the definitive end of the post-war years and the return of German diplomatic sovereignty caused concern in France, and revived the resolve to contain German influence in the European community. In order to understand the role played by memory in French diplomacy, this dissertation assesses how French leaders used the past as an instrument of foreign policy, and to what extent it influenced the French vision of German unification. It shows that the understanding of the past complies, in all its expressions, with France’s European policy. Furthermore, it confirms that France seized this turning point to structure a European space appealing to the universalist principles stemming from the French Revolution, which, it was hoped, would henceforth be carried by the French-German couple. The invention of tradition and the metaphoric use of the past echo a concern to foster Franco-German reconciliation and are essential to the creation of an historical patriotism on which to build a common European civic and legal identity. Entirely oriented towards the promotion and justification of the European future, official memory distorts some historical facts in order to exorcise the present of a cumbersome past. Rather than an end in itself but a means deferring to the national interest, this representation of the past shows the limits of the official memory.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The dissertation investigates the correlations among the development of general anthologies of Canadian literature, the Canadian canon, and visions of national identity. While literature anthologies are widely used in university classrooms, the influential role of the anthology in the critical study of literature has been largely overlooked, particularly in Canada. The dissertation begins with an analysis of the stages of development of general anthologies of Canadian literature, demonstrating that there are important links between dominant critical trends and the guiding interests of the various phases of anthology development and that anthologies both reflect and participate in moulding views of the nation and its literature. Focusing then upon five eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Canadian authors, the dissertation traces their treatment in anthologies and analyzes in detail the impact of stages of anthology development upon authors’ inclusion and presentation. The reception of Frances Brooke, John Richardson, William Kirby, Susanna Moodie, and Emily Pauline Johnson over a span of nearly 90 years is examined, and points of inclusion and exclusion are scrutinized to determine links with prevailing critical interests as well as canonical status. These case studies reveal the functions of anthologies, which include recovering overlooked authors, amending past oversights, reflecting new areas of critical inquiry, and preserving the national literary tradition. Their treatment also reveals the effect of larger critical concerns, such as alignment with dominant visions of the nation, considerations of genre, and reassessments of past views. The dissertation shows that the anthology is a carefully constructed, culturally valuable work that plays an important role in literary criticism and canon formation and is a genre worthy of careful scrutiny.

The thesis explores the evolution of Chinese travel journalism since 1978, the year China launched its economic reforms and opened to the international community and examines its role in facilitating social changes. Discussion is based on texts from the print, television and online media. Four case studies illustrate how Chinese media are influenced by the state, the market and readerships. The central argument of this thesis is that Chinese travel journalism has established itself as a recognised genre of popular journalism due to rapid growth in tourism along with market-driven reforms. Travel journalism has developed within the official media (the Party press), negotiated media (commercially oriented) and flexible (online) media. These divisions promote a range of information, advice and discussion available to travellers and tourists. In the case of the official media, the information is framed by concerns to regulate; in the case of the negotiated media, there is more scope for commercial promotions; the flexible online media allows non-professional participation. As such, the development of travel journalism reflects the evolution of Chinese media from a propaganda institution to a modernising media industry, and more recently, to a platform for personal expression and alternative voices. The government support for the development of the tourism market has been a strong spur for the growth of travel journalism, and the discourses of Chinese modernisation are carried through the popularisation of travel as a subject in the media. Chinese travel journalism provides advice on social conduct for travellers, both in domestic and international situations, and it influences national self-perceptions and international outlook. Developing in the broader context of social, economic and cultural changes, travel journalism provides a valuable gauge for the study of transformations in Chinese society and Chinese lifestyles.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:39:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3503.pdf: 525283 bytes, checksum: bfb4d66f7d01145cac6857205dc7c328 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-26 / The present work presents a subordinate reading of Os Sertões of Euclides da Cunha also informed for sources of the Brazilian social thought and the incursion in the historical archives on the episode of Canudos. This at the beginning crystallized a true moral panic of the Republic. Euclides of the Wedge told the revolt of Canudos as a shock between races where the miscegenation gained a fincado historical clipping in the binary division of the Brazilian society in caboclos x mulatos (or interior x the coast). One underlines the panic that account of the Brazilian society with regard to the racial mixture between whites and blacks took and the fear moral of that the life in the cities would be a degenerative threat for our nationality. From this division racial of the society established for Euclides - and endorsed for intellectuals, politicians and artists in the consolidation of the Republic - the hinterland and its people if consecrate as the place and the citizens of a genuine nationality. This allowed, also, that the others were established, the undesirable one in the formation of the Brazilian nationality. / O presente trabalho apresenta uma leitura subalterna de Os Sertões de Euclides da Cunha informada também por fontes do pensamento social brasileiro e da incursão nos arquivos históricos sobre o episódio de Canudos. Este cristalizou um verdadeiro pânico moral no início da República. Euclides da Cunha relatou a revolta de Canudos como um choque entre raças em que a miscigenação ganhou um recorte histórico fincado na divisão binária da sociedade brasileira em caboclos x mulatos (ou interior x litoral). Sublinha-se o pânico moral que tomou conta da sociedade brasileira com relação à mistura racial entre brancos e negros e o temor de que a vida nas cidades seria uma ameaça degenerativa para nossa nacionalidade. A partir dessa divisão racial da sociedade estabelecida por Euclides - e endossada por intelectuais, políticos e artistas na consolidação da República - o sertão e sua gente se consagram como o lugar e os sujeitos de uma nacionalidade genuína. Isto permitiu, também, que se estabelecessem os outros, os indesejáveis na formação da nacionalidade brasileira.

This thesis examines elements of the conceptualization of literature within literary studies and literary production in a UK context, considering the concept of exclusionary practices based on the negligence of intersectional categories of identity such as race, gender, class, sexuality, etc., in the practice of understanding and interpreting literature. The methodologies I employ are close reading of various narratives, such as literary texts, as well as a narrative analysis aimed at a holistic understanding of my material. The second part of this thesis envisions a decolonised approach to literature in which we situate our positionalities when we read and interpret literary works. I demonstrate this through the analysis of several poems, informed by decolonial concepts and sensibilities. The results show that the maintenance of these exclusionary practices advances a grand-narrative of Western civilisation, ignoring the multiple sites people inhabit both from within, and outside, the West and that these practices are effectively harmful. I argue that through the project of decolonising literature there is a possibility of disrupting the perpetual macro-narrative of Western domination and universality.