Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-04-05T19:02:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Valter Angelo da Silva Junior.pdf: 36791695 bytes, checksum: 273ed695189827b6fb638d73013560f2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-05T19:02:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Valter Angelo da Silva Junior.pdf: 36791695 bytes, checksum: 273ed695189827b6fb638d73013560f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-05 / CAPES / This thesis addresses the topic of geopolitical power calculations from the Chinese perspective. A unique aspect of China's assessment of this subject is the use of an analytical tool called "Comprehensive National Power" (CNP) which aims to measure the power of countries and to rank them according to the results found. This Chinese method evaluation, in most of its variations, emphasizes political power as the basis of state power, as well as considering that these units are responsible for the configuration and definition of the International System, not the opposite the other way around. By doing so, it visualizes international relations from a different parameter of Western mainstream approaches, which are mostly based on material power and the power of structure constraint. This dissertation deals with this matter by contextualizing the reader from the initial theoretical foundations on state power and power in the Chinese context, in the presentation of the various CNP versions in China, and, finally, using the analysis method of Yan Xuetong (2008;2011) to evaluate the evolution of China's CNP in the Hu Jintao period (2003-2013). In this way, the thesis presents the relations between China's action - in the established time interval - and the CNP, aiming to identify how the country uses this in the assessment of the International System. / Esta dissertação aborda o tema de cálculos de poder geopolítico a partir da perspectiva chinesa. Um aspecto singular da avaliação da China a respeito deste tema é a utilização de uma ferramenta analítica chamada “Comprehensive National Power” (CNP) que objetiva mensurar o poder dos países e hierarquizá-los a partir dos resultados encontrados. Este método de avaliação chinês, na maioria de suas variações, enfatiza o poder político como a base do poder de um Estado, além de considerar os que estas unidades são responsáveis pela configuração e definição do Sistema Internacional, não o movimento contrário. Desta maneira visualiza as relações internacionais a partir de um parâmetro diferente das abordagens ocidentais de mainstream, baseadas no poder material e no poder do constrangimento da estrutura. A presente dissertação aborda esta matéria contextualizando o leitor desde os fundamentos teóricos iniciais sobre poder e poder estatal no contexto chinês, na apresentação das diferentes versões do CNP da China, e, por fim, utilizando o método de análise de Yan Xuetong (2008; 2011) para avaliar a evolução do CNP da China no período Hu Jintao (2003-2013). Desse modo, o trabalho apresenta as relações entre a ação da China no interregno temporal estabelecido e o CNP, objetivando identificar de que maneira o país utiliza desta ferramenta em sua avaliação do Sistema Internacional.

This composition was written in an effort to test a framework set forth by a group of researchers from the Rand Corporation. Measuring National Power in the Postindustrial Age is a book by Ashley J. Tellis, Janice Bially, Christopher Layne, and Melissa McPherson written with the specific goal of providing a detailed framework that would be useful to the United States' intelligence agencies as they attempt to determine which states will likely become prominent actors on the international stage, and the broader goal of allowing an evaluation of one or two countries rather than a mere rank ordering of states based on traditional uni-or multivariate approaches to measuring national power. The testing of the framework was achieved through the use of two case studies: India and Pakistan. It becomes clear, after using the two case study countries to test the framework, that the framework is an excellent way to organize the collection of data toward the ends listed above, but that the framework has limitations pertaining to the ability to actually gather all of the data necessary to successfully fulfill its requirements. The complex nature of the framework made for an exhaustive search for data and information dealing with India and Pakistan but ultimately allowed for reasonable assessment of national power in the two countries, not in the sense of which one was definitively more or less powerful, but rather, in a way that allows for the assessment of areas of strength and weakness country that a country may have. / Master of Arts

O resgate e a atualização do conceitos clássicos da geopolítica e da teoria das relações internacionais quanto a Poder Nacional e Grande Estratégia são o ponto de partida do trabalho. Há uma densa e multifacética elaboração conceitual a respeito, de autores nacionais e internacionais, que se relaciona com desafios brasileiros contemporâneos tendo em vista agregar atributos de poder no sistema internacional, tendo em vista seus objetivos nacionais de realização das potencialidades nacionais e do primado do desenvolvimento para um país com as características do Brasil. Neste sentido, após a revisão conceitual e a análise das grandes tendências do cenário internacional, discutir-se-á atributos brasileiros visando adquirir condição de potência. Como conclusão, o estudo busca relacionar estes debates aos documentos oficiais recentes publicados na área de Defesa Nacional que esboçam a visão geopolítica e estratégica contemporânea do Brasil. / National Power and High Strategy are the starting point of this thesis for what we present a rescue and an updating of the classical concepts of geopoliticas and international relations theory. There is a dense and conceptualy multifaceted elaboration on this subject by national and international authors wich is related to contemporary brazilian chalenges. For a country with the brazilian´s characteristics, in a way of realizing it´s national potentialities and the primacy of development, is important to add attributes of power in the international system. After the conceptual review and the analysis of the great tendencies of the international scenario the Brazilian attributes are discussed aiming to acquire power condition. As a matter of conclusion the study seeks to relate these debates to the recent official documents published in the area of National Defense to outline the contemporary geopolitical and strategic vision of Brazil.

O resgate e a atualização do conceitos clássicos da geopolítica e da teoria das relações internacionais quanto a Poder Nacional e Grande Estratégia são o ponto de partida do trabalho. Há uma densa e multifacética elaboração conceitual a respeito, de autores nacionais e internacionais, que se relaciona com desafios brasileiros contemporâneos tendo em vista agregar atributos de poder no sistema internacional, tendo em vista seus objetivos nacionais de realização das potencialidades nacionais e do primado do desenvolvimento para um país com as características do Brasil. Neste sentido, após a revisão conceitual e a análise das grandes tendências do cenário internacional, discutir-se-á atributos brasileiros visando adquirir condição de potência. Como conclusão, o estudo busca relacionar estes debates aos documentos oficiais recentes publicados na área de Defesa Nacional que esboçam a visão geopolítica e estratégica contemporânea do Brasil. / National Power and High Strategy are the starting point of this thesis for what we present a rescue and an updating of the classical concepts of geopoliticas and international relations theory. There is a dense and conceptualy multifaceted elaboration on this subject by national and international authors wich is related to contemporary brazilian chalenges. For a country with the brazilian´s characteristics, in a way of realizing it´s national potentialities and the primacy of development, is important to add attributes of power in the international system. After the conceptual review and the analysis of the great tendencies of the international scenario the Brazilian attributes are discussed aiming to acquire power condition. As a matter of conclusion the study seeks to relate these debates to the recent official documents published in the area of National Defense to outline the contemporary geopolitical and strategic vision of Brazil.

The Asian renaissance in the twentieth first century, constituted by astronomical economic growth combined with the ambitious and authoritarian leadership of Xi Jinping's reign, has led China in the direction of proactive international policies. The South China Sea is one of the major arenas where such policies are taking place. This paper seeks to explain the case of  the Chinese expansionist initiative in the South China Sea through a case study with the structure of a systematic textual analysis. The study will further adopt the international political theory of realism as an explanatory model, which is commonly referred to as the most suited international political theory in explaining expansionist state behavior. Further concepts within the theoretical lens consist of; balance of power, regional hegemony and elements of national power. This paper finds that China seeks to militarize the South China Sea as an act of power-balancing towards the military presence of the U.S. The end-goal of the Chinese initiative is to establish regional hegemony in the region, where China seeks to dominate the waters in competitions with ASEAN states through the means of their maritime militia. Towards the United States, the effort of regional hegemony is mostly in the phase of verbal prompts and to some extent threatening. The initiative in the waters further serves to extract national elements of power, such as oil, natural gas and fishery to secure maintenance and growth of the Chinese nation.

In this thesis / Electromagnetic Compatibility (EMC) of Electric Power Quality Monitor developed within the scope of National Power Quality Project has been investigated according to EN 61326 standard. Both immunity and emission tests have been carried out in EMC laboratories of ELDAS and ASELSAN for the device under test. Necessary counter measures such as using electromagnetic interference (EMI) filters and transient voltage suppressors, shielding the case of device with EMI protective materials have been taken to satisfy the immunity and emission limits defined in the standard for the device, and their success have been verified by laboratory tests. This research work has been fully supported by Public Research Grant Committee (KAMAG) of T&Uuml / B&amp / #272 / TAK within the scope of National Power Quality Project (105G129).

The research aims at conducting Neoclassical Realist Foreign Policy Analysis of EU's Eastern Partnership, to elicit the neoclassical realist reasons for EU's pragmatism in relations with Belarus. The reasons identified by the literature for EU's pragmatism in Belarus revolves around structural and domestic factors. However, it turns a blind eye to the influence of strategic culture in shaping the member state's security and political interests and EU's milieu goals in Belarus. The research, therefore, tries to address the gap, by tracing the influence of strategic culture as explained by Charles Kupchan, through the methodology of process tracing. It takes a broader view of strategic culture (official and public) in shaping the EU member states (Poland, Baltics, Germany, and France) security and political interests and its narrower concept, to explain the influence of post-modern EU strategic culture and civilian identity in shaping EU's milieu goals in Belarus. By elaborating the factors that shape the political, security, economic, and energy interests of the member states, and EU's milieu goals as well as the simultaneous impact of the process in which the influence of intervening variables shape the pragmatic preferences of the EU national power (the EU Parliament as represented by Poland, Baltic, France, and Germany) and foreign policy, the research tries to arrive at a comprehensive picture of the reasons for EU's pragmatism in Belarus. Which concludes that in the expansion of normative influence in Belarus EU's resort to pragmatic foreign policy is determined by the EU's national power. That has a preference for pragmaticism shaped by the different intervening variables, rather than EU's political moralism. If the EU Commission's milieu shaping agenda in Belarus jeopardize the interests of the member states i.e. the Polish-Baltic fears of Belarus becoming a Russian military outpost at their doorstep, the disruption of economic ties, and the Franco-German Russia first policy's drive for the engagement of Russia, it would be hindered by the opposition of its national power- the EU Parliament. The way open for EU's political moralism in Belarus rests in the reduced economic and energy dependence of its member states on Belarus and a minimized fear of the Russian bear hug of the borderlands. That can be achieved by acknowledging Russia's great power status, rather than viewing it as the EU's other to be transformed and an indigenous European security architecture replacing the transatlantic security mechanism. The study makes a contribution to the field of EU policy-making and implementation in Belarus.

地權結構的私有化是任何法治國家建立與資本主義化的基礎工程。然而對於台灣原住民族而言，卻是在被殖民的情境下完成的，如何去殖民色彩以及重建對土地所有權主體的事控，便是累次「還我土地運動」最主要的動員目標。本論文的主要研究目的，是希望藉由鄒族地權結構轉化的歷史過程，來了解國家與台灣原住民族關係的進程，尤其是有關土地財產權的執行過程；從而了解原住民自發性的還我土地運動，以便釐清這種關係糾葛的結果。因此從土地所有權的本質性探討，則是解決日益紛擾的原漠地權問題必經之途徑，本文第二章即是從鄒族傳統地權的內在結構，展開此一課題的論述。 　　「缺乏土地財產權」的觀念，是一般人對原住民族的基本認識，從社會文化的脈絡來理解，則可以澄清這個錯誤的刻板印象。地權制度原本就是國家或社會內對於土地利用和佔有的權利關係，它可以是國有制、公有與私有並存抑或是全為私有制。鄒族對於土地所有權的建立，主要是依據先佔原則來作為社會的規範，獵場、漁區、耕地與住地均是按此原則運作。以氏族為所有權之主體，執行管理與分配的共享性社會價值觀。居於大社宗家的氏族長老，往往由有能力者並且通曉社會規範的族人擔任，來管理氏族土地。在山田燒墾為主、漁獵為輔的經濟生活中，尚能與自然生態環境維持精巧性的平衡關係，然而，就在國家權力介入後，從而主導了鄒族傳統地權結構轉化為私有制的結果來。 　　鄒族地權結構的轉化，是本文第三章所要論述的主題。其導致變遷的主要動力來源是政治經濟的外力；而生產方式的改變則是變遷的機制所在。本文認為日本殖民統治的中晚期，時間約在一九三○年代左右，一方面因為與山田燒墾截然不同的生產方式--水稻耕作的引入，使得游耕方式逐漸地轉為定耕方式，衝擊原來氏族所有的地權結構之觀念；另一方面則是政府有計劃的規劃與執行私有財產權的結果。如此一來，政府得以「合法化」取得台灣廣大的山林資源，日據時期的高砂族保留地與光復後的山地保留地都顯露出這樣的目的與意義。在邁向全球資本主義化的浪潮裡，以及聯合國更加重視全球原住民族對土地的傳統權益之際，再加上原住民自我權益的覺醒，再再都促使政府必須重新思考在台灣的原住民土地權利的問題。 　　總之，經過本文對鄒族傳統地權結構轉化的了解，所提出的個人意見是，近程目標須落實地方自治的精神，遠程則希望對於原住民的居住地，能夠實踐民族自治區的理想，如此不僅擺脫過去同化的政策，建立尊重多元文化共存共相融的理念，也符應了一九九三年聯合國所提出新階段的國家與原住民的關係。

「中國崛起」是國際社會在討論中共1990年代以來的變化所使用的概念。影響臺灣國家安全的因素雖然很多，但中共政權始終是臺灣國家安全的最大威脅，「中共崛起」後，伴隨其綜合國力的成長，及其擴張的戰略企圖，臺灣問題已經從以往民族情感的統一需求，提升為中共向外擴張的戰略需求，而造成臺灣在安全方面的更大挑戰。 雖然世人對「中國崛起」是否成為威脅的看法分歧，現實主義者認為他是潛在的威脅，主張藉由赫阻等手段維持權力平衡；自由主義者認為讓中國接受國際機制規範，可降低與之發生軍事衝突的可能；建構主義者認為與中國正面的互動會走向和平，但負面的互動會走向衝突；但就臺灣的安全而言，在中共不放棄以武力犯臺的原則下，中共的和平宣示、現實主義、自由主義、乃至建構主義對「中國崛起」的看法與主張，只能當作臺灣在策定國家安全戰略的分析與參考，畢竟中國是否為「和平崛起」需要經過諸多檢驗，臺海安全只能當作國際上對中共行為與和平宣示的驗證；就臺灣本身而言，我們必須堅信中共是我們最大的安全威脅來源。 本文的論述主要從中共崛起的戰略意涵及中共對於未來的戰略企圖，從軍事、經濟、政治、文化層面，解構中共崛起後，臺灣安全威脅的變化，分析臺灣如何在「中共崛起」、「國際、區域」局勢更迭中，從國際、兩岸關係、臺灣內部的軍事、經濟、政治、文化層面，建立臺灣應有的認知共識，與具體的戰略思考。以選擇臺灣「避戰爭之兇、趨和平之吉」的最好方法。 / Many of the ideas of the rise of the PRC come from the new security concept, which was formulated by thinktanks in the international comunnity in the mid-1990s. Concerning unification, China is the single most threat to Taiwan’s survival. Spatial expansion, a result of rising China, is gathering momentum to impact Taiwan security. There are controversial arguments. Rationalist argues that China need to be contained through deterrence. Liberalist argues that in order to reduce potential conflict, China can be tampered through international norms. Constructionist argues that China could be bad or behaving boy. Regarding Taiwan security, these arguments are irrelevant to contemporary Taiwan security. As long as China not to exclude the possibility to use force in the unification, China is the single most threat against Taiwan. Regarding Rising China, this paper exams its implications and her strategic intentions. Finally, facing the threat this article tries to find the most feasible strategy in the regional/global environment with economic, political, military, cultural considerations.