This thesis examines for the first time the impact of steel nationalisation during the 1945-1951 Labour Governments across five key fields of study: The Labour Party, the Conservative Party, the Iron and Steel Trades Confederation (ISTC), the British Iron and Steel Federation (BISF), and disaffected ex-Labour MP Alfred Edwards. It assesses the trajectory of nationalisation in the Labour movement and the impact of the policy on divisions within the Labour Party both inside and outside of the Cabinet. The thesis also examines three previously unexplored opposition campaigns waged against steel nationalisation by the Conservatives, the BISF, and Alfred Edwards, who was expelled from the Labour Party for his resistance to the nationalisation of steel. Although there have been many works published on Attlee’s Labour Governments, only two have explicitly concentrated on steel nationalisation (Ross, 1965, McEachern, 1980). Moreover, these works fail to examine the impact of the policy upon the five case studies assessed in this work. The thesis complements the limited secondary literature with extensive archival research in each of the five areas examined. Through these investigations it is argued that steel nationalisation was the crucial ideological divide between the two major political parties in this period. Labour advocated the nationalisation of steel due to prior inefficiency and monopoly within the industry. Whereas, the Conservatives believed that the steel industry was neither a failing industry nor a public utility and that these factors presented a critical watershed between nationalisation for ideological purposes and, as had been argued in other industries, nationalisation out of economic necessity. Labour’s pursuit of steel nationalisation resulted in the largest anti-Government vote of Attlee’s 1945-1950 administration, led to heated debates within the Labour Party – highlighted by serious Cabinet disagreements over the policy, and 143 Labour MPs signing a petition demanding the immediate nationalisation of steel in 1947 - and caused major opposition groups to fight large scale anti-nationalisation campaigns against the Labour Government. The study of these Parliamentary and public debates surrounding the nationalisation of steel offers significant and original insights into the Labour Governments of 1945-1951.

Many forums have been recently organised in South Africa to discuss the level of State intervention in the minerals sector, the expropriation of private mining companies, and the transfer of mineral wealth to the people. The objective of this research was to explore the possible impact that the nationalisation and the introduction of a resource rent tax will have on the capability of platinum mining companies to create sustainable employment while remaining profitable in South Africa.The research was qualitative and exploratory in nature. The sampling frame included major platinum group metals companies, which constitute an industry concentration of more than 50 per cent. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 13 senior managers and executives from the platinum mining industry.The results have shown that nationalisation of platinum mines, where the government has total ownership or majority control of the company, will not create sustainable employment in South Africa. In addition, nationalisation of mines will isolate South Africa from external capital because private investors have been reluctant to put their money where mining companies were nationalised, especially in Africa. Although the introduction of a resource rent tax may be viable in a short term, it is believed that the competitiveness of mining companies operating in South Africa will be compromised. / Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS) / unrestricted

Thesis (M.Com. (Taxation))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, School of Accountancy, 2014. / Cannot copy abstract

Cette thèse porte sur les relations franco-algériennes en matière d’hydrocarbure pendant la période 1962-1971. Huit ans après le début de la guerre, l’Algérie accède à l’indépendance. Le pétrole saharien, une des raisons du prolongement du conflit, appartient désormais à la jeune nation. Toutefois, les sociétés pétrolières françaises qui disposent d’un quasi-monopole sur l’industrie des hydrocarbures sauvegardent leurs nombreux avantages accordés à l’époque coloniale. Or, les accords d’Évian de mars 1962 qui garantissent aux sociétés françaises ces avantages sont remis en cause par les dirigeants du Front de libération nationale réunis en congrès quelques mois plus tard à Tripoli. En effet, la nationalisation des hydrocarbures figure parmi les objectifs du parti au pouvoir. L’adoption de la voie socialiste et le départ de la majorité de la population européenne d’Algérie compromettent la stratégie française qui vise à sauvegarder le plus longtemps possible une source de pétrole payable en franc. La thèse répond à la question suivante : quelles stratégies la France va-t- elle adopter pour réussir sa politique de désengagement progressif ? Pour répondre à cette problématique, cette recherche est fondée sur une démarche chronologique. Cette approche permet de mettre en valeur l’évolution des relations pétrolières franco-algériennes de 1962 à 1971. Les sources sont essentiellement les archives du groupe pétrolier TOTAL et celles du Quai d’Orsay. À ces documents qui nous renseignent sur le point de vue français s’ajoutent les archives personnelles du ministre algérien de l’Industrie et de l’Énergie, Belaïd Abdesselam. La thèse démontre qu’à partir du début des années 1960, l’objectif principal de la France est de diversifier ses sources d’approvisionnement et d’atténuer sa dépendance vis-à-vis de l’Algérie. Les ressources en provenance du Sahara sont donc destinées à servir ce projet. En outre, la thèse atteste que les sociétés pétrolières françaises s’investissent le moins possible en Algérie à partir de la seconde moitié des années 1960. Finalement, elle met en évidence les limites de la stratégie pétrolière française de diversification. / After an eight-year war, Algeria gained full independence. Saharan oil, a major reason for the extension of the war, became the property of the new independent republic. On the other hand, French petroleum companies, which had a quasi-monopoly over the oil industry, kept their former privileges. Nevertheless, the Evian Accords of March 1962, which guaranteed these privileges, were challenged by the new Algerian authorities meeting in Tripoli, Libya, a few months later. This was in line with the will of the Algerian governing party to nationalize the gas and oil industry. Finally the adoption of the socialist path by the new leadership, in addition to the departure of the majority of the European population, compromised the French strategy to keep control of Saharan supplies, the more so that they were payable in French francs. This thesis asks the following question: what strategies did France adopt to safeguard its interests in anticipation of the nationalization of the oil industry it considered inevitable? A chronological approach makes it possible to show the evolution of Franco-Algerian relation in the field of oil between 1962 and 1971. Sources are mainly the archives of the French petroleum company TOTAL and the French Foreign Affairs ministry. For the Algerian side, it makes uses of the personal archives of the Algerian minister of industry and energy at the time, Abdesselam Belaïd. The dissertation demonstrates that, starting from the beginning of 1960’s, the main goal of France was to diversify its sources of supply and to diminish its dependency towards Algerian oil. Saharan resources were part of the strategy. In addition, this research shows that, starting in the middle of the 1960’s, French petroleum companies diminished their level of engagement in Algeria to the minimum. Finally, the thesis highlights the limits of the French strategy of diversification of its oil supply.

The following study is an attempt to comprehend the impact that the Canadian-United States border along the forty-ninth parallel had on the Plains Metis between 1869 and 1885, and how members of this community continued to manipulate the border to meet their own objectives. From the 1860s to 1880s, state definitions of Metis status, as well as government recognition and non-recognition of Metis identity, had a profound impact on the Plains Metis. Imposed state classifications and statuses limited the choices of many to enter treaty, be recognised as a citizen, or reside in a partiuclar country. The implementation of these status definitions began after 1875 when the enforcement of the international boundary began in earnest, and it was this endforcement that represented the beginnings of the colonisation of the Plains Metis. / History

No description available.

Sweden is one of the heaviest milk consuming countries in the world. The milk- and dairy ‘giant’ Arla, is the largest distributing company of milk- and dairy in Sweden. Since, 1975 Arla began to use the back of their own milk packages as a channel for advertisement, facts, and information. These milk panels have since, been distributed to generations of Swedes. In this thesis I explore the conversations Arla have been mediating through these panels and further how historical and contemporary debates have influenced and altered the conversations conveyed. Inspired by social semiotic theory, I approach the panels to analyse how language and societal debates changes have shaped discourses on the panels, but also how the panel's comments on and reshapes societal debates. The study has been confined study to five years, 1976, 1986, 1996, 2006 and 2016. In order to retrieve and analyse the empirical material I used discourse analysis (or as I prefer to call conversation analysis). The theoretical framework builds on ideas of modernisation using three key theories, Social semiotics, propaganda theory and also theories on nationalism. In the empirical findings of my study, I have distinguished key conversations which I think represent the material as well as societal and contemporary debates. The material shows that Arla on the on hand continue on a tradition of milk marketing in terms of subjects and themes appearing on the panels. On the other hand, Arla is also constantly reinventing themselves in their marketing adjusting to the debates and trends in society.

This paper investigates, as its main question, the probable impact of nationalising the private shareholding of the South African Reserve Bank (SARB). A sub-question is first posed in order to answer the main question. The sub-question is: are the shareholders of the SARB the owners of the Bank and what are their rights and obligations? In a nationalisation scenario the rights and obligations of the shareholders will cease to exist. Therefore, it is essential first to determine all the rights and obligations of the shareholders when measuring the impact of nationalising the SARB private shareholding. The paper uses the A.M. Honoré legal test of ownership to determine whether the shareholders of a South African listed company and the SARB shareholders, can be viewed as the owners of the respective entities. That legal test indicated that the shareholders of a JSE- listed corporation satisfy very few of the legal incidents of ownership and the SARB shareholders satisfied none. Consequently, from a legal point of view, shareholders of the SARB are not its owners. By analysing, critically, the historic data concerning share price growth and share liquidity for the SARB, and what the possible expropriation compensation might be, this paper seeks to determine if profit is a ii motive for owning SARB shares. Profit was not found to be a motive for owning those shares. The motive of shareholders in owning SARB shares can potentially reveal undisclosed shareholder rights and obligations. The AGM of the SARB is also observed to determine if any undisclosed shareholder rights and obligations exist. No unusual rights and obligations were determined except a close relationship between the commercial bank shareholders and the SARB. The SARB shareholder rights and obligations are in accordance with the South African Reserve Bank Act and Regulations. After the sub-question is answered and a complete set of shareholder rights and obligations are determined, the operational, financial and corporate governance effect of nationalising the South African Reserve Bank is discussed. If it is assumed that the directors and Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) can continue with the same degree of autonomy, then nationalising the private shareholding of the SARB will have no significant financial, operational and corporate governance effect on the Bank. This paper suggests that the true motive for requesting the nationalisation of the SARB private shareholding, is the desire to nationalise the ability of commercial banks to create the nation’s money supply.

Entre 1780 et 1860 en Europe, la géographie se structure peu à peu en champ scientifique et académique indépendant, et particulièrement en France, Prusse et Grande-Bretagne. Au même moment dans ces trois pays européens, des géographes travaillent à ce que leur champ soit enfin considéré comme une science à part entière, au même titre par exemple que l'histoire ou les mathématiques. Ils construisent leur champ à la faveur d'un renouvellement profond de ses principes institutionnels et épistémologiques, selon un processus similaire dans ces trois sphères. Ils organisent progressivement les connaissances géographiques selon une exigence de scientificité, dont ils discutent les modalités. Ce processus de construction à la fois scientifique et disciplinaire est profondément marqué par l'héritage des Lumières et l'esprit universaliste, mais, parallèlement, il se trouve également influencé et informé par le contexte politique. Entre 1785 et 1860, les savoirs géographiques sont en effet investis d'une valeur stratégique grandissante : ils jouent un rôle majeur dans les idéologies politiques des États et également dans les actions politiques menées. En interrogeant conjointement les champs du politique et des savoirs géographiques, cette thèse ainsi à mettre en évidence en quoi le processus de montée en discipline des savoirs géographiques engagé simultanément en France, en Prusse et en Grande-Bretagne se trouve fondamentalement en tension entre, d'une part, une exigence universaliste portée à l'échelle européenne par le champ scientifique et, d'autre part, la nationalisation progressive des savoirs géographiques. / Between 1780 et 1860, geography tends to become a full scientific field in Europe, built thanks to renewed institutional and academic principles, especially in France, Prussia and Great Britain. t the same time in these three European countries, geographers expect that their field will be finally considered as a proper science, compared for instance to history or mathematics. In order to complete this aim, they gradually organise geographical knowledge according to scientific patterns. The French, Prussian and British spheres are affected by a similar process. This scientific and academic construction of a proper geographical field is influenced by a universalistic spirit, inherited from the European Enlightenment, but also deeply affected by the political context. Between 1785 and 1860, geographical knowledge is recognised as strategic : it plays a major role in the politics of the states and, therefore, in the organisation of the different policies developed in this period. By questionning at the same time the field of geography and the field of politics and policy, this thesis intends to highlight how the process of academic and scientific construction of geography engaged at the same time in France, Prussia and Great-Britain is essentially in a position of tension between a demand of universalism and the progressiv nationalisation of geographical knowledge.

L’investissement étranger est considéré aujourd’hui comme un facteur clé voire une valeur ajoutée à même de faciliter le développement de l’État d’accueil. Ainsi, l'État congolais mise sur l’amélioration de son arsenal juridique interne dont l’objectif consiste à attirer de nombreux investisseurs et investissements étrangers sur son territoire. Pour ce faire, des réformes tendant à l’amélioration de principaux textes juridiques applicables directement ou indirectement en matière d’admission et de sécurisation des investissements étrangers afin de se conformer aux standards internationaux deviennent une obsession pour cet État, dont la finalité demeure : la valorisation de ses ressources naturelles notamment le cobalt, le germanium et la colombo-tantalite etc. très souvent inexploitées et utile à même de servir à la production des batteries pour les voitures électriques. Il serait donc nécessaire désormais que le contrôle de l’État souverain sur ses ressources naturelles considérées comme des minerais stratégiques soit davantage renforcé et que le contentieux en matière d’investissement soit confié à des entités qui prennent en compte l’intérêt général au détriment des arbitrages sous l’égide des arbitres privés, défendant les intérêts privés. Ainsi, la création d’un Centre international africain de règlement des différends pourrait être profitable notamment en permettant aux experts africains - tant arbitres qu’avocats - d’être plus présents dans le cadre des procédures impliquant leurs États d’origine / Foreign investment is now considered a key factor or even an added value that can facilitate the development of the host country. Thus, the Congolese State is focusing on improving its domestic legal arsenal, the objective of which is to attract many foreign investors and investments to its territory. To this end, reforms aimed at improving the main legal texts directly or indirectly applicable to the admission and security of foreign investments in order to comply with international standards are becoming an obsession for this State, the purpose of which remains: the development of its natural resources, in particular cobalt, germanium and colombo-tantalite etc., which are very often unexploited and useful for the production of batteries for electric cars. It would therefore now be necessary for the sovereign State to strengthen its control over its natural resources considered as strategic minerals and for investment litigation to be entrusted to entities that take into account the general interest to the detriment of arbitrations under the aegis of private arbitrators, defending private interests. Thus, the creation of an African International Dispute Resolution Centre could be beneficial, in particular by allowing African experts - both arbitrators and lawyers - to be more present in proceedings involving their States of origin