Global ETD Search

1	Exhumation : a novel and critical commentary Dhingra, Leena January 2001 (has links) No description available. 823 Indian Nationalist movement
2	The Mujib Regime in Bangladesh, 1972-75 : an analysis of its problems and performance Ahmed, Aftab Uddin January 1983 (has links) The thesis aims to elucidate the factors which made it possible for the triumphant Bangalee nationalist movement expressed by the Awami League (AL) under the leadership of Mujib to fall from power and popular favour in the short space of three and half years. This entails some consideration of background features such as: Bangalee nationalism, the character of the AL, the legacies of the liberation war experience. Mainly, it calls for an inspection of the operations of various elements of the political system during the three and half years. The key element was the AL, dominant party from the moment of the emergence of the State. Therefore,· an examination of the AL and its affiliated organizations in the post-liberation period especially the working of the party at the local level had to be undertaken. The political system within which the AL functioned was in some degree one of its own making and attention therefore has to be given to the making (and changing) of the Constitution. At the same time, the AL though representative of the original nationalist movement, failed to win over the allegiance of all elements and thus opposition parties have to be examined to see what contributions they made to the direction of events. The bureaucracy becomes an important element in the polity during the three and half years and the army brings about the fall of the regime in 1975; the features of each of these institutions are set out in order to explain their roles. And finally an evaluation has been made of the performance of the government and its management of the various problems. The major findings of the study are as follows: Firstly, the factors antecedent to 1972 become manifest in the government and the party. Quite broad categories of people unaccustomed to administration shared the increasing expectations that were created by the nationalist movement especially in the course of the liberation war. But these expectations were disappointed. A period of total disillusionment followed due to the behaviour of those in power. Secondly, the disappointment of the people can not be attributed to any weakness that was inherent in Bangladesh. It can only be attributed to the failure of the ruling party. The actual conduct of the party and the government failed to mobilize and secure the support of the disillusioned. The AL which was a party of the urban middle class and the rural 'haves' found itself relying more heavily on certain richer peasants and did not seriously strive to cultivate the industrial workers. Thirdly, the AL was unable to exert political control. Its response and that of the government to popular resentment was expressed through the increasing use of force and strengthening of the institutions of force. This led to the isolation of the regime and it increasingly relied on the bureaucracy and the army. Thus an anomaly was created by drawing in the bureaucracy and the army into a system which had been designed as parliamentary democracy. The anomaly was removed by bringing about the fall of the regime and instituting direct military rule. 320
3	The Anglo-Iraqi Relationship Between 1945 and 1948. Alburaas, Theyab M. 12 1900 (has links) This paper discuses the British Labour government's social, economic and military policies in Iraq between 1945 and 1948. The ability of the Iraqi monarchy to adapt to the British policies after World War II is discussed. The British were trying to put more social justice into the Iraqi regime in order to keep British influence and to increase the Iraqi regime's stability against the Arab nationalist movement. British Labour Arab nationalist movement relationship 1945 Iraqi monarchy
4	The evolution of Turkish nationalism between 1904 and 1980 Limoncuoglu, Alihan January 2015 (has links) This study aims to look at the discourse and development of Turkish Nationalism. This is done through focusing on four well known thinkers of Turkish Nationalism. In this dissertation, works, actions, discourse and legacies of Mehmet Ziya Gokalp, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Huseyin Nihal Atsiz and Alparslan Turkes are looked at using textual analysis and an ethno-symbolist approach. Through this work the family relation between these thinkers and the boundaries of Turkish Nationalism can be understood. Ziya Gokalp, as the 'father' of the Ideological Turkish Nationalism, has laid the foundation for nationalists after him and his ideas have been instrumental in the setting up of the Republic of Turkey. Gokalp by setting up the three ideals; "To be more Turk, to be more Islamic and to be more modern" has set the tone for the rest of the century for Turkish Nationalism. Kemal Ataturk was the founder of Modern Turkey and was also a nationalist, as a result he implemented many policies that were highly nationalistic. His legacy continues to live on but can be interpreted differently by different people. Nihal Atsiz affected Turkish Nationalism in a very different manner. Instead of having a long term ideological effect he gave 'soul' to nationalism through his literary work and his rich usage of imagery. After him, Alparslan Turkes' struggle in a tumultuous time in Turkey and Turkish Nationalism as a competing ideology in Turkish politics is viewed. This work also takes a look at mainstream political currents in Turkey and nationalists' relations with them and the critique of Turkish Nationalism and Turkish Nationalists, and from the findings of this research, it can be speculated that there are three mainstream political movements, contrary to widely believed two. This can be best personified by the three pashas of the Turkish Independence War; Ismet Inonu, Kazim Karabekir and Fevzi Cakmak. The findings of this research shows that there is a family relation between the four thinkers and despite that there have been some slight differences the discourse and the activities of Turkish Nationalism has stayed on one course. 320.5409561
5	Faith in the Nation: Examining the Contributions of Eritrean Muslims in the Nationalist Movement, 1946-1961 Venosa, Joseph L. 29 September 2007 (has links) No description available. History, African Eritrea Nationalist Movement Islam Moslem League British Military Administration
6	Kalki’s Avatars: writing nation, history, region, and culture in the Tamil Public Sphere Ramnarayan, Akhila 14 September 2006 (has links) No description available. Tamil literature Postcolonial Postcolonial theory Postcolonial feminism Indian nationalist movement South Asia Tamil language and literature Tamil public sphere
7	From Transcendentalism to Progressivism: The Making of an American Reformer, Abby Morton Diaz (1821-1904). Cro, Ann B. 06 May 2006 (has links) (PDF) Author and activist Abby Morton Diaz (1821-1904) was a member of the Brook Farm Transcendental community from 1842 until it folded in 1847. Although critics have long recognized that Brook Farm played a role in Diaz's intellectual preparation, they have not attempted to demonstrate its influence through a study of her writings. In this study I will examine in detail two of Diaz's novels and two long essays, with passing references to other works, that reveal how the utopian socialism practiced at Brook Farm influenced Diaz as a writer and reformer. In all her writings Diaz emphasized the importance of education for women so that they may successfully fulfill their roles as wives, mothers, and their children's first teachers. Her philosophy is reflected in the reform initiatives she supported: the Women's Educational and Industrial Union and the Nationalist Party. Abby Morton Diaz Transcendentalism Brook Farm Transcendentalism Women's Educational and Industrial Union Nationalist Movement Arts and Humanities Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Women's Studies
8	La création d’un État de facto au Kurdistan irakien : un gain qui divise Grondin, Maxime 08 1900 (has links) En 1991, suite à la fin de la deuxième guerre du Golfe, un État de facto a été établi au Kurdistan irakien. Cette mutation d’un acteur contestataire kurde en un État de facto s’est avérée un gain sans précédent pour le « mouvement nationaliste kurde ». Néanmoins, malgré son importance historique, ce gain d’autonomie ne permit pas pour autant de dépasser les divisions présentes au sein du mouvement nationaliste kurde. Ce mémoire tente ainsi de comprendre les raisons du maintien de ces divisions. L’hypothèse proposée est que la raison pour laquelle la création d’un État de facto kurde en Irak n’a pas permis de dépasser les divisions du mouvement nationaliste est que ce dernier a poursuivi un projet de construction étatique similaire aux États de facto. Pour vérifier cette hypothèse, la recherche fait le lien entre la littérature sur les États de facto, le comportement du Kurdistan irakien et les divisions du mouvement nationaliste kurde. La recherche démontre dans un premier temps que la poursuite d’un projet de construction étatique a amené le Kurdistan irakien à prioriser sa légitimation interne plutôt que l’unité du mouvement nationaliste kurde. Elle démontre dans un deuxième temps qu’afin de réaliser ce projet, le Kurdistan irakien a employé des stratégies externes qui ont nui au reste du mouvement nationaliste kurde. / In 1991, following the end of the Second Gulf War, a de facto state has been established in Iraqi Kurdistan. This transformation of a protest actor into a de facto state has been an unprecedented gain for the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». However, despite his historic importance, this gain has failed to overtake divisions within the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». This thesis attempts to identity the reasons why the divisions have not faded away. The assumption is that the reason why these divisions have not been overtaken is because Iraqi Kurdistan has pursued a state-building project similar to those of de facto states. To test this hypothesis, this research links de facto state’s literature, Iraqi Kurdistan behaviour and the divisions of the « Kurdish nationalist movement ». This thesis first demonstrate that this project has led Iraqi Kurdistan to establish other priorities that the « Kurdish nationalist movement » unity. It then shows that to realize this state-building project, Iraqi Kurdistan has used external strategies that have affected the rest of the movement. Kurdistan Kurdistan irakien Kurdistan d’Irak Kurde État de facto Légitimité Légitimation Construction étatique Mouvement nationaliste Nationalisme Iraqi Kurdistan Kurds Kurdish De facto state Legitimization Legitimacy State-building Nationalist movement Nationalism
9	La politique mandataire britannique en Irak : à la recherche d'un « principe d'accord » : le traitement du mouvement nationalitaire kurde dans la wilaya de Mossoul, 1918-1926 / British policies in Iraq : in the search of a « principle of agreement » : the treatment of the kurdish nationalist movement in the Mosul vilayat, 1918-1926 Arikanli, Zeynep 25 January 2016 (has links) Ce travail se concentre sur comment un acteur justifierait ses actions dans des 'environnements hétérogènes et fragmentés. Le but est de démontrer qu’en l’absence d’un principe d’accord contraignant les actions des acteurs, les relations entre les partenaires d’action égaux basculeraient dans la polyarchie et celles entre les partenaires d’action inégaux basculeraient respectivement dans l’arrangement, la discorde et finalement, la violence. A cette fin, cette recherche se concentre sur les politiques mandataires britanniques en Irak à travers une étude de traitement du mouvement nationalitaire kurde dans la wilaya de Mossoul dans une période s’étendant du 30 octobre 1918 au 5 juin 1926. Le 30 octobre 1918 est la date à laquelle l’Armistice de Moudros a été signée entre les Alliés et l’Empire ottoman (à la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale) suite à laquelle les Britanniques occupèrent Mossoul. Le 5 juin 1926 correspond à la date de la signature du Traité d’Angora qui devait régler la question de la frontière turco-irakienne, connue aussi comme la Question de Mossoul / This study focuses on how an actor justifies its actions in heterogenous and fragmented environments. It aims at proving that in the absence of a principle of agreement constraning the actors’ actions, the relations between equal partners of action turn into polyarchy whilst those between inequal ones end in arrangement, contention and finally, violence. To this end, this research concentrates on the British mandatory policies in Iraq through the management of Kurdish nationalist movement in the wilaya of Mosul from 30rd October 1918 to 5th 1926. The 30rd October 1918 is the date of the signature of Armistice of Mudros between the Allies and the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War. It is in the aftermath of this armistice that the British occupied Mosul. In 5th 1926, Turkey and Great Britain signed the Treaty of Angora which settled the question of frontier between Turkey and Irak, a question which is also known as Question of Mosul Grande-Bretagne Irak Mossoul Wilaya Kurdes Mouvement nationalitaire Mandat Société des Nations Justification Principe d’accord Critique Accord Arrangement Discorde Polyarchie Nomos Formes de grandeur Référentiel Great Britain Iraq Mosul Wilaya Kurds Nationalist movement Mandate Ligue of Nations Justification Principle of agreement Criticism Agreement Arrangement Contention Polyarchy Noms Forms of magnitude Baseline
10	Between Interest and Interventionism : Probing the Limits of Foreign Policy along the Tracks of an Extraordinary Case Study : The GDR's Engagement in South Yemen Muller, Miriam Manuela 13 March 2015 (has links) This case study is the first comprehensive analysis of the German Democratic Republic’s activities in South Yemen, the only Marxist state in the Arab World and at times the closest and most loyal ally to the Soviet Union in the Middle East during the Cold War. The dissertation analyzes East German Foreign Policy as a case of Socialist state- and nation-building and in doing so produces one major hypotheses: The case of South Yemen may be considered both, an ‘exceptional case’ and the possible ‘ideal type’ of the ‘general’ of East German foreign policy and thus points to what the GDR’s foreign policy could have been, if it hadn’t been for the numerous restraints of East German foreign-policy-making. The author critically engages with the normative and empirical dimensions of the ‘Limits of Foreign Policy’ by including a constructivist perspective of foreign policy. Apart from the case study itself, the dissertation provides the reader with a thorough overview of forty years of East German foreign policy with a focus on the interests and influence of The Soviet Union as well as the first introduction and methodological approach to East Germany's foreign policy in the Middle East. The empirical side of the analysis rests on archival documents of the German Foreign Office, the German National Archive and the former Ministry of State Security of the GDR. These documents are reviewed and published for the first time and are complemented by personal interviews with contemporary witnesses. The interdisciplinary approach integrates and expands methods of both History and Political Science, applicable to other cases. Conducted research is intended to contribute to academic discourse on South Yemen’s unique history, divided Germany’s role in the Cold War, East German foreign policy, but also the long-term impact of Socialist foreign-policy-making in the Global South which so far has been neglected almost completely in academia. / Graduate / miriam.mueller@fu-berlin.de South Yemen PDRY GDR Foreign Policy Divided Germany Cold War Soviet Union Socialism State-Building Nation-Building Gulf of Aden Crown Colony of Aden British Occupation National Liberation Front Marxism-Leninism Postcolonialism Neocolonialism German Identity Arab Nationalism Arab Socialism Arab Nationalist Movement Al-Hirak Southern Movement Constructivism Socialist Development Global South Middle East Arab Spring Marxist Critical Bab Al-Mandab Socotra Yemeni Socialist Party YSP FLOSY National Liberation Front NLF SED Honecker Ulbricht East Berlin

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