Do ceasefires during peace negotiations facilitate reaching a peace agreement in internal armed conflicts? Existing case studies offer diverging arguments and mixed empirical evidence for whether ceasefires should precede or come after the more political settlements. In this regard, I argue that ceasefires facilitate that the combatant parties will reach a political deal by increasing mutual trust, alleviating the impact of two critical uncertainties in the negotiation stage: the uncertainty on whether the other party is willing to reach a negotiated settlement, and the uncertainty on whether the other party has the capacity to control their respective armed forces. Using new data on negotiation processes in internal armed conflicts in Africa, between 1989 and 2013, I examine the effect of having a ceasefire during negotiations on the probability of reaching a negotiated accord, while controlling for the levels of violence during the talks as a crucial conditioning factor, as well as for the presence of peacekeepers, and the intervention of a mediator. The results show that early ceasefires have a significant effect on the conclusion of political agreements at the talks, and that this effect is stronger when the talks are surrounded by decreased or null levels of violence.

Desde a criação da OMC em 1995, países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento intensificaram a busca por uma ação coordenada mais efetiva e, principalmente durante a Rodada Doha, passaram a influenciar o processo de tomada de decisão por meio da criação de coalizões internacionais. A atuação paradigmática do Brasil no processo de formação e atuação do G20 fez com que o país se tornasse um eminente player nas negociações agrícolas da Rodada de Desenvolvimento de Doha e entrasse de maneira definitiva no alto nível decisório da Organização. Dessa forma, o objetivo deste trabalho é explorar o debate relacionado à atuação das coalizões internacionais, bem como identificar os elementos que constituem a liderança política nesse modo de ação coletiva, sobretudo no que se relaciona ao caso da atuação do Brasil no G20 durante as negociações da Rodada Doha da OMC. / Since the creation of the WTO in 1995, developed and developing countries intensified the demand for a more effective and coordinated action, especially during the Doha Round, and began to influence the decision making process through the creation of international coalitions. The paradigmatic role of Brazil in the formation and performance of the G20 has rendered the country a prominent position in the agricultural negotiations of the Doha Development Round. Thus, the objective of this paper is to explore the debate related to the performance of international coalitions, and to identify the elements that constitute the political leadership in this mode of collective action, especially with regard to the case of Brazil\'s role in G20 during negotiations of the WTO Doha Round.

Com a globalização, pessoas, empresas, organizações e países estão cada vez mais interdependentes, dando origem a inúmeros conflitos de interesses. A negociação internacional ganha relevo como meio de solução dos conflitos gerados no processo de globalização. Torna-se ainda mais relevante no contexto da pequena empresa, em que a limitação de recursos e a escassez de conhecimentos podem funcionar como fatores limitantes do processo de internacionalização. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho propõe desenvolver uma estrutura conceitual que ajude a sistematizar o planejamento da negociação internacional na pequena empresa, a fim de auxiliar os administradores dessas empresas a aperfeiçoar o processo de preparação para a negociação internacional, contribuindo, ainda que indiretamente, para a internacionalização de pequenas empresas, podendo gerar reflexos positivos para a economia brasileira. Para isso, foram estudadas as dificuldades enfrentadas pelas pequenas empresas na negociação internacional e a forma como costumam se preparar para essas situações. Os resultados da pesquisa empírica foram comparados aos modelos de planejamento da negociação encontrados na literatura, a fim de desenvolver uma estrutura conceitual para o planejamento da negociação adaptado ao contexto das pequenas empresas. Foi realizada uma pesquisa empírica, de natureza qualitativa, no setor médico-odontológico de Ribeirão Preto. A pesquisa empírica consistiu de uma fase preliminar, de caráter exploratório, em que se buscou conhecer melhor o setor escolhido como objeto de estudo, através do levantamento de dados secundários, complementados com a realização de entrevistas com as instituições de apoio ao setor ? Associação Brasileira da Indústria de Artigos e Equipamentos Médicos, Odontológicos, Hospitalares e de Laboratórios (ABIMO) e Serviço Brasileiro de Apoio às Micro e Pequenas Empresas (SEBRAE). A seguir, foi realizado um estudo de casos múltiplos (pesquisa qualitativa). As unidades de análise foram as pequenas empresas industriais do setor médicoodontológico da cidade de Ribeirão Preto. / With the globalization process, people, companies, organizations and countries have become more interconnected, fact that can result in several interest conflicts. Thus, international negotiation has been highlighted as a way to solve these conflicts created by the globalization process. It has also become more and more important for a small businesses environment due to the lack of resources and knowledge, factors that can work as a compass for an internationalization process. In this sense, the present study proposes to develop a conceptual structure which can help to systematize the planning of the international negotiation in a small business, in order to assist these businesses? managers to improve the preparation process to the international negotiation, contributing, even in an indirectly way, to the small businesses internationalization creating positive consequences to the Brazilian economy. To reach this the difficulties that small businesses had in the international negotiation and the way they used to get prepared to these situations were studied. The results of the empiric research were compared to the models of the planning of negotiation we have found in the literature in order to develop a conceptual structure to the planning of negotiation adapted to the context of the small businesses. An empiric research was carried out, with a qualitative nature, in the medical and odontologic sector of Ribeirão Preto town. The empiric research consisted of a preliminary phase of an exploratory nature. The research had the goal of knowing the best sector chosen as the object of the study, through the secondary data, complemented with the interviews carried out with the institutions of support to the sector ? Brazilian Medical, Odontologic and Hospital supplies and equipment?s Industry and Laboratory Brazilian Association (ABIMO) and Brazilian Service of Support to Micro and Small Businesses (SEBRAE). After that, a study of multiple cases (qualitative research) was carried out. The units were the industrial small businesses of the medical and odontologic sector of Ribeirão Preto town.

Esta dissertação visa compreender a participação do setor empresarial nas negociações internacionais do Brasil. Para isso, será analisado o posicionamento do setor referente às negociações do Mercosul, Organização Mundial do Comércio e Mercosul-União Européia, enfocando nas posições da Confederação Nacional da Indústria (CNI) emitidas em documentos e declarações à imprensa no período 2003-2010. No debate da relevância do empresariado como ator político, os resultados da pesquisa buscam identificar se ocorreram mudanças no papel do setor no período do governo Lula em termos de representação e participação nas negociações internacionais, com recorte no balanço da evolução do posicionamento e da influência da CNI nessas negociações. / This dissertation aims to understand the entrepreneurial sector participation in international negotiations of Brazil. For this, the dissertation will analyse the sector\'s position on the negotiations of Mercosur, the WTO and Mercosur-European Union, focusing on the positions of the National Confederation of Industry (CNI) issued in documents and statements to the press in the period 2003-2010. In discussing the importance of entrepreneurs as a political actor, the search results try to identify whether there were changes in the role of the sector in the period of Lulas government in terms of representation and participation in international negotiations, with clipping on the balance of the CNI\'s positioning and influence in those negotiations.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-18T17:02:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana Saab.pdf: 1431454 bytes, checksum: 91d3dd276795e9f3636f53ff43c68b3e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-18T17:02:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana Saab.pdf: 1431454 bytes, checksum: 91d3dd276795e9f3636f53ff43c68b3e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-26 / This paper refers to the signing of the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestinians in September 1993 from the understanding that the necessary terms in order to solve the historical conflict are not discussed in the peace process. The reading of the first document to be signed, the Declaration of Principles (DOP), reveals that the contents of the peace proposal and the bilateral negotiations formula do not alter the existing asymmetry of power between Palestinians from the PLO and the State of Israel, which makes the uneven process extremely favorable to the continuation of the Israeli military occupation over the territories of Gaza and the West Bank. The paper therefore focuses its analysis on the negotiation process previous to the signing of the DOP and the political and economic context of those responsible for Oslo, in order to establish what were the interests involved and how they influenced the drafting of the terms of the Declaration. During the research, it becomes clear that the Oslo agreements only benefited the actors involved in secret negotiations in Norway, namely the PLO and Israeli Labor Party, which allows us to state that the peace process was not representative of the various Palestinian and Israeli political sectors. The study also reveals that the peace proposal made to the Palestinians in Oslo is an Israeli formulation, that refers back to the beginning of the peace process in the Middle East in 1978, whose main goal was the normalization of diplomatic relations between Israel and the Arab neighboring states . Thus, the conditions discussed in Oslo were based on an old assumption that regional peace does not imply in the creation of a Palestinian state, but only the right to self-representation of the Palestinian residents in the occupied territories. These conditions were accepted by Yasser Arafat as a strategy to gain political prestige and return to the territory of Palestine. We conclude therefore that the Oslo peace process was not a legitimate initiative to establish a fair and equal peace in the region, as claimed by Israel and the United States, but an agreement made between the Israeli Labour Party and the PLO, drafted to enabled the Israeli territorial expansion over the West Bank and Gaza, to dismiss the question of refugees and not recognize the Palestinian’s right to national self-determination / Este trabalho retoma a assinatura dos Acordos de Oslo entre israelenses e palestinos em setembro de 1993 a partir do entendimento de que os termos necessários para a resolução do conflito histórico não são discutidos no processo de paz. No decorrer da análise do texto do primeiro documento a ser assinado, a Declaração de Princípios (DOP), percebe-se que o conteúdo da proposta de paz e a fórmula de negociações bilaterais adotada não propõem uma alteração da assimetria de poder existente entre palestinos da OLP e o Estado de Israel, o que torna o processo desigual e extremamente favorável à continuação da ocupação militar israelense sobre os territórios da Faixa de Gaza e da Cisjordânia. O trabalho, portanto, foca sua análise no processo de negociação anterior à assinatura da DOP e no contexto político e econômico dos responsáveis por Oslo para estabelecer quais foram os interesses envolvidos em fechar um acordo e de que maneira eles influenciaram a redação dos termos da declaração. Durante a pesquisa, notamos que os Acordos de Oslo beneficiaram exclusivamente os atores envolvidos nas negociações secretas na Noruega, a OLP e israelenses do partido trabalhista, o que nos permite afirmar que o processo de paz não foi representativo dos diversos setores políticos palestinos e israelenses. O estudo também revela que a proposta de paz oferecida aos palestinos em Oslo é uma formulação israelense que remete ao início do processo de paz no Oriente Médio no ano de 1978, cujo principal objetivo foi a normalização das relações diplomáticas entre israelenses e os Estados árabes vizinhos. Assim, as condições negociadas na ocasião de Oslo partiram de um antigo pressuposto de que a paz regional não pressupõe a criação do Estado palestino, mas apenas o direito de autorrepresentação dos residentes dos territórios ocupados. Essas condições foram aceitas pela liderança de Yasser Arafat como estratégia para obter prestígio político e retornar ao território da Palestina. Concluímos, portanto, que o processo de paz de Oslo não se tratou de uma legítima iniciativa para estabelecer a paz de maneira justa e igualitária na região, conforme divulgado por Israel e pelos Estados Unidos, mas de um acordo entre o partido trabalhista e os palestinos da OLP, elaborado de uma maneira que possibilitou a expansão territorial israelense sobre Gaza e Cisjordânia, desconsiderou a questão dos refugiados e não reconheceu o direito à autodeterminação nacional palestina

La fragilité du tissu économique impose de porter une attention particulière à la résolution amiable et à la prévention des conflits collectifs du travail. Pour ce faire, il convient de s’intéresser à la manière dont le dialogue social est promu en période conflictuelle. Le dialogue social conflictuel peut être défini comme tout processus destiné à réinjecter du dialogue dans un « espace » de conflit. Le Code du travail organise depuis longtemps des procédures spéciales (conciliation, médiation, arbitrage) destinées à parvenir à un accord amiable. Ces dernières ne permettent pas une résolution pacifiée en raison du désintérêt qu’elles suscitent. Les parties préfèrent se tourner vers une négociation informelle lorsqu'elles ne choisissent pas de recourir au juge. L’immixtion quasi systématique des pouvoirs publics et le rapport de force existant emportent toutefois le risque d’altération des échanges. L’utilisation des mécanismes issus de la justice participative apporterait une réponse satisfaisante à ce problème. Il permettrait d’optimiser les négociations quitte à conférer à l’avocat une place nouvelle dans le processus de résolution. Ces traitements ont néanmoins une vocation purement curative. L’engagement d’une procédure d’incitation, sur le modèle de la RSE, pour favoriser la voie du dialogue social, en amont de toute situation conflictuelle, serait pertinent. Mais une pratique viable du dialogue social conflictuel impose de se questionner sur son cadre juridique. L’analyse des notions de conflits collectifs et de dialogue social, et l'instrumentalisation fréquente du procès dans ce contexte, révèlent les limites du droit. Il convient de tenter de les dépasser / The fragile economic fabric of society forces us to focus our attention on amicable solutions and on the prevention of collective labour disputes. To this end, it appears appropriate to consider the way social dialogue is promoted in times of conflict. The conflictual social dialogue can be defined as any process meant to reinject dialogue into an “area” of conflict. The labour code has long provided for special proceedings (conciliation, mediation, arbitration) intended to lead to an amicable. These ones do not allow for a pacified resolution given the little interest they arouse. The parties prefer to turn to an informal negotiation when they do not opt for a court action. The almost systematic interference of the public authorities and the power struggle that exists carry with them the risk of altering the exchanges. The use of the mechanisms originating in participatory justice would bring a satisfactory answer to this problem. It would enable the optimisation of the negotiations, even if it would thereby give the lawyer a new role in the resolution process. These devices however have a purely curative vocation. It would be relevant to start an incentive process, on the RSE’s model to give an edge to social dialogue ahead of any dispute. Still a viable use of conflictual social dialogue forces us to wonder about its legal framework. The analysis of the notions of collective disputes and social dialogue together with the frequent exploitation of lawsuits in this context show the limits of the law. We should try to go beyond them

In my work, I deal with the specifics of the business environment of Egypt with the possibility of doing business for Czech subjects there. The aim of this thesis is to describe the specifics of Egypt's business environment, identify promising sectors for Czech exporters and process useful information of companies and individuals who operate in this market. The second part deals with the evaluation of research experience of Czech companies operating in Egypt.

As negociações na fase pré-contratual permitem às partes determinarem de que forma certa operação econômica será concretizada e cumprida por cada um dos particulares, materializando-se como importante ferramenta para as partes estabelecerem, consensual e racionalmente, as melhores alternativas em termos de eficiência que estão à disposição. Inexistem rigidez e regramento específico no processo negocial, estando seu desenvolvimento submetido aos interesses e às pretensões de cada um dos negociantes, e o seu resultado varia de acordo com o tipo de negociação, as estratégias adotadas e o poder de barganha individual. Não obstante, há outros fatores que também condicionam o desenrolar e o desfecho deste processo, mas em geral impedindo a obtenção de resultados tão benéficos quanto os que poderiam ser alcançados em um paralelo livre de ineficiências. Em um mundo factual as partes precisam lidar com as adversidades existentes nas negociações se desejarem concluir o contrato e dele se beneficiar, seja por meio de medidas particulares ou por intermédio de soluções regulatórias, as quais têm a missão de fornecerem adequados incentivos para sua aplicação tornar-se socialmente desejável. Além disso, em virtude de as negociações serem norteadas pela autonomia de vontade e liberdade contratual, sem deveres de vinculação, os atos de exercício destes direitos devem ser medidos para que não produzam lesões ao patrimônio jurídico dos demais envolvidos nas tratativas. Tal controle é exercido pela incidência da boa-fé objetiva na fase pré-contratual, a qual impõe deveres de conduta aos particulares durante as negociações. Também é a regra da boa-fé o supedâneo da responsabilidade civil para recomposição dos prejuízos advindos de situações que malfiram a confiança gerada ao longo das tratativas, daí que o conteúdo da indenização nestas hipóteses deve considerar as justas expectativas criadas pelas partes e ser balizado para que o lesado não acabe em situação melhor do que estaria se o eventual contrato tivesse sido concluído e integralmente cumprido. / Negotiations in the pre-contractual stage allow the parties to determine how a certain economic operation will be carried out and fulfilled by each of the individuals, and is an important tool for the parties to establish, in a consensual and rational manner, the best alternatives available in terms of efficiency. There is no rigidity or specific regulation in the negotiation process, in such way that its development is submitted to the interests and the pretensions of each one of the traders, and its result varies according to the type of negotiation, strategies adopted and individual bargaining power. There are other factors that also condition the unfolding and outcome of this process, but generally preventing the achievement of results as beneficial as those that could be achieved in an inefficiency-free parallel. In a factual world, the parties need to deal with the adversities in the negotiations if they wish to conclude the contract and benefit from it, either through particular measures or through regulatory solutions, which have the task of providing adequate incentives so that their implementation is socially desirable. Moreover, because the negotiations are guided by the autonomy of will and contractual freedom, without binding obligations, the exercise of these rights must be measured so that they do not produce damages to the legal patrimony of others involved in the negotiations. Such control is exercised by the incidence of objective good faith in the pre-contractual phase, which imposes conduct duties on individuals during the negotiations. It is also the rule of good faith the foundation of civil liability for the recovery of damages arising from situations that mislead the confidence generated during the negotiations, hence the content of compensation in these cases must consider the fair expectations created by the parties and be restricted so that the injured party does not end up in a better situation than it would have been if the contract had been completed and fully complied with.

La thèse propose d'abolir, pour les besoins du droit international privé, les différents cloisonnements de la phase précontractuelle en retenant une approche unitaire du processus de formation du contrat. Dans cette perspective, il est proposé de dépasser la distinction entre les relations précontractuelles informelles et celles qui sont formalisées par un contrat préparatoire, de même que la distinction entre la phase précontractuelle et le contrat définitif. L'attraction du contrat projeté conduit à emprunter le rattachement de ce dernier pour désigner la loi applicable aux relations précontractuelles. Cette solution pourrait, dans la mesure du possible, être transposée dans le domaine des conflits de juridictions en retenant la compétence du juge du contrat projeté. / The doctoral dissertation proposes to abolish, for the purpose of private international law, the compartmentalisation of the pre-contractual phase by adopting a unitary approach to the contract formation process. In this perspective, it is proposed to overcome the distinction between unformal pre-contractual relations and pre-contractual relations formalized by a preparatory contract, as well as the distinction between the pre-contractual phase and the final contract. The attraction of the intended contract leads to use its connecting factor in order to determine the law applicable to pre-contractual relations. This option could, whenever possible, be extended to conflicts of jurisdictions by considering that the competent judge is the judge of the intended contract.

In November 1558, Elizabeth I ascended the throne of England as a single Queen with Protestant tendencies in a male-dominated Catholic world. Her council believed it was imperative that she marry immediately, and the rest of Western Europe agreed. Catholic suitors sought to bring England back under Catholic control. Protestant suitors hoped for an ally in the religious wars that were ravaging Europe. Even Englishmen sought to become king. Ambassadors from the Spanish Empire, the Holy Roman Empire, and the Baltics and Scotland came to negotiate the suits of their monarchs. Ambassadorial correspondences are often used as primary source material for historians, yet few rarely recognize the importance of the ambassador and his role in the court, especially during the marriage negotiations of Elizabeth I. Ambassadors left their home to live in a foreign country, often for long periods of time. The ambassadors were the embodiment of their sovereigns during the negotiations, and often success or failure rested on their abilities. An ambassador was the eyes and ears of the Elizabethan court for his sovereign in a foreign country. They wrote minutely detailed letters that included basic facts and information along with court gossip and personal opinions and recommendations. Their intimate relationship with the Queen and her court made their recommendations invaluable to their monarch. They were far more than mere note takers and should be recognized as such. The focus of this thesis deals primarily with the ambassadorial reports of the Spanish and Hapsburg ambassadors as they participated in the negotiations in one form or another during the time frame discussed, 1558-1560. They also not only wrote about their own negotiations but the negotiations involving Protestant and English suitors. Their reports are full of pertinent information that, without, their monarchs would have been blind to the goings on of the English court. The marriage of Elizabeth I was seen as a priority by all except her. During the first two years of her reign, more than a half dozen suits were pursued, not just by kings and dukes, earls and knights, but, more importantly, by their ambassadors.