Esta dissertação analisa o contexto político dos Estados Unidos e a representação da cidadania entre as décadas de 1980 e 1990. Através de quatro narrativas fílmicas produzidas em Hollywood, são elas: Mississippi em chamas (1988) do diretor Alan Parker; Nascido em 4 de julho (1989) do diretor Oliver Stone; Um dia de fúria (1993) do diretor Joel Schumacher e Clube da luta (1999) do diretor David Fincher, pretendese conduzir o estudo do contexto político do país através dos seus produtos culturais. A primeira narrativa representa problemáticas acerca da segregação racial e a conquista dos direitos civis por negros, tema latente nos anos 1960, que são evocados mediante o contexto de crise desses movimentos sociais e a desarticulação do Estado de bem estar social nos anos 1980. A segunda narrativa representa a experiência do veterano da guerra do Vietnã e o ativismo político oriundo desta experiência, as culturas políticas em efervescência no período, bem como uma leitura que traga um novo lugar de memória para o veterano do Vietnã. A terceira narrativa representa o contexto de crise econômica proveniente do projeto de nação dos neoconservadores e neoliberais que ascenderam ao poder e como resultado de suas políticas houve um aumento da violência urbana, polarização social, bem como a tematização da crise do homem WASP. A quarta e ultima narrativa foi contemporânea de um movimento de diretores e intelectuais afinados com o liberalismo, que se aproximaram da representação da guerra e do sentido de identidade que este fenômeno forja para criticar a postura bélica que os governos anteriores empreenderam, fracassando, pela apropriação conservadora que estas narrativas também proporcionavam, foi visto nos Estados Unidos uma contundente critica aos ideais do American Way of life e neste sentido, Clube da luta é uma destas produções, por trazer em suas imagens elementos da representação da cidadania no período. / This dissertation analyzes the US political context and the representation of the citizenship between the 1980s and 1990s. Through four filmic narratives produced in Hollywood, they are: Mississippi Burning (1988), director Alan Parker; Born on the 4 of July (1989), director Oliver Stone; Falling down (1993), director Joel Schumacher and Fight Club (1999), director David Fincher, it is intended to conduct a study of the political context of the country through its cultural products. The first narrative presents the problematic of the racial segregation and achievements of African-American Civil Rights moviment, latent theme in the 1960s, which are evoked by the crisis of those social movements and the disarticulation of the welfare state in the 1980s. The second narrative is about a Vietnam war veteran experience and political activism arising from this experience, the effervescence of political cultures in the period, as well as a reading that brings a new place of memory to the Vietnam veteran. The third narrative represents the context of economic crisis coming from the national project of the neoconservatives and neoliberals who ascended to power and, as the result of their policies, there was an increase in urban violence, social polarization, and the theming of WASP man crisis. The fourth and final story was contemporary of a movement of officers and intellectuals sympathetic to liberalism, which approached the representation of war and sense of identity that this phenomenon forges to criticize the war posture that previous governments have undertaken, failing, for the conservative appropriation these narratives also afforded, it has been seen in the United States a scathing critique of the ideals of the American way of life and therefore, Fight Club is one of these productions, by bringing in its images elements of representation of citizenship in the period.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:18:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda Araujo de Almeida.pdf: 2423353 bytes, checksum: d864b2c678ed5fba0022e82b31f5b3b6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-18 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research seeks to present a set of ideas to foster a critical debate on the Local Development. We start with the understanding that the Local Development is another of the expressions constructed by capitalism as a social-theoretical and ideo-political answer to their crises - exacerbated by the restructuring of production, post-1970s around the world. Thus, the Local Development is to serve the interests of neoliberalism. Put another way, the Local Development becomes functional responses of neoliberalism and meets the needs of the restructuration of capital in its phase globalized. To this end, we built two temporary trends of analysis that express the struggle for meaning in the field of Local Development. The first trend we call Field Hegemonic: Neoconservatism Postmodern can be taken as that built and defended by the UN and subsequently condensed in the concepts of institutions and multilateral agencies through the funding of programs and projects. Used as reference for analysis of this trend DLIS conceptions of methodology, discourse that was dominant in the insertion of Local Development in Brazil by Augusto de Franco. Thus, we intend to confront this trend by focusing the discussion on the theoretical elements that underlie the social rights and state responsibility in facing the Social Issue and their expressions so far stepped up and embodied in the new paradigms expressed in the formulations of the contemporary world grounded in neoliberal and postmodern ideas. The second trend identified by us involves the debate and policy actions present in the midst of the "Social Struggles" in the field of counter-hegemonic opposition to neoliberalism, with significant expression as the World Social Forum. Thus, the field of research included the documentary analysis of research reports produced by NEPEDH, analysis of documents published on the official website of the WSF, magazine articles and books on the subject, besides the report of research conducted by us in Portugal / A presente pesquisa busca apresentar um conjunto de reflexões para subsidiar um debate crítico sobre o Desenvolvimento Local. Partimos da compreensão de que o Desenvolvimento Local é mais uma das expressões construídas pelo capitalismo como resposta teórico-social e ideo-política para suas crises agravadas pela reestruturação produtiva, pós anos 1970 em todo o mundo. Assim, o Desenvolvimento Local vem para atender aos interesses neoliberais. Posto de outra forma, o Desenvolvimento Local se torna funcional às respostas do neoliberalismo e atende as necessidades da reestruturação do capital em sua fase mundializada. Para tal, construímos duas tendências provisórias de análise que expressam a disputa de significados no campo do Desenvolvimento Local. A primeira tendência que denominamos Campo Hegemônico: Neoconservadorismo Pós-moderno pode ser tomada como aquela construída e defendida pela ONU e posteriormente adensada nas concepções das instituições e agências multilaterais através do financiamento de programas e projetos. Utilizamos como referência para análise da presente tendência as concepções da metodologia DLIS, discurso que foi dominante na inserção do Desenvolvimento Local no Brasil através de Augusto de Franco. Dessa forma, pretendemos problematizar a presente tendência, centrando o debate nos elementos teóricos que fundamentam os direitos sociais e a responsabilidade do Estado no enfrentamento da Questão Social e suas expressões tão largamente intensificadas e consubstanciadas nos novos paradigmas expressos nas formulações do mundo contemporâneo alicerçado no ideário neoliberal e pós-moderno. A segunda tendência por nós identificada compreende o debate e as ações políticas presentes no bojo das Lutas Sociais no Campo Contra-hegemônico em oposição ao neoliberalismo, tendo como expressão significativa o Fórum Social Mundial. Dessa maneira, o campo de pesquisa compreendeu a análise documental dos relatórios de pesquisa produzidos pelo NEPEDH, análise dos documentos publicados no site oficial do FSM, artigos de revistas e livros sobre o tema, além do relatório da pesquisa realizada por nós em Portugal

Esta dissertação analisa o contexto político dos Estados Unidos e a representação da cidadania entre as décadas de 1980 e 1990. Através de quatro narrativas fílmicas produzidas em Hollywood, são elas: Mississippi em chamas (1988) do diretor Alan Parker; Nascido em 4 de julho (1989) do diretor Oliver Stone; Um dia de fúria (1993) do diretor Joel Schumacher e Clube da luta (1999) do diretor David Fincher, pretendese conduzir o estudo do contexto político do país através dos seus produtos culturais. A primeira narrativa representa problemáticas acerca da segregação racial e a conquista dos direitos civis por negros, tema latente nos anos 1960, que são evocados mediante o contexto de crise desses movimentos sociais e a desarticulação do Estado de bem estar social nos anos 1980. A segunda narrativa representa a experiência do veterano da guerra do Vietnã e o ativismo político oriundo desta experiência, as culturas políticas em efervescência no período, bem como uma leitura que traga um novo lugar de memória para o veterano do Vietnã. A terceira narrativa representa o contexto de crise econômica proveniente do projeto de nação dos neoconservadores e neoliberais que ascenderam ao poder e como resultado de suas políticas houve um aumento da violência urbana, polarização social, bem como a tematização da crise do homem WASP. A quarta e ultima narrativa foi contemporânea de um movimento de diretores e intelectuais afinados com o liberalismo, que se aproximaram da representação da guerra e do sentido de identidade que este fenômeno forja para criticar a postura bélica que os governos anteriores empreenderam, fracassando, pela apropriação conservadora que estas narrativas também proporcionavam, foi visto nos Estados Unidos uma contundente critica aos ideais do American Way of life e neste sentido, Clube da luta é uma destas produções, por trazer em suas imagens elementos da representação da cidadania no período. / This dissertation analyzes the US political context and the representation of the citizenship between the 1980s and 1990s. Through four filmic narratives produced in Hollywood, they are: Mississippi Burning (1988), director Alan Parker; Born on the 4 of July (1989), director Oliver Stone; Falling down (1993), director Joel Schumacher and Fight Club (1999), director David Fincher, it is intended to conduct a study of the political context of the country through its cultural products. The first narrative presents the problematic of the racial segregation and achievements of African-American Civil Rights moviment, latent theme in the 1960s, which are evoked by the crisis of those social movements and the disarticulation of the welfare state in the 1980s. The second narrative is about a Vietnam war veteran experience and political activism arising from this experience, the effervescence of political cultures in the period, as well as a reading that brings a new place of memory to the Vietnam veteran. The third narrative represents the context of economic crisis coming from the national project of the neoconservatives and neoliberals who ascended to power and, as the result of their policies, there was an increase in urban violence, social polarization, and the theming of WASP man crisis. The fourth and final story was contemporary of a movement of officers and intellectuals sympathetic to liberalism, which approached the representation of war and sense of identity that this phenomenon forges to criticize the war posture that previous governments have undertaken, failing, for the conservative appropriation these narratives also afforded, it has been seen in the United States a scathing critique of the ideals of the American way of life and therefore, Fight Club is one of these productions, by bringing in its images elements of representation of citizenship in the period.

The purpose of this study is twofold: First, to inquire how the George W. Bush administration plans to keep America safe from external threats and second – based on the assumption that neoconservatives have influenced the Bush administration – examine how neoconservative ideas have influenced this strategy to protect America. The research questions are as follows: What is the content of the Bush administration’s security strategy? How are neoconservative ideas reflected in this security strategy? To answer the first question, the main points of two studied documents were summarized. The summarized documents were the two versions of the National Security Strategy of the United States of America that the George W Bush administration has released during its tenure. These documents state the official security strategy of the United States and give a general view over the threats against America and how the administration plans to deal with these threats. To answer the second question the author studied literature about neoconservatism and gained valuable knowledge about the neoconservatives, which resulted in the creation of an analyzing instrument. This analyzing instrument was later applied on the empirical material that was gathered by answering the first question and in turn answered the second question. The result of the study is that the Bush administration believes that by spreading freedom and fighting tyranny around the world, America will become safer. To accomplish this, the administration will employ the full array of political, economic, diplomatic and other tools at their disposal. Neoconservative influences on the strategy were found repeatedly – one of the most obvious influences being the administration’s adoption of the principle of preemptive strikes against enemies.

Francis Fukuyama s’est fait connaître aux yeux du grand public à la fin des années 1980 et au début des années 1990, suite à sa célèbre thèse controversée de « la fin de l’histoire ». Érigé comme un parfait défenseur du modèle politique et économique libéral occidental, le politologue fut régulièrement associé au néoconservatisme américain, cela jusqu’à sa rupture clairement affichée au milieu des années 2000. Si Fukuyama dénonce alors la vision « agressive » de la génération post-Guerre froide du mouvement en politique étrangère, on s’aperçoit par ailleurs également, avant cette période, de l’existence de certaines divergences avec les premiers néoconservateurs, notamment en politique intérieure. Dès lors, on peut s’interroger sur la place réelle qu’occupe l’auteur de « la fin de l’histoire » au sein du néoconservatisme américain. À ce titre, nous défendons la thèse selon laquelle l’œuvre fukuyamienne, loin d’être marginale, incarne au contraire pleinement le socle intellectuel du néoconservatisme. Preuve, au-delà de la diversité indéniable, d’une unité idéologique plus large au sein du courant. / Francis Fukuyama became known in the eyes of the general public in the late 1980s and early 1990s, following his famous controversial “End of History” thesis. Perceived as a perfect defender of the Western liberal political and economic model, the political scientist was regularly associated with American neoconservatism, until its break clearly displayed in the mid-2000s. If Fukuyama denounces the “aggressive” vision of the post-Cold War generation in foreign policy, we also notice, before this period, the existence of some divergences with the first neoconservatives, particularly in domestic policy. Consequently, one may question the real place occupied by the author of “The End of History” in American neoconservatism. As such, we defend the thesis that the Fukuyamian work, far from being marginal, fully embodies the intellectual base of neoconservatism. This is proof, beyond the undeniable diversity, of a broader ideological unity within the current.

[pt] O homeschooling (HS) é um movimento de origem norte-americana que desde os anos 1960 luta pelo direito dos pais de retirarem seus filhos de instituições escolares para ensiná-los em casa. Em seu início, mantinha relações com ideais anarquistas, mas logo foi cooptado pelas correntes do neoconservadorismo e do neoliberalismo. Desde então, as motivações para sua adoção passam pelo descontentamento com o sistema escolar e pelo desejo de ter amplo controle do processo educativo de seus filhos. A prática chega ao Brasil por meio de missionários protestantes no final do século passado, passa por um longo período de inércia e alcança o debate público com a ascensão da nova direita, que é banhada nas mesmas águas ideológicas do homeschooling. Partindo do pressuposto de que existe um grupo de atores que agem de forma coordenada e guiados por crenças compartilhadas, entendemos que no Brasil existe uma coalizão, nos termos do Modelo de Coalizões de Defesa, pró-HS. Diante disso, buscamos investigar semelhanças e diferenças entre as crenças, as formas de atuação e os argumentos utilizados pela coalizão que advoga em defesa da legalização e implementação do homeschooling. Em relação à metodologia, realizamos uma pesquisa qualitativa de cunho documental. Selecionamos materiais produzidos pela coalizão ou que tinham potencial de apresentarem dados importantes, como Projetos de Lei, notas taquigráficas de audiências públicas e posts de redes sociais. Para o processo analítico, foi lançado mão da Análise de Conteúdo, dos preceitos do neoconservadorismo e do neoliberalismo e das categorias de análise do Modelo de Coalizões de Defesa trabalhadas. Os resultados indicam que as crenças da coalizão se sustentam em três pilares: nas noções de liberdade, de família e de responsabilização. Elas apresentam forte e íntima relação com as marcas neoconservadoras e neoliberais, o que coloca o homeschooling dentro do campo das políticas educacionais guiadas por valores mercadológicos e moralizantes. Nesse sentido, identificamos que o HS leva à exaltação de uma liberdade individual e irrestrita, à promoção da família tradicional, à objetificação das crianças e adolescentes, à transferência de responsabilidade de um direito social e a valorização de princípios meritocráticos. Além disso, a coalizão usa de diferentes estratégias para materializar suas crenças e alcançar seus objetivos, concentrando-se especialmente nos da esfera política, com a apresentação de Projetos de Lei, e na esfera social, buscando aprovação pública da pauta. Ainda, analisamos os argumentos adotados. Eles atuam como forma de convencer a opinião pública sobre os supostos benefícios da prática e contra argumentam as críticas levantadas pela coalizão contrária. Por fim, entendemos que o homeschooling tem potencial para colocar em risco o direito à educação e a ideia de construção coletiva visando a convivência em sociedade democrática. / [en] Homeschooling (HS) is a movement created in the USA that since the 1960s has been fighting for the right of parents to withdraw their children from regular schools to teach them at home. At first, it maintained relations with anarchist ideals, but was soon co-opted by neoconservative and neoliberal groups. Since then, the motivations for its adoption have been the dissatisfaction with the school system and the desire to have full control over the educational process of their children. The practice came to Brazil through protestant missionaries at the end of the last century, and, after a long period of inertia, reached public debate with the rise of the new right political group. Assuming that there is a group of actors who act in a coordinated way and guided by shared beliefs, we understand that, in Brazil there is a pro-HS coalition, as defined by the Defense Coalition Model. Therefore, we seek to investigate possible similarities and differences between the beliefs, the ways of acting and the arguments used by the coalition that advocates in defense of the legalization and implementation of homeschooling. Regarding the methodology, we carried out a qualitative documentary research. In this way, we selected materials produced by the coalition or that had the potential to present important data about it, such as bills, shorthand notes from public hearings and social media posts. We analyzed the data using content analysis, and the concepts of neoconservatism, neoliberalism and the categories of analysis of the Defense Coalitions Model. The results indicate that the coalition s beliefs are based on three pillars: the notions of freedom, family, and accountability. They have a strong and intimate relationship with neoconservative and neoliberal thought, which places homeschooling within the field of educational policies guided by marketing and moralizing values. Thus, we identified that HS leads to the exaltation of individual and unrestricted freedom, the promotion of the traditional family, the objectification of children and adolescents, the transfer of responsibility for a social right and the appreciation of meritocratic principles. Additionally, the coalition uses different strategies to materialize its beliefs and achieve its objectives, especially in the political and social spheres. Still, we analyze the arguments adopted. The coalition s arguments try to convince public opinion about the alleged benefits of the practice and counter the criticisms raised by the opposing coalition. Finally, we understand that homeschooling has the potential to jeopardize the right to education and the idea of collective construction aimed at coexistence in a democratic society.

<p>Essay in Political Science, Advanced Course, by Christoffer Hagström</p><p>“The Bush Administration´s view on international cooperation and international</p><p>law and political-theoretical traditions influence on the administration´s foreign</p><p>policy”</p><p>Supervisor: Jan Olsson</p><p>The purpose of this paper is to analyze the American foreign policy, particularly with regard to</p><p>international cooperation and international law. The two following research-questions are used in</p><p>order to fulfil the purpose: (1) what is the Bush-administrations´s view of of the place for</p><p>international cooperation and international law in American foreign policy?, and (2) how does the</p><p>administration´s foreign policy correspond to dominant political-theoretical thought-traditions? The</p><p>traditions used are: liberalism, realism and neoconservatism. The sources of the study mostly</p><p>include literature and policy-documents. The author conducts qualitative and quantitative content</p><p>analysis of the Bush-administration´s policy document National Security Strategy of the United</p><p>States from March 2006. First the document is summarized based on different criteria followed by</p><p>categorizations of ideas connected with realism, liberalism and neoconservatism in the document. In</p><p>the quantative analysis value-words that are appropriate for the various traditions is chosen. The</p><p>frequency of those words can be seen as indications of the influence of the traditions in the thoughts</p><p>of the Bush-administration, but is mostly seen as a complement to the qualtative analysis. The main</p><p>conclusions of the paper are that the Bush-administration most often wish to act according to</p><p>international law and to cooperate with other actors internationally in the long run, it may even be</p><p>necessary. In the short run however, it may act outside the parameters of international organizations</p><p>and international law in order to accomplish foreign policy-goals. Matters related to the security of</p><p>the American state and people is considered much more important than international cooperation</p><p>and law. Liberalism seems to be the tradition that has most affected the Bush-administration´s</p><p>foreign policy. It is followed shortly thereafter by realism and neoconservatism seems to have had</p><p>the least influence on the the thought-traditions. All of the them has been active in the making of the</p><p>foreign policy.</p>

As Sweden approached its 2006 national election, issues on order and discipline in educational environments came to the forefront of educational interest, debate, and reform. This thesis aims at a critical discussion of the discourses in question, making use of educational, post-structural as well as political philosophy. In a series of articles, disciplinary policies are contextualized within current understandings of major trends in global educational politics; empirically investigated with a focus on resistance and political subjectivation; but also theoretically/ philosophically examined with the intention of bringing alternative conceptualizations of discipline to light. As a result, it is concluded that the political platform supporting contemporary school discipline is highly ambiguous, especially in terms of the different subjectification ideals that it embodies. In consequence, substantial possibilities for resistance, political influence and creative subjectification emerge in the breaks and ruptures between neoliberal and neoconservative territory. As for the disciplinary policies themselves, this thesis highlights the possibility that they amount to little more than a powerful simulation; a mode of perceptual management rather than a hands-on engagement with the real demands of contemporary education. An alternative route, the thesis suggests, would be to radically re-conceptualize the meaning and relevance of discipline – using, for instance, philosophers like Gilles Deleuze, Félix Guattari and Jacques Rancière – but also while taking notice of relevant discussions in the fields of complexity and chaos theory. Such a re-conceptualization would allow for an immanent form of discipline, one that affords a circular segmentation to emerge; contextualized and sensitized to the particular demands of each learning situation rather than pre-stratified, pre-territorialized according to the ideals of classical discipline. / Syftet med den här avhandlingen är, att inom ett pedagogiskt-filosofiskt ramverk föra en kritisk diskussion av 2000-talets skolpolitiska diskurser om disciplin och ”ordning &amp; reda”. Med hjälp av filosofer som Deleuze &amp; Guattari, Foucault, Baudrillard och Rancière diskuteras den moderna disciplinens utmaning: att svara an på sin egen samtids behov av ordning och reda.   I sömmarna mellan de politiska krafter som den nya disciplinen hämtar sin kraft ur – neoliberalism och neokonservatism – identifierar avhandlingen också möjligheter till motstånd. Genom att påvisa de skillnader och komplexiteter som finns under ytan av politisk konsensus, utgör dessa former av motstånd nya potentialer till politiskt inflytande – samt nya möjligheter till kreativa subjektblivanden.   Slutligen hävdar studien, att vägen till en gräsrotsförankrad skoldisciplin för 2000-talet knappast kan ligga i återuppväckandet av forna tiders maktutövning, utan i en radikal omtolkning av disciplinbegreppet – en som tillvaratar den moderna människans förutsättningar till självdisciplin och självorganisering. En förutsättning är att vi, som en kontrast till neoliberalismens självtillräckliga subjektivitetsideal, börjar utforska subjektivitetens kollektiva och territoriella karaktärer.

The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 transformed the way in which Americans and their leaders viewed the world. The tragic events of that day helped give rise to a foreign policy strategy commonly referred to as the “Bush Doctrine.” At the heart of this doctrine lay a series of propositions about the need to foster liberal democracy as the antidote to terrorism. President George W. Bush proclaimed in a variety of addresses that democracy now represented the “single surviving model” of political life to which all people aspired. In the course of making this argument, President Bush seemed to relate his policies to an overarching “teleology” of progress. This discourse implied that the United States might use force to hasten the emergence of liberal norms and institutions in selected states. With a sense of irony, some commentators soon referred to the Bush administration’s position as “Leninist” because of its determination to bring about the so-called “end of history” today. Yet, surprisingly, these critics had little more to add. This thesis is an attempt to assess in greater depth the Bush administration’s claim to comprehend historical eschatology. Developing a concept termed “democratic vanguardism,” this study investigates the idea of liberal modernity, the role of the United States as a force for democracy, and the implications of using military intervention in the service of idealistic ends. It examines disputes among political theorists, public intellectuals and elected statesmen which help to enrich our understanding of the United States’ efforts under President Bush at bending history to its will.

This dissertation deals with the American Catholic theologian and social thinker Michael Novak, as well as his work, which is a principal and influential contribution to Catholic social teaching. Novak is the main representative of American Catholic Neoconservatism, a stream in Catholic thought, which springs from the specific context of the experience of the American political, economical and cultural arrangement and which started to develop in the USA in connection with the American conservative revolution. Catholic Neoconservatism aims to connect Christian and liberal traditions, and it also tries to rehabilitate the system of Democratic Capitalism newly based on Christian values. Its goal is to influence all areas of Catholic social thought, which, according to Novak, needs to be developed and enriched by non-Europeans, especially from the American experience. He claims that Catholic social thought is inspired too much by Socialism and the one-hundredyear-old tradition of Papal Encyclicas has been significantly marked by a limited Eurocontinental horizon. This dissertation aims to contribute, at least partly, to the Catholic historical revision of values of classical liberalism in light of this American experience. Also Novak´s usage of theological doctrines on behalf of the democratic capitalism is interesting and not forgetable experiment in the area of the theology of terrestrial realities, despite some of its exceptions. Novak is not a great theologian, but he is especially a political scientist and economist. Therefore his theology of Democratic Capitalism should be further developed and enriched by other theologians.