Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:20:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Agradecimentos.pdf: 10200 bytes, checksum: cc921f81c3b9d830496eca9e1b629382 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004-10-25 / This thesis will analyse the role of the institutional church leaders,before and during the movement and war of the Contestado between the years 1912 to 1916. This movement is classified as milenar messianic that happened in the south of Brazil in an area considered as litigious and disputed by the states of Paraná and Santa Catarina. It will point out the social, economic, political and religious context that created conditions for this movement to arrise. It will analyse the formation of a rustic, popular, brazilian catholicism and it´s expressions in the region of the Contestado, giving prominence to the role of the monks. It will deepen the understanding of oficial catholicism in the process of romanization, and the role of the Franciscans, their conceptions and practices, and their efforts to frame the rural religion into the principles of the reform. It will analyse the reaction of the people in the rural areas, confronted with the changes that were implanted in the region, and the explosion of a brotherhood called Terra Santa (Holy Land) that saught to fulfill a new order . It will deepen the awareness of the role of the franciscans, who represented the catholic church, with the idea to disperse and pacify , the rural rebel , and form an pact with the military forces to repress and implant an order and peace in the region contested, with the consequent radical elimination of the rural brotherhood and their fortifications .(AU) / Esta tese analisa o papel dos líderes da Igreja católica institucionalizada antes e durante o movimento e guerra do Contestado de 1912 a 1916. Movimento classificado como messiânico-milenarista ocorrido no sul do Brasil numa área litigiosa pleiteada pelos Estados do Paraná e Santa Catarina. Aponta o contexto sócio-econômico-político e religioso que criou condições para que o movimento pudesse emergir. Analisa a formação do catolicismo rústico popular brasileiro e suas expressões na região do Contestado, destacando-se o papel dos monges. Aprofunda a compreensão do catolicismo oficial em processo de romanização e do papel dos frades franciscanos, de suas concepções e práticas na tentativa de enquadrar a religião cabocla dentro dos princípios da reforma. Analisa a reação cabocla diante das mudanças implantadas na região e a explosão da irmandade, denominada Terra Santa , que buscava efetivar uma nova ordem . Aprofunda especialmente o papel dos frades representantes da Igreja católica, tendo em vista dispersar e pacificar o caboclo rebelde e a aliança, que estabeleceram com as forças repressoras, para implantar a ordem e a paz na região contestada, com a conseqüente eliminação radical da irmandade cabocla e de seus redutos .(AU)

Installé à Paris en 1911, Diego Rivera se rallie au cubisme pour retourner au réalisme en 1918. A cette époque, il tisse une amitié riche en échanges avec Élie Faure, socialiste comme lui. Faure voit chez l'artiste "une source inépuisable de surprises et d'enseignements»; Rivera considère l'historien de l'art comme l'un de ses« maîtres". Élie Faure a une compréhension de la société et de l'art basée sur la contribution de personnalités qui ont bouleversé la pensée et les arts depuis la Révolution française: Saint-Simon, Nietzsche, Dostoïevski, Tolstoï, Cézanne, entre autres. Déclarant l'échéance de l'esprit individualiste de la Renaissance, il annonce l'avènement d'un rythme collectif d'expression artistique sociale et monumentale, notamment architecturale, dont l'intention de «construire» en peinture est un symptôme. Le Moyen-âge français lui fournit un paradigme de l'ordre collectif et de I' «Art social», la cathédrale comme étant la plus parfaite expression, manifestation de la collaboration humaine et symbole même d'une civilisation. En 1921, décidé à militer pour l'établissement d'un nouvel ordre social, Rivera rentre dans son pays. Il est passionné par la socialisation de l'art et par l'architecture. Son discours et ses démarches révèlent ses affinités intellectuelles avec l'historien de l'art français et exprime une volonté de mener à son accomplissement l'"Art social". Cependant, les idées du peintre évoluent avec les évènements politiques, sociaux et culturels du Mexique, tenant compte du contexte mondial. Cet échange franco-mexicain illustre la complexité des transferts qui conduisent aux discours actuels de la mondialisation artistique. / Moving to Paris in 1911, Diego Riverais won over to Cubism only to return to Realism in 1918. During that period, he builds a rich friendship with Elie Faure, a socialist like him. Faure sees in the artist ''an endless source of surprises and lessons." Rivera considers the art historian Faure as one of his "masters. "Elie Faure has an understanding of society based on the contribution of individuals who have changed thinking and the art since the French Revolution : Saint-Simon, Nietzsche, Dostoïevski, Tolstoï, Cézanne, and others. Declaring the end of the individualistic spirit of the Renaissance, he announces the beginning of a collective rhythm of social and monumental artistic expressions, especially in architecture, with the intention to "construct" by painting as an indication. The French Middle Ages provides Elie Faure with a paradigm of collective order and "Social Art," of which the cathedral is the most perfect expression - a manifestation of perfect human collaboration and a symbol of a civilization. In 1921, having decided ta campaign for the establishment of a new social order, Rivera returns ta his country. He is passionate about the socialization of art and architecture. His speech and his actions reveal his intellectual affinity with the French art historian and show a willingness to carry to completion "Social Art. "However, the painter 's ideas evolve with the political, social, and cultural events of Mexico, taking into account the global context. This Franco-Mexican exchange illustrates the complexity of the transfers that lead to the current globalization of artistic discourse.

This thesis deals with the conservatively authoritarian collaboration movement led by the so-called State President of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, Emil Hácha, who belongs to the controversial figures of our modern history. The thesis is concerned with Hácha's ideological orientation as a radical conservative and with the historicist concept of the Czech statehood as the two main bases of his approach to collaboration on whose grounds the policy of actual cooperation with the Nazi occupiers was realised. In connection with Hácha's specific type of collaboration, emphasis is placed on his negative relationship with the first independent Czechoslovak Republic and its liberal democratic regime, and, on the other hand, on his friendly relationship with the Greater German Reich and supra-state systems in general. In order to demonstrate the practice of E. Hácha's policies, attention is paid to the President's and his supporters' loyal pro-German speeches, activities of the organisations founded by Hácha -- Národní souručenství (National Community) and Český svaz pro spolupráci s Němci (Czech Union for Cooperation with Germans) -- and Hácha's attitude towards the Czech resistance movement. The thesis also depicts the change of Hácha's leading position in the autonomous administration of the Protectorate in connection with the Nazi intentions that were put into practice in the Czech area from his election to the end of the war. Another aim of the thesis, in order to assess in detail the form of the President's pro-German cooperation, is to compare Hácha's group with the Czech fascist movement, and the collaborating journalists around E. Moravec. The primary focus is on the ideological conflict and political struggle for power among the collaborative movements, their different attitudes to the German occupation administration, and their exploitability by Nazi policies in the Protectorate. The final part of the thesis deals with opinions of contemporary society on E. Hácha's Protectorate policies, including reactions of the resistance at home and abroad. On this basis, the post-war statements given by the representatives of Hácha's collaboration movement to the National Court in the process of "national cleansing" are compared with their actual activities during the time of the occupation. The thesis draws from archive materials, contemporary printed sources, and scholarly literature that covers the topic of collaboration in the Protectorate.

The goal of this thesis is to clarify the issues related to the New Order in East Asia and the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Emphasis will be added to motives which lead Japan to the creation of a new arrangement in East Asia. These motives are represented by both Japan's strategic interests, among which was the struggle for obtaining access to natural resources (such as iron ore, coal and oil), as well as the control over a certain part of Asian territory with the intention of creating a buffer zone, mainly because of fearing the Soviet Union. The effort to control the Far East was further strengthened by the Great Depression, which resulted with the creation of enclosed trade blocks. A significant source of Japanese expansionist policy was presented by the ideology of Pan-Asianism, which played a large role in Japan's foreign policy making since the second half of the1920s. Pan-Asianism had been originally focused mainly on Northeast Asia and only later was it utilized to legitimize the Japanese occupation of Southeast Asia. The thesis also pays much attention to the creation of Japanese puppet regimes, both on occupied Chinese territory and in Southeast Asia. An important role here is played by the Japanese effort to cooperate with local elites, both political and religious. Not only...

The aim of the study was to offer solutions for the enhancement of Indonesia’s HIV and AIDS policy and to suggest future possibilities. In the process, the gendered nature of the epidemic was explored. In light of the relatively lower rates of employment among Indonesian women, this study also sought to gain insights into the possible reasons for many women appearing to be attached to domesticity. In the first phase of the study, interviews with stakeholders in HIV and AIDS prevention were conducted, followed by a Delphi exercise involving 23 HIV and AIDS experts. In the second phase, 28 women from various ethnicities were interviewed, including those in polygamous and contract marriages. The overall results were interpreted through the lens of complexity theory. Fewer than half of the proposed objectives were approved by the experts in the Delphi round. These were interventions mainly aimed at the risk groups while most objectives relating to education about HIV and AIDS and safer sex for the general public failed to obtain consensus. Reasons for the lack of consensus were differences in perceptions associated with human rights, moral reasoning, the unfeasibility of certain statements and personal conviction about the control of the epidemic. Emphasis on men’s and women’s innate characteristics; men’s role as breadwinner; women’s primary role as wife, mother and educator of their children; and unplanned pregnancies emerged as major themes from the qualitative phase. While the adat and Islam revival movements may have endorsed the ideals of the New Order state ideology, Javanese rituals regarded as violating Islam teachings were abandoned. Ignorance about safer sex and HIV and AIDS was also established. Interpretation of the results through the lens of complexity theory revealed that the national HIV and AIDS policy needs to encompass interventions for the general population, which would include comprehensive sex education in schools and media campaigns focusing on women. It was found that women’s vulnerability to HIV and their penchant for domesticity appear to be associated with their perceived primary role as wife and mother, as promoted by the adat-based New Order state ideology. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

The aim of the study was to offer solutions for the enhancement of Indonesia’s HIV and AIDS policy and to suggest future possibilities. In the process, the gendered nature of the epidemic was explored. In light of the relatively lower rates of employment among Indonesian women, this study also sought to gain insights into the possible reasons for many women appearing to be attached to domesticity. In the first phase of the study, interviews with stakeholders in HIV and AIDS prevention were conducted, followed by a Delphi exercise involving 23 HIV and AIDS experts. In the second phase, 28 women from various ethnicities were interviewed, including those in polygamous and contract marriages. The overall results were interpreted through the lens of complexity theory. Fewer than half of the proposed objectives were approved by the experts in the Delphi round. These were interventions mainly aimed at the risk groups while most objectives relating to education about HIV and AIDS and safer sex for the general public failed to obtain consensus. Reasons for the lack of consensus were differences in perceptions associated with human rights, moral reasoning, the unfeasibility of certain statements and personal conviction about the control of the epidemic. Emphasis on men’s and women’s innate characteristics; men’s role as breadwinner; women’s primary role as wife, mother and educator of their children; and unplanned pregnancies emerged as major themes from the qualitative phase. While the adat and Islam revival movements may have endorsed the ideals of the New Order state ideology, Javanese rituals regarded as violating Islam teachings were abandoned. Ignorance about safer sex and HIV and AIDS was also established. Interpretation of the results through the lens of complexity theory revealed that the national HIV and AIDS policy needs to encompass interventions for the general population, which would include comprehensive sex education in schools and media campaigns focusing on women. It was found that women’s vulnerability to HIV and their penchant for domesticity appear to be associated with their perceived primary role as wife and mother, as promoted by the adat-based New Order state ideology. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)