The objective of this thesis is to investigate and understand why and how consent is manipulated in societies where severe coercion seems to be effective in securing power. This text therefore analyses the role and nature of coercion and consent – of armed conflict and news production - in Colombia: a society where severe coercion seems to be both effective and profitable. Part 1 of the thesis studies the role of coercion from the Spanish Conquest and Colonial Period to the current regime in terms of the political, social and economic interests that predominate in each period, in terms of the role of armed groups – the main instruments of coercion - in the implementation of these interests, and in terms of the resistance to these pressures. Part 2 analyses the role of consent in terms of historical interests in Colombian media production, in terms of the role of media organisations – the main instruments of consent - in the implementation of these interests, and in terms of dissent. Part 3 focuses on current Colombian news production because this is the main method through which official information related to the present armed conflict is currently being transmitted to the public and because Colombian news production seems to bridge the gap between coercion and consent: by framing and promoting armed conflict. Part 1 uses historical sources, academic articles, human rights reports and nine personal interviews with representatives of the Colombian Armed Forces, guerrilla groups and human rights organisations to represent the broadest possible political spectrum. Part 2 is based on political pamphlets and literature, newspaper and magazine articles and leaflets and 14 interviews with representatives of mass media conglomerates, alternative movements and media groups. Part 3 uses a sample of 851 current news stories to understand the nature of a hypothetical frame that contextualises the actions of the FARC – the main guerrilla group - as illegitimate challenges to proper authority. (Continued ...).

This thesis sheds light on the ways in which audiences are made through the relationships between organisational policy and news production practice. It explores the relationships between news practitioners� perceptions and definitions of audiences, production, and organisational policies, using the radio news service of the Australian national public broadcaster, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC). In so doing, the thesis demonstrates that production, in its institutional context, is a crucial site for the creation of audiences in the study of news journalism. In the process, it illuminates the role of public service broadcasting, in a world of digital media The conceptual framework utilises a new approach to framing analysis. Framing has been used to examine the news "agenda" and to identify the salient aspects of news events. This thesis demonstrates ways in which framing can be used to research important processes in news production at different levels, from policy level to that of professional culture, and generate insights to the relationship between them. The accumulated evidence of the bulletin analysis - using structural and rhetorical frames of news - field observation and interviews, shows that a specific and coherent audience can be constructed as a result of newsroom work practices in combination with organisational policies. The thesis has increased knowledge and understanding both of how news workers create images of their audiences and what the institutional factors are that influence the manufacture of audiences as they appear in the text of news bulletins.

Thisthesis examines how different collective memory and national identity of theRepublic of Korea and Japan affect their bilateral relationship. This is also dealwith the role of collective memory and national identity in the bilateralrelationship between the Republic of Korea and Japan. Of diverse conflictingissue between two countries, I studied territorial issue over Dokdo/Takeshimaissue because Dokdo/Takeshima issue is not only territorial matter but alsohistorical matter. So, there are frequent clashes over Dokdo/Takeshma betweentwo countries. To study this topic, in a theoretical framework, I utilizeconstructivism, collective memory and national identity to analyze differentideas of two countries. Furthermore, as I study coverage of media in twocountries, theory of news frame is also utilized. Analyzing media and statementsof two countries about Dokdo/Takeshima, I compared them and produced anintegrated analysis.

Diploma thesis Visual framing of terrorist attacks over the years focuses on how the selected terrorist attacks are presented in four Czech daily newspapers. The theoretical part of the thesis is focused on visual framing - which is based on the theoretical grounds of the concept of framing - and the visual presentation of terrorist attacks in the media. The aim of the research is to compare the visual framing of the attack in London in July 2005 and in Paris in 2015 using a quantitative content analysis of photographs accompanying the news coverage of attacks. The emphasis was on general frames of photographs accompanying the news coverage of both attacks and the difference between the framing of both events, the extent of the violence displayed, the differences in the visual framing of quality and tabloid press with a focus on photographs of victims and injured, and the relation of the title and the caption with the visual frames of analyzed visuals. Other research papers and studies of visual framing of terrorist attacks and related topics are also presented.

本研究以政治人物馬英九為例，探討台灣主要報紙是否出現「名人政治」現象，並探討「名人政治」的新聞框架為何？有何主要特質？呈現的方式是否和傳統政治新聞報導不同？研究對象為自由時報、聯合報及中國時報三家報紙從馬英九從擔任台北市長起至卸任國民黨主席止的新聞報導。以等距抽樣法抽取864則新聞進行分析。研究發現三家主要報紙報導馬英九新聞時都出現「名人政治」的新聞框架，其中以「政治風格」的框架最為顯著，報紙重視政治姿態、品行道德的領導能力描述，另外，報紙也常用「背景故事」把名人私領域的生活面向帶入公領域。「馬英九現象」和「個人特質」、「背景故事」和「社會互動」等框架的論述密切相關，因此確實減少了公共政策或政治議題的報導數量，不過不同報紙的框架仍有差異，隨著馬英九政治位置的重要性，名人政治的新聞框架也有所變化。但就馬英九這位政治人物來說，台灣主要報紙確實出現個人特質和政治風格鮮明的「名人化」現象。 / In a time when it is commonplace for political celebrities to garner media attention as much media attention for their political performance as for their particular personal life. The author wanted to analyze a famous political figure Ma Ying-jeou to learn the process of celebrification coupled with Gans description of the norms of news reporting, the following indicators would suggest celebrification of political content. The author used the news stories from three major newspapers in Taiwan as sample to find out elements of a celebrity that would attract the journalists as well as media organizations. The result showed that the strategies were utilized to sell the political celebrity was similar to those of the Western media.

1990年代後期，以新自由主義（neoliberalism）為基調的全球化論述漸成為主流的經濟發展理論。然而，隨著新自由主義式全球化不斷推進，世界卻日益分化、貧富差距日益嚴重。因此，反全球化浪潮逐漸在全球各地迅速蔓延。 本研究由2005年香港反全球化示威出發，採用批判論述分析方法，以《中國時報》與《東方日報》為例，由低層次至高層次針對文本、論述實踐與社會文化實踐進行分析，藉以探究台港兩地主流報紙如何再現此一事件。 文本分析將焦點置於兩報在語言層次上如何再現反全球化運動。研究結果發現，兩報共出現六種意識型態機制再現反全球化運動。除強化反全球化運動既定的刻板印象外，亦透過負面指謂與描繪將反全球化運動邊緣化於主流價值之外。總體來說，《東方日報》對反全球化運動之誤現不論是在數量上抑或程度上皆遠高於《中國時報》。 藉由論述實踐分析，將得以揭露隱匿於文本背後之框架與其意識型態歸屬。研究發現，反全球化人士於《中國時報》較常成為論述主角，其意見較得被完整呈現；《東方日報》則傾向突顯官方論述與發言。對於衝突事件，《中國時報》與《東方日報》兩報各自建構「民主人權」與「法律秩序」作為其召喚我群的共識假定。而在全球化爭議的論述形構上，《中國時報》文本的論述實踐運作呈現出「全球正義與民主框架」以及「傾保護政策框架」；《東方日報》文本的論述實踐運作則呈現「傾自由貿易框架」。 社會文化實踐分析旨在將文本置於社會文化脈絡中解讀，耙梳兩報論述實踐運作之社會文化意涵。本研究認為，肇因於兩地在政經脈絡發展以及媒體本身立場上的差異，《東方日報》論述實踐偏向常規式的社會性建構，有助於再製並維繫既存的新自由主義論述秩序；《中國時報》論述實踐則偏向創造式的社會性建構，有助於轉變既存的新自由主義論述秩序。 / In the post-90s era, neoliberal globalization theories framed the mainstream philosophies of economic development. This progression however, was no solution to augmenting economic, social and political differences in the world and the widening gap between the deprived and wealthy. In fact, it might have sown the seeds for the waves of anti-globalization movements that ensued. This study exams the anti-globalization protest that broke out in Hong Kong during 2005 and, using the China Times and Oriental Daily News coverage as case studies, takes a bottom-up analysis approach at examining how the mainstream media in Taiwan and Hong Kong each represented the event. Textual analysis on the two media’s coverage drew attention to six different ideological mechanisms in their representation approaches. In addition to reinforcing the negative stereotypical connotations of anti-globalization, the movement is also further marginalized through the use of negative descriptivism and labels. On the whole, the frequency and magnitude of misrepresentation of the anti-globalization movement made by the Oriental Daily News is far greater than the China Times. Analysis of discourse practice unveils the hidden frames and ideology behind the text. Grievances of anti-globalization protestors are voiced by China Times, while authoritarian monologues frequent on the Oriental Daily News. In conflicting circumstances, the China Times appeals to a sense of “democracy and human rights”, while the Oriental Daily News calls on “law and order” as their slogans to assemble we-group consensus. In their discursive formation on the globalization issue, the China Times outlines global justice & democracy and protective policy frames; the Oriental Daily News on the other hand endorses pro-liberal trade frames. Analysis of sociocultural practice interprets the text within context of the social and cultural backgrounds. To sum up, due to differences in political and economic developments in Taiwan and Hong Kong and respective media predispositions, the Oriental Daily News discourse has a conventional socially constitutive function that maintains and reproduces the neoliberal orders of discourse; the China Times discourse has a creative socially constitutive function that endeavors to transform existing neoliberal regimes.