<p>During the Cold War, Norway was a member of NATO, Sweden was neutral but depended on Western support in the event of a crisis, while Finland's foreign policy priority was to win and retain the Soviet Union's confidence. The purpose of the thesis is to study whether the three small states' different foreign policy choices had consequences for the ways in which the Soviet Union and the USA were depicted in school textbooks for history, geography, and social sciences in the period 1930 to 2004. To this end, a theory derived from small states' strategies to maintain their independence was applied to textbook production. </p><p>The study demonstrates that there was a link between small state foreign policy and textbooks' accounts of the USA and Soviet Union. Swedish and Norwegian textbooks portray international conflicts from a legalistic perspective, taking the part of small states exposed to superpower aggression such as Vietnam and Afghanistan. In Finnish textbooks, however, an interest in defending small state's rights yielded to the need to demonstrate their goodwill towards the Soviet Union, which was described in far less critical terms than in Swedish and Norwegian textbooks. In time, in the name of neutrality, depictions of the USA also became increasingly uncritical.</p><p>All three Nordic states had government authorities charged with inspecting and approving school textbooks. Foreign policy's chief influence on textbooks was not effected by direct oversight, however; instead, it was established indirectly by means of the social climate, which determined what was considered politically correct in the three countries, and it was to this that the textbooks' authors adapted their work. </p><p>Textbooks are often said to be conservative and slow to change, but the thesis shows that in parts they were politically sensitive, rapidly adapting to changes in what society held to be politically correct.</p>

Throughout the history of archaeology, the Sámi (the indigenous people in northern Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Kola Peninsula in the Russian Federation) have been conceptualized as the “Others” in relation to the national identity and (pre)history of the modern states. It is only in the last decades that a field of Sámi archaeology that studies Sámi (pre)history in its own right has emerged, parallel with an ethnic and cultural revival among Sámi groups. This dissertation investigates the notions of Sámi prehistory and archaeology, partly from a research historical perspective and partly from a more contemporary political perspective. It explores how the Sámi and ideas about the Sámi past have been represented in archaeological narratives from the early 19th century until today, as well as the development of an academic field of Sámi archaeology. The study consists of four main parts: 1) A critical examination of the conceptualization of ethnicity, nationalism and indigeneity in archaeological research. 2) A historical analysis of the representations and debates on Sámi prehistory, primarily in Sweden but also to some extent in Norway and Finland, focusing on four main themes: the origin of the Sámi people, South Sámi prehistory as a contested field of study, the development of reindeer herding, and Sámi pre-Christian religion. 3) An analysis of the study of the Sámi past in Russia, and a discussion on archaeological research and constructions of ethnicity and indigeneity in the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union. 4) An examination of the claims for greater Sámi self-determination concerning cultural heritage management and the debates on repatriation and reburial in the Nordic countries. In the dissertation, it is argued that there is a great need for discussions on the ethics and politics of archaeological research. A relational network approach is suggested as a way of opening up some of the black boxes and bounded, static entities in the representations of people in the past in the North.

No description available.

<p>Gränsers betydelse har både suddats ut och aktualiseras i och med en ökad grad av globalisering och mobilitet. Den svensk-norska gränsen har i stora drag legat fast i nästan 350 år och under tiden har kulturella och nationella identiteter skapats. Genom sitt läge vid riksgränsen påverkas Strömstad av nationella händelser på ett helt annat sätt än Sverige i stort samtidigt som det även finns ett starkt inflytande från en annan stats nationella politik.</p><p>Syftet med studien har varit att undersöka den norska närvarons påverkan på Strömstad ur ett socialt och kulturellt perspektiv. Det första man ser är effekter av ekonomisk art då Strömstad toppar listor för både turism och handel, men i förlängningen ser vi även en påverkan i hur strömstadsborna ser på sig själva och sin kommun.</p> / <p>Increasing globalization and mobility has reduced as well as enhanced the significance of borders. The Swedish-Norwegian border has barely changed in the last 350 years. During this time both national and cultural identities have been created. Strömstad’s location at the national border creates a situation where it is affected by national events in a different way than most of Sweden and at the same time Strömstad is strongly influenced by the national politics of another state.</p><p>The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of the Norwegian presence on Strömstad from a social and cultural perspective. Most noticeable are the effects in the financial sector; however effects can also be seen in the way the borderers see themselves as well as their community.</p>

Gränsers betydelse har både suddats ut och aktualiseras i och med en ökad grad av globalisering och mobilitet. Den svensk-norska gränsen har i stora drag legat fast i nästan 350 år och under tiden har kulturella och nationella identiteter skapats. Genom sitt läge vid riksgränsen påverkas Strömstad av nationella händelser på ett helt annat sätt än Sverige i stort samtidigt som det även finns ett starkt inflytande från en annan stats nationella politik. Syftet med studien har varit att undersöka den norska närvarons påverkan på Strömstad ur ett socialt och kulturellt perspektiv. Det första man ser är effekter av ekonomisk art då Strömstad toppar listor för både turism och handel, men i förlängningen ser vi även en påverkan i hur strömstadsborna ser på sig själva och sin kommun. / Increasing globalization and mobility has reduced as well as enhanced the significance of borders. The Swedish-Norwegian border has barely changed in the last 350 years. During this time both national and cultural identities have been created. Strömstad’s location at the national border creates a situation where it is affected by national events in a different way than most of Sweden and at the same time Strömstad is strongly influenced by the national politics of another state. The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of the Norwegian presence on Strömstad from a social and cultural perspective. Most noticeable are the effects in the financial sector; however effects can also be seen in the way the borderers see themselves as well as their community.

No description available.

No description available.

Ce mémoire a pour objectif d’analyser la nature et l’ampleur des enjeux de sécurité dans l’Arctique contemporain en utilisant les outils offerts par la théorie de la sécurisation de l’École de Copenhague. Cinq secteurs de sécurité – militaire, politique, identitaire, environnemental et économique – et quatre variables – la géographie, l’identité, l’histoire et la politique – sont utilisées pour examiner les perceptions de sécurité, les sécurisations et les comportements stratégiques du Canada et de la Norvège. La 1re hypothèse avancée dans ce mémoire est la suivante : depuis 2005, au Canada et en Norvège, nous sommes en train d’assister à une sécurisation progressive des enjeux non militaires dans l’Arctique - politiques, identitaires, environnementaux et économiques - et les effets entre ces secteurs de sécurité ont d’importantes conséquences sur le secteur militaire, notamment au niveau de la multiplication de projets étatiques pour la plupart essentiellement militaires, ainsi qu’au niveau d’un déclenchement d’une sécurisation de leur intégrité territoriale ou du moins un accroissement de l’insécurité à son égard. La 2e hypothèse avancée est la suivante : les nouvelles perceptions de sécurité et les comportements stratégiques des États de la région engendrent de l’insécurité à l’intérieur des sociétés ainsi qu’une dégradation de la confiance entre les acteurs étatiques. Cela a pour effet d’augmenter la division politique dans l’Arctique et de ralentir toute construction régionale. Nous concluons, sur la base de nos études de cas, qu’au Canada, la souveraineté, la nordicité et l’intégrité territoriale sont perçues comme étant menacées. De plus, les sécurisations dans l’Arctique semblent faire partie d’un renouvellement stratégique global en matière de politique étrangère et de défense. En Norvège, la Russie est considérée comme l’acteur principal du High North et à partir de 2008, la relation russo-norvégienne a subi une sécurisation. Contrairement au Canada, la Norvège préfère le statu quo stratégique dans l’Arctique en privilégiant les trois éléments traditionnels de sa politique de défense et de sécurité - la dissuasion par l’OTAN, la gestion de la Russie par l’assurance, et l’amélioration des relations est-ouest. / This thesis aims to analyse the nature and the scale of the security issues in the contemporary Arctic by utilising the tools offered by the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School. Five security sectors – military, political, identity, environmental and political – and four variables – geography, identity, history and politics – are used to examine the perceptions, the securitizations and the strategic behaviour of Canada and Norway. The first hypothesis put forward in our paper is as follows: since 2005, in Canada and in Norway, we are witnessing in the Arctic progressive securitizations of non military issues – political, identity, environmental and economical – and the cross-sectoral effects have important consequences on the military sector, such as, an increase in state projects that have mostly military components, as well as on the securitization of their territorial integrity or at least on the insecurity towards it. Our second hypothesis is as follows: the new security perceptions and the strategic behaviour of the regional States increases the insecurities within their societies and have negative effects on confidence between state actors. This increases the political divisions and slows down any regional construction. We conclude that in Canada, their sovereignty, their nordicity and their territorial integrity are perceived to be threatened. These securitizations also seem to be part of a radical global strategic change in matters pertaining to their foreign and defence policies. In Norway, Russia is perceived to be the main actor in the High North and since 2008, their bilateral relation has become securitized. As opposed to Canada, Norway seems to prefer the status quo in matters pertaining to their foreign and defence policies. The three traditional elements of their defence and security policy are applied – deterrence through NATO, but reassurance of the Russians and efforts to enhance East-West relations.

No description available.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal