This thesis deals with french translations of Prague toponyms. The first part contains a brief description of onomastics and toponomastics. Next, the term place names (toponyms) is defined. Afterwards this part is dedicated to the classification and the translation of toponyms. The next part of thesis is focused on the analysis of particular translations of prague place names. Firstly, they are divided into seven groups and then the terms are analysed from two different perspectives : translatological analysis and culturally - historical analysis. The aim of first analysis is to determine the translated terms from view of the six translation procedures. The second part observes the culturally - historical context of names which is also important in translation. The bilingual dictionary of analysed terms is attached at the end of the thesis.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(人間・環境学) / 甲第19809号 / 人博第780号 / 新制||人||187(附属図書館) / 27||人博||780(吉田南総合図書館) / 32845 / 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科共生人間学専攻 / (主査)教授 河﨑 靖, 教授 齋藤 治之, 教授 壇辻 正剛, 准教授 谷口 一美 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Human and Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DFAM

A proper name is a vocabulary element of a particular language which also belongs to a respective onymic subsystem, thereby acquiring a binary character. Proper names are formed (as a secondary plan of a language) with the background of appellative vocabulary. However, in their formation and use in communication, not only are the rules of the appellative language code applied but also the rules specific to proper names. Two opposing but interrelated tendencies are typical of the position of proper names – a continuous interaction of proper names with other vocabulary and the whole language system and, simultaneously, a continuous polarisation of the category of proper names in relation to appellatives. The interaction of proper names with other vocabulary relates to the ongoing processes of onymisation (appellative % proprium) and apellativisation (proprium % appellative) with the openness of onymy (the social, historical, cultural as well as the political dimensions of proper names present a wide range of possibilities for, e. g. the adoption of exonyms) but, above all, it relates to the social needs of ordinary communication. The polarisation of proper names in relation to appellatives is, hence, conditioned by the special character of onymic nomination. From this binary interrelationship of proper names follows the binary status of the category nomen proprium, i. e. linguistic status and onomastic status. In the analysis of proper names and from the methodological standpoint in onomastics, I consider this to be fundamental. That is why, after the older characterisation of onomastics, I have extended the definition of the linguistic status of proper names as defined by Kuryłowicz (La position linguistique du nom propre, 1956) to linguistic and onomastic status (Blanár 1976, 1977 ). These terms will be discussed later.

This research analyses the influence of the power of a name, particularly on Zulu speaking people in South Africa. It further analyses the effect of names in other Nguni speaking communities in this country. On a wider scale it also looks at the power and the influence of names given to people of other countries on the African continent. The research primarily investigates the effects of the power of a name on the life of a black person. A name could actually lure a person to enact its meaning. For instance, the name uBagangile could influence the bearer of the name to be generally naughty or if not so, relatives around her might act naughty in different ways. It is pointed out that the act of name-giving with concomitant power vested in a name originates from God. The bearer was expected to act out the meaning of his/her name. God's power hidden in the name would constrain an individual to behave in a certain way within his/her community. The research points out that a name is not only a label that helps in the identification of an individual or an entity. A name is something that is multi-functional. First it becomes a label, a descriptive tool that may refer to a person's body structure. It is possible that a name may divulge a situation in which the person was born. Most importantly, it has the power to make the bearer become what the name means. Usually names carry one of the above accounts. If the name was chosen by an insightful name giver it may carry more than one of the above qualities. During the years of oppression before the advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994, community members made extensive use of names from the languages of the white oppressors. White names had an impact on the lives of bearers, because of the meanings and contexts associated with them. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

The aim of this thesis is to examine and elucidate the introduction of new first names and the patterns of name giving from a social perspective based on material from baptismal registers. The region I have chosen to examine is Skellefteå and its surroundings 1791-1890. The point of departure is that the name giving may be considered a symbolic indication of the division between "us" and "them", based on constantly changing taste. During the period under examination, 1791-1890, 71 149 first names occur and 582 of which has been defined as new, i.e. first names that, as far as I know, did not exist in the area before the first example. Seen as the percentage of names occurring within different social groups the largest portion of new first names is introduced by the bourgeoisie and the smallest by the agrarian group. The new first names have been categorised as either a name choice or a name formation, with the former category containing more names than the latter. As regards categories of new names the bourgeoisie predominantly utilize name choice while for the agrarian group name formation predominates. The new pattern of name giving I have examined is the polyname system, which expands from the 18th Century onwards. The custom first grows in the name giving of girls, especially if born into the bourgeoisie. This social group also introduces the custom for the boys. When the custom of giving two names becomes too common in the region the bourgeoisie returns increasingly to one first name for the children, or to three or four names for each child. As regards the order of the new or old names, for boys the old name is generally placed first, especially among the agrarian group, if the two names are even in other respects e.g. have the same number of syllables. Once a new first name has been introduced it has to spread to survive. Of the 582 new names 422 spread and 160 do not. To examine the initial diffusion process from both a social and a geographical perspective 23 names have been chosen as representatives of different patterns of diffusion. The diffusion is described in terms of influence spreading from district to district or influence in the immediate surroundings. These two geographical aspects have been treated from a social perspective, in terms of a heterogeneous or homogenous social diffusion respectively. / digitalisering@umu

This research analyses the influence of the power of a name, particularly on Zulu speaking people in South Africa. It further analyses the effect of names in other Nguni speaking communities in this country. On a wider scale it also looks at the power and the influence of names given to people of other countries on the African continent. The research primarily investigates the effects of the power of a name on the life of a black person. A name could actually lure a person to enact its meaning. For instance, the name uBagangile could influence the bearer of the name to be generally naughty or if not so, relatives around her might act naughty in different ways. It is pointed out that the act of name-giving with concomitant power vested in a name originates from God. The bearer was expected to act out the meaning of his/her name. God's power hidden in the name would constrain an individual to behave in a certain way within his/her community. The research points out that a name is not only a label that helps in the identification of an individual or an entity. A name is something that is multi-functional. First it becomes a label, a descriptive tool that may refer to a person's body structure. It is possible that a name may divulge a situation in which the person was born. Most importantly, it has the power to make the bearer become what the name means. Usually names carry one of the above accounts. If the name was chosen by an insightful name giver it may carry more than one of the above qualities. During the years of oppression before the advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994, community members made extensive use of names from the languages of the white oppressors. White names had an impact on the lives of bearers, because of the meanings and contexts associated with them. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

A proper name is a vocabulary element of a particular language which also belongs to a respective onymic subsystem, thereby acquiring a binary character. Proper names are formed (as a secondary plan of a language) with the background of appellative vocabulary. However, in their formation and use in communication, not only are the rules of the appellative language code applied but also the rules specific to proper names. Two opposing but interrelated tendencies are typical of the position of proper names – a continuous interaction of proper names with other vocabulary and the whole language system and, simultaneously, a continuous polarisation of the category of proper names in relation to appellatives. The interaction of proper names with other vocabulary relates to the ongoing processes of onymisation (appellative % proprium) and apellativisation (proprium % appellative) with the openness of onymy (the social, historical, cultural as well as the political dimensions of proper names present a wide range of possibilities for, e. g. the adoption of exonyms) but, above all, it relates to the social needs of ordinary communication. The polarisation of proper names in relation to appellatives is, hence, conditioned by the special character of onymic nomination. From this binary interrelationship of proper names follows the binary status of the category nomen proprium, i. e. linguistic status and onomastic status. In the analysis of proper names and from the methodological standpoint in onomastics, I consider this to be fundamental. That is why, after the older characterisation of onomastics, I have extended the definition of the linguistic status of proper names as defined by Kuryłowicz (La position linguistique du nom propre, 1956) to linguistic and onomastic status (Blanár 1976, 1977 ). These terms will be discussed later.

This thesis deals with place-names in the southern part of the municipality of Skellefteå in the province of Västerbotten, more precisely the parishes of Bureå, Burträsk and Lövånger. It consists of three different sections, first a survey of the settlement names in each parish, then a section on the second elements in these place-names, and finally a study of names of more recent settlements. The earliest place-names here are names like Blacke, Bureå, Bäck, Kräkånger and Lövånger. The second elements in the names from the medieval expansion period are mark, böle, byn, träsk, sjön and vattnet. Placenames of Nordic, Sami and Finnish origin are found in Skellefteå. The name Lossmen has its origin in Ume Sami and was then borrowed into Finnish. Originally Sami names are Gorkuträsk, Jäppnästjärnliden, Lubboträsk, Sittuträsk and Tavträskliden. The thesis consists of interpretations of the names on parishes, villages, farms and summer pastures, and in Bureå and Lövånger also the names of seasonal fishing stations. The second major section deals with the second elements included in village names, alternative village names, names of parts of villages and farm names. Here the second elements in place-names in Bureå, Burträsk and Lövånger are accounted for, as are the names in the parishes of Byske, Jörn and Skellefteå. This is followed by a discussion of the second elements in Västerbotten and quite often in other parts of Norrland as well. The third major section consists of an analysis of the names of recent settlements in the area. These were established from the 1730s and up to 1870. Founding settlements was a way of providing livelihoods for a rapidly growing population. The study comprises 726 names, of which 269 are in the primary area of investigation, the parishes of Bureå, Burträsk and Lövånger. Extensive comparisons are made continually with conditions in the parishes of Byske, Jörn and Skellefteå in the northern area. The aim of the study is to determine in greater detail what characterises the names of more recent settlements in the municipality of Skellefteå in terms of categories of settlement names, their frequency and distribution within the area. A comparison is also made between Skellefteå and the municipality of Vännäs (Hagervall 1986). One of Hagervall’s findings is that many names are not based on existing features. This thesis shows, however, hardly any cases of stereotype naming in Västerbotten and that in nearly all cases the names refer to features.

This thesis deals with collective nicknames denoting the inhabitants of a place (parish, village etc.) in northern Sweden, i.e. names of the type arnästjuvar (denoting the inhabitants of the parish of Arnäs; tjuv 'thief') and tynderötuppar (denoting the inhabitants of the parish of Tynderö; tupp 'cock'). The main aim of the thesis is to explain why various nickname elements were chosen and to describe the general character of the nicknames of northern Sweden. These nicknames have been used collectively about the inhabitants of a certain place in a jocular or derogatory sense. They have been used above all in male-dominated contexts, e.g. in military camps. The nicknames are ethnocentric: they denote individuals in their capacity as members of a group. They are often related to other, similar names, so that they form series which are connected phonetically, semantically or from the point of view of word formation. The discussion of these aspects is based on Hugo Moser's research on "Namenfelder". Sources from about 1600 to the present day have been used as material. The bulk of the material consists of answers to questionnaires from the 20th century. Because of the construction of the questionnaires the material is to some extent imperfect. The nicknames often reflect various aspects of the society of the individuals, but today the explanation for names is quite often secondary and a result of folk-etymology. Some nicknames reflect the trades of the inhabitants, others social conditions, diet or dress, others ethnic conditions. The nickname strömmingar was often given to people living on the coast where fishing was an important source of income. The nickname element finnar reflects local settlement by Finns. Some nicknames probably reflect various linguistic conditions (dialectal pronunciation, characteristic place-names or personal names), pictures in local seals or historical events. Several nickname elements have been chosen through association with the form of the place-name or the name of the inhabitants, or with existing nicknames, referring either to the inhabitants themselves or their neighbours. There is often a similarity in sound between the place-name (or the name of the inhabitants) and nickname elements. We find e.g. alliteration, assonance and rhyme, or formations in which the place-name (or the name of the inhabitants, or part of it) is compounded with a nickname element to make up an appellative which already exists. The latter kind of formation may be illustrated with the nickname bergtroll ('mountain trolls') to denote those who live in S'àvaiberg (in the parish of Sävar). Some nicknames have as their basis an association from the place-name (or the name of the inhabitants) to the nickname element chosen. The associations are frequently difficult to trace. A nickname like orrlidtuppar (denoting those who live in Orrliden in the parish of Skellefteå) was no doubt chosen through association with the appellative orrtupp 'blackcock'. When the nickname smedstaspiken (denoting the inhabitants of Smedsta in the parish of Lit) was coined, the place-name element smed 'smith' was associated with the closely related spik 'nail'. A close analysis of nicknames denoting parish inhabitants in northern Sweden shows that there are often pairs (or series) of nicknames which are related phonetically (through alliteration, assonance or rhyme), semantically or morphologically, just as nicknames denoting neighbours may be connected in a similar way. Frequently, parish inhabitants have different names in relation to different neighbours. How innovations are introduced and spread is shown by the sfw/"/Z?wf-nicknames in the province of Ångermanland. An analysis of the nicknames denoting the inhabitants of parishes in north-eastern Ångermanland shows that the inhabitants of the old parishes have only one nickname each-a name which is known over a large area-while the inhabitants of the newer parishes have several nicknames. The reason why several nicknames are used to denote inhabitants in newer parishes seems to be that there was no old, unequivocal nickname tradition to fall back on. In the final chapter the importance of patterns for the formation of nicknames is stressed, but also the importance of creativity and coinages. A striking coinage has a great chance of becoming generally accepted and also of becoming the centre of new groups of nicknames. / digitalisering@umu

This thesis, called "Norwegian Place-Names", deals with place-names of all types (for example names of rivers, towns and cities, mountains, lakes, roads) in Norway. The main goal is to explore the names from different points-of-view, provide information about major place-name groups, analyze the best-known names and compare Norwegian and Czech place-names. The language aspects have been emphasized.