Ce mémoire porte sur les liens entre les médias, les émotions et la séquence d’événements lors d’une mobilisation sociale. Nous avons fait une étude de cas sur la révolution égyptienne de 2011. L’objectif est de comprendre comment les gens se mobilisent lors d’un événement de cet ordre. Au niveau théorique, nous explorons les travaux de Castells (2012) sur les mouvements de foule. Nous présentons la théorie d’intelligence affective pour résumer ce que les chercheurs ont dit sur la place des émotions en temps de mobilisation. En ce qui concerne la méthodologie, nous avons effectué des entrevues semi-structurées avec des Égyptiens qui ont participé à la révolution de 2011 ou l’ont suivie. Nous utilisons des cartes cognitives pour comprendre leur expérience. Une carte cognitive est une analyse qui vise à révéler les représentations, soit les liens que voient les personnes entre différentes composantes. Les résultats de cette recherche semblent illustrés le fait qu’au début de la révolution, les gens ont surtout utilisé Facebook pour en apprendre sur les manifestations. Plus tard, autres formes de communication ont pris de l’importance pour s’informer sur ce qui se passait dans le pays et pour mobiliser les gens. Par ailleurs, de la colère s’est fait sentir à la fois pendant et avant la révolution. La discussion a permis d’analyser la mobilisation sociale avec l’arrivée du web 2.0 et de s’interroger sur ce phénomène ainsi que sur l’importance de la communication interpersonnelle et des émotions durant une révolution. / In this master thesis, we question the links between the emotions, Medias and the sequence of events during social mobilization. This research is a case study on the Egyptian revolution of 2011. In the chapter on literature review, we summarize the studies on social movements of Castells (2012). We then present the theory of affective intelligence in order to understand what has been said on the presence of emotions during time of mobilization. For the methodology, we have done semi-structured interviews with Egyptians who have either participated or followed the revolution in 2011. Cognitive maps were used to understand what the research’s participants have experienced. The results show that at the beginning of the revolution, Facebook was used by the participants to learn about protests. Later on, other forms of communication became really important to learn about what was happening in the country and to mobilize others. Moreover, anger was highly felt during and before the revolution. The discussion led to the analysis and interrogation of social mobilization with the arrival of Web 2.0, the importance of interpersonal communication as well as the significance of emotions during a revolution.

This study demonstrates how royal portraiture functioned during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars as a vehicle for visualizing and processing the contemporary political upheavals. It does so by considering a notion of the 'sovereignty of the portrait', that is, the semiotic integrity (or precisely the lack thereof) and the material territory of royal portraiture at this historical juncture. Working from an assumption that the precariousness of sovereignty which delineated the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars goes hand in hand with the precariousness of representation during the same period, it reframes prevailing readings of royal portraiture in the aftermath of the French Revolution by approaching the genre less as one defined by the oneway propagation of a message, and more as a highly unstable intermedial network of representation. This theoretical undertaking is refracted through the figure of Maria Carolina, Queen of Naples (1752-1814), close sister and foil to Queen Marie- Antoinette of France, and who, as de facto ruler of the Kingdom of Naples, physically survived revolution but was twice dethroned and thrice exiled. A diverse ecology of royal portraiture revolving around Maria Carolina is presented across five case studies. Close attention to the materiality of a hyperrealistic wax bust of Maria Carolina reveals how portraiture absorbed the trauma of the French Revolution; Maria Carolina’s correspondence in invisible ink is used as a tool to read a highly distinctive visual language of 'hidden' silhouettes of sovereigns and to explore the in/visibility of exile; a novel reading of Antonio Canova's work for the Neapolitan Bourbons through the lens of contemporary caricature problematizes the binary between ancien régime and parvenue monarchy; and a unique miniature of Maria Carolina offers itself as a material metaphor for post-revolutionary sovereignty. Finally, Maria Carolina’s death mask testifies to how Maria Carolina herself became a relic of the ancien régime.

Comment une prise de pouvoir par la force peut-elle donner naissance à un ordre juridique stable? Peu étudié par les juristes, le coup d’Etat moderne n’est pas seulement un procédé permettant l’accession au pouvoir, il est également l’un des modes d’enclenchement du pouvoir constituant originaire, moment de rupture et de reconstruction constitutionnelles. Cette notion se trouve être au croisement de la science politique, de la philosophie du droit, et de l’histoire. Permettant l’instauration d’une nouvelle constitution, le coup d’Etat moderne est une prise de pouvoir soudaine par un petit groupe d'hommes appartenant à l’appareil de l’Etat et utilisant la force. En se fondant sur différents évènements historiques majeurs, comme les coups de Bonaparte, Lénine, Pinochet, etc., il paraît nécessaire de définir ce concept, le distinguant de la révolution. Il est possible d’établir une classification des différents types de coups, selon leurs protagonistes et leur impact sur l’ordre juridique : coup d’Etat révolutionnaire, coup d’Etat classique, coup d’Etat moderne, putsch, et pronunciamiento. Il se dégage alors les techniques de préparation, de mise en oeuvre, et de maintien du coup qui touchent à la fois aux sphères politique et juridique. / How can the violent overthrow of a government generate a stable legal order? Often overlooked by the legal community, a modern coup is not just a process of accession to power; it is also one of the ways of engaging the original constituent power, of constitutional rupture and of reconstruction. This concept is located at the intersection of political science, of the philosophy of law and of history. The modern coup, which permits the establishment of a new constitution, is the sudden, illegal replacement of a government by a small group of the existing state establishment by the use of force. Based on various historical events, such as the coups d’état of Bonaparte, Lenin, Pinochet, etc., we define this concept and distinguish it from a revolution. We establish a classification of different types of coups, according to their protagonists and their impact on the constitutional system: revolutionary coups, classical coups, modern coups, putsches, and pronunciamienti. We also define the techniques of preparation, implementation and preservation of the coup which affect both the political and legal spheres

Diploma thesis Motifs of pre-Columbian America in modern Mexican art deals with the pre- Columbian motifs in the work of three leading representatives of the Mexican muralism - Diego Rivera, José Clemente Orozco and David Alfaro Siqueiros. Muralism, monumental painting with a clearly defined socio-educational function, started to develop on the initiative of the post- revolutionary Mexican government, since the 1920s of the 20th century. During its development, it gained international fame and today it is widely regarded as a uniquely Mexican style of art. An integral part of muralism form scenes from the life of pre-Columbian cultures. The main objective of this work is to analyse these scenes, the origin of particular motifs, their original meanings and meanings, which they assumed in the context of the murals. The work also reflects where muralists acquired knowledge about the Indian civilizations and what image of pre-Columbian past they created. The work also seeks to clarify the question in what specifically was the muralist access to pre-Columbian cultures innovative. The paper uses qualitative methods of analysis of the available written sources and analysis of visual materials.

"Durant les 17 années du règne de Louis-Philippe d'Orléans, la France a entièrement restauré ses monuments historiques. La Monarchie de Juillet a entrepris la restauration et l'entretien de ses monuments construits sous l'Antiquité, le Moyen Age et le premier Empire. Parallèlement à l'action des Parlementaires, le Roi des Français, sur les fonds de sa dotation pécuniaire qui lui était versée chaque année par le Trésor Public, a entrepris un vaste plan de restauration des palais placés dans le domaine de la Couronne : Les Tuileries, Saint Cloud, Fontainebleau, Compiègne, Meudon... Il transforma aussi le palais de Versailles en "Musée consacré à toutes les Gloires de la France". Rien que ce chantier lui coûta personnellement la somme de 24 Millions de Francs.La Monarchie de Juillet, qui était un régime né de la révolution de Juillet 1830, devait se construire une légitimité à partir de rien. Ne pouvant se réclamer ni de la Tradition, ni de la gloire des armes, ni même de la Souveraineté du peuple ou du Principe monarchique, la jeune Monarchie de Juillet entama une vaste politique de restauration et d'achèvement de monuments qui dataient notamment de l'Empire et de la Monarchie absolue. Il s'agissait, pour Louis Philippe, de s'approprier l'intégralité de l'héritage politique français, afin de montrer le caractère universel de son régime. C'est ainsi que la Monarchie de Juillet construisit sa légitimité à gouverner la France.Cette thèse analyse les budgets investis dans les monuments français par les Gouvernements et les parlementaires, entre Juillet 1830 et Février 1848 (date de la chute de ce régime), ainsi que la politique conduite dans ce domaine des monuments, personnellement par Louis-Philippe à la même époque. L'auteur à dépouillé intégralement une partie du fonds O/4 des Archives Nationales de France, travail qui n'avait pas été réalisé jusqu'alors avec autant de précisions." / "During the 17 years of the reign of Louis-Philippe d'Orléans, France restored fully its historic monuments. The “Monarchie de Juillet” began the restoration and maintenance of monuments built in ancient times, the Middle Ages and the first Empire. In parallel with the action of Parliament, the King of the French undertook a comprehensive plan of restoration of those palaces belonging to the Crown: the Tuileries, St. Cloud, Fontainebleau, Compiègne, Meudon, drawing from his own endowment fund annually allocated by the public revenue. He also converted the Palace of Versailles into a "museum dedicated to all the glories of France." This site alone cost him 24 millions Francs. The “Monarchie de juillet” which was a regime born of the revolution of July 1830, had to build legitimacy from scratch. Unable to claim to be the fruits of tradition, or military glory, or even the sovereignty of the people or the monarchial principle, the young “Monarchie de Juillet” entered into an extensive policy of restoration and completion in particular of such monuments dating from the Empire and the absolute monarchy. Louis Philippe aimed to take over the entire French political legacy, in order to show the universal nature of his regime. In this way the “Monarchie de Juillet” built its legitimacy to govern France.This thesis analyzes the budgets invested in French monuments by governments and parliamentarians, between July 1830 and February 1848 (the date of the fall of the regime), as well as the personal political commitment of Louis Philippe in the field of monuments, during the same period.The author has fully analysed a part of the fund O / 4 of French National Archives a work that has never been done previously with so much precision.

The thesis "Syrians in the Czech Republic" is engaged with the Syrians living in the Czech Republic, and their activities here. Attempts to outline the Syrians view on the Czech society and their integration into Czech society. The main method of work is a field research among the Syrians supplemented with study of technical literature. Keywords Syria, Syrians, the Arabic spring, the Arab revolution, Bashar Assad, the Baas, Syrian identity, islam, emigration, immigration, integration process, problem of identity

This diploma thesis deals with the decade of the Municipal theatre Most's existence in the years 1985 -1995. The first part of my thesis concentrates on the evolution of the theater making in Most region from the very beginning till the 80ties of the 20th century. The second part is dedicated to the construction and the final appearance of the theatre building by the architect Ivo Klimeš, then it describes The Workers' theatre in Most at the time of the director Zbyněk Srba's arrival accompanied by DAMU students and introduces some crucial plays on Most's stage in the years 1985-1995. Special chapter focuses on the Velvet Revolution and its influence on the Theatre Most.

The diploma thesis "Rural section of the Bohemia newspapers in 1856 - 1876" analyses the thematic content and news frequency from the countryside and places that the German written newspapers Bohemia published during the introduced period. In the beginning the thesis describes the historical, cultural and political connection in the Czech countries, it focuses mainly on Czech-German relationship and national problems that grew after the year 1848. It introduces the media area of this period as well. The main titles and newspapers distributed in Prague and German places have been mentioned there. Bohemia played the main role in integration of German population especially till 50s. Consecutively, it grows the number of other titles and periodical, so Bohemia loses its strong position. Quantitative and qualitative analysis of the rural section should prove weakening of the rural news and the changes of its structure and content. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

The thesis titled Self-reflection Of Czech Sport Journalists Working Between 1980 And 1999 In Printed Media And The Influence Of Ideology On Their Role In Society focuses on a question of whether the work of writing sport journalists was influenced by the ruling ideology before 1989. The thesis is based on biographical interviews of five sport journalists, which were taken while using the help of oral history research method. The sport journalists bring their testimonies, memories, experiences and stories associated with the period of normalization, the Velvet Revolution and the post-revolutionary period. The biggest emphasis is placed on a degree of impact of the ruling ideology on the editorial process before 1989. Therefore the thesis touches themes of self-censorship, targeted campaigns, relationships of the journalists to the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia or to The National Security. The work brings views of still writing sport journalists, who evaluate their motivation to do the profession, their ongoing journalistic career and the role of sport journalists in society. This study is a contribution to oral-historical research on the period of normalization and to understanding the influence of ideology on the media activity before 1989. This thesis extends the knowledge of sports...

Dans un système constitutionnel fondé sur la souveraineté de la nation, le pouvoir constituant fait figure de phénomène ambivalent, difficilement analysable en termes juridiques. Par définition réfractaire à tout encadrement impératif, le pouvoir suprême au sein de l’Etat n’en doit pas moins revêtir une forme organisée pour exprimer une volonté normative. Les acteurs de la Révolution française agissent aux confins du droit, tirant profit des ressources de la philosophie politique et de l’histoire pour établir une constitution, principe fondamental du système juridique qu’ils cherchent à établir. Ils se dotent d’outils pour parvenir à leurs fins : le concept de « convention nationale » en est un, auréolé du succès des réalisations américaines. Plutôt qu’à une transposition institutionnelle, les révolutionnaires français procèdent à une adaptation. En devenant « extraordinaire », la représentation constituante qu’ils conceptualisent perd son caractère révolutionnaire pour devenir pleinement juridique. Elle offre une alternative à l’insurrection. Un tel processus présente cependant un revers. Ce pouvoir, en accédant à l’existence investi de l’exercice de la souveraineté, est dégagé de toutes contraintes juridiques autres que celles qui découlent de son organisation. Ces contraintes pèsent sur ses membres, exacerbant les tensions qui déchirent un corps collectif doté des pouvoirs les plus étendus. Les dérives sanglantes qui frappent la Convention nationale ne sont pas inéluctables ; elles découlent de l’exploitation politique des failles inhérentes au fonctionnement d’une représentation souveraine dont les membres ne doivent jouir d’aucun privilège. / In a constitutional system founded on the sovereignty of the nation, constituent power is an ambivalent phenomenon, difficult to analyse in juridical terms. By definition resistant to mandatory regulation, the supreme power in the state must necessarily take a form which enables it to express a normative will. The actors of the French Revolution push the confines of the law, taking advantage of the resources of political philosophy and history to establish a constitution, fundamental principle of the juridical system they seek to institute. They create tools to achieve their ends: the concept of “national convention” being one, taking inspiration from the success of American achievements. Rather than an institutionnal transposition, the French revolutionaries proceed with an adaptation. By becoming “extraordinary”, the constituent representation which they conceptualize losses its revolutionary character to become fully juridical. It offers an alternative to the insurrection. By coming into existence invested with the capacity to exercise sovereignty, this power is released from all legal constraints other than those arising as a result of its organization. The process, however, is two-sided, and internally produced constraints weigh on its members, exacerbating tensions thar tear a collective body endowed with the broadest powers. The bloody excesses that strike the National Convention are not inevitable. They arise from political exploitation of flaws inherent to the organization of a sovereign representation whose members must not have any privilege.