Mgr Dupanloup est l’une des figures de proue du catholicisme libéral en France au XIXe siècle. À partir de la correspondance privée du prêtre de Savoie, il s’agit de mettre en exergue les réseaux mis en place et structurés par le prêtre de Savoie pour défendre les intérêts de l’Église catholique dans un contexte de tensions révolutionnaires. Ainsi sous la Seconde République, de 1848 à 1851, Dupanloup et ses réseaux se concentrent particulièrement sur la lutte pour la liberté de l’enseignement et à partir de 1849 sur la lutte pour le vote du projet de loi Falloux, un projet de loi visant à réorganiser entièrement l’instruction publique et privée. Autour de Dupanloup s’agrège tout un ensemble de partis, de réseaux et de personnalités d’origines diverses, laïcs et ecclésiastiques, religieux et politiques qu’on a pu réunir sous l’appellation de « parti Dupanloup ». Ce « parti » repose avant tout sur le « duo » Dupanloup-Montalembert, devenu « trio » dès lors qu’Alfred de Falloux est devenu ministre avec comme objectif prioritaire d’obtenir la liberté de l’enseignement secondaire et de soutenir l’autorité temporelle du pape. Des stratégies apparaissent dans la correspondance et les écrits privés de Dupanloup qui constituent les coulisses de l’action publique du prêtre pédagogue. Ces échanges épistolaires forment un maillage resserré entre des individus partageant plus ou moins les mêmes convictions et objectifs et visant à incliner le processus révolutionnaire en leur faveur. C’est dans l’espace privé de la correspondance que Dupanloup construit déjà son action publique. Étudier les réseaux et le combats du parti de Dupanloup sous la Seconde République permet de revenir plus précisément sur un pan de l’histoire assez méconnu. Les conflits qui agitent la vie politique, sociale et religieuse de la Seconde République sont, en effet, révélateurs du bouillonnement idéologique, politique, social et religieux du milieu du XIXe siècle. Il cristallise des débats publics qui animent encore l’Europe du XXIe siècle, notamment sur la question de la laïcité ou de la sécularisation de la société. L’évolution de la pensée de Dupanloup durant cette période révèle les tensions et dissensions qui agitent les catholiques libéraux dans leur rapport entre eux-mêmes, mais aussi dans leur relation avec le clergé et avec la société.Il semble ainsi pertinent de comprendre comment un groupe de catholiques conservateurs, lui-même en minorité au sein du mouvement catholique libéral, est parvenu à se hisser au sommet d’institutions républicaines alors que de 1848 à 1851 les journées révolutionnaires se multiplient et se radicalisent. Peut-on conclure à une victoire du « parti Dupanloup » ? La Révolution sociale avortée dès juin 1848 s’est-elle mue en Contre-Révolution ou bien paradoxalement en Révolution catholique ? / Bishop Dupanloup was one of the leading figures of the liberal Catholicism in France in the 19th century. From the private correspondence of the priest of Savoy, the objective is to highlight the networks which were set up and structured by the priest of Savoy to defend the interests of the Catholic Church in a context of revolutionary tensions.Under the Second Republic, from 1848 to 1851, Dupanloup and his networks particularly focused on the struggle for freedom of education and from 1849 on the struggle for the vote of the Falloux bill, a bill aimed to completely reorganize public and private education. Around Dupanloup an ensemble aggregated, made of parties, networks and personalities of various origins, lay and ecclesiastical, religious and political, who were known as the "Dupanloup party". This "party" relied above all on the "duo" Dupanloup-Montalembert, who turned into a "trio" when Alfred de Falloux became minister of public education and worship with the primary objective of obtaining the freedom for the Secondary education and to support the temporal authority of the pope. Strategies appear in the correspondence and private writings of Dupanloup that form the backdrop of the public action of the pedagogical priest. These epistolary exchanges form a tight grid between individuals sharing more or less the same convictions and objectives and aiming to tilt the revolutionary process in their favor. It is in the private space of correspondence that Dupanloup already built his public action. Studying the networks and the battles of the party of Dupanloup under the Second Republic makes it possible to go back more precisely to a part of history which is quite unknown. The conflicts which agitated the political, social and religious life of the Second Republic were indeed revealing of the ideological, political, social and religious bubbling turmoil of the mid-nineteenth century. It crystallized public debates that still animated the Europe of the 21st century, notably on the question of secularism or the secularization of society. The evolution of Dupanloup's thinking during this period reveals the tensions and dissensions which agitated liberal Catholics themselves but also their relationship with the clergy and with society.It seems relevant to understand how a group of conservative Catholics, a minority itself within the liberal Catholic movement, managed to rise to the top of republican institutions, whereas from 1848 to 1851 revolutionary days multiplied and radicalized. Can we conclude with a victory of the "Dupanloup party"? Was the Social Revolution which aborted in June 1848 a Counter-Revolution or paradoxically a Catholic Revolution ?

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La Révolution Islamique de 1979 met fin à la monarchie constitutionnelle puis au ministère public en tentant de remédier aux difficultés récurrentes rencontrées par le système judiciaire depuis le début du siècle. Les institutions, furent complètement remaniées, dans l’intérêt du nouveau régime et afin de mettre en place, en rénovant le lien historique entre religions et institutions, une version politisée de l’Islam. Les révolutionnaires, insuffisamment préparés, manquant d’expérience et de connaissances, constatèrent l’échec des nouvelles politiques en matière judiciaire. Le ministère public était indispensable à l’exécution des missions régaliennes de maintien de la sécurité intérieure et de l’ordre public ainsi qu’au fonctionnement de la justice. Cette institution, présente sous des formes archaïques depuis l’antiquité et modernisée lors de la Révolution Constitutionnelle du début du XXème siècle, fut rétablie en 2002. / The Islamic Revolution of 1979 broke up the constitutional monarchy then disbanded the public prosecution institution to make an attempt to solve the chronic issues encountered by the judicial system since the beginning of the century. The institutional system was entirely overhauled, in the interest of the new system and in the purpose to establish a new model integrating the historical link between religion and institutions with a political kind of Islam. The revolutionaries, barely prepared, lacking of experience and knowledge, noticed the failure of the new judicial politics. The public prosecution was essential to the fulfillment of the regalian functions, including the maintenance of public order and domestic security, along with the functioning of justice. This institution, existing under varied shapes since antiquity and modernized in the beginning of the century with the constitutional Revolution, has been restored in 2002.

This thesis investigates the formation of power structures in a revolutionary setting. It takes as a case study the central Siberian city of Krasnoiarsk, in which a powerful Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies emerged during the period March-October 1917. The Krasnoiarsk Soviet was an elective council established during the overthrow of Tsarist authorities. Throughout 1917, it became a vital component of an emerging local and regional power structure, assuming growing responsibility for a number of core state tasks. As well as providing a new empirical case study to English-language literature on 1917, the thesis employs a nuanced analytical approach which challenges existing conceptualisations of state power in revolution and the role played by local soviets. State power in revolutionary Russia has often been viewed as something to be contested between different political groupings and organisations seeking to assert their own outright control. This view is captured neatly by the formulation of “dual power”, in which soviets and Provisional Government organisations constructed alternative power bases in an attempt to wield outright control. Accordingly, the soviets’ growing political strength indicated an ability to marginalise other groups and organisations seeking to wield power. By contrast, this thesis does not seek to explain how power in revolutionary Krasnoiarsk was “captured” or otherwise controlled by the Soviet alone. Instead, it applies a critical interpretation of state power proposed by Bob Jessop and other theorists, who view the state as a site of interaction and negotiation between multiple autonomous organisations and social actors, all of which have a stake in the way it operates in practice. It focuses on the emergence of a “soviet power” writ small, in which the Krasnoiarsk Soviet became an authoritative organisation within a broader constellation of revolutionary actors. Without denying the Soviet’s centrality within this power structure, the thesis does not explain its role simply as the monopolisation of authority over other would-be contenders. Rather, it sees the Soviet’s importance in its ability to establish itself as a focal point for interactions between multiple actors which, collectively, shaped state power at a local and regional level. It considers how the forms and practices of revolutionary power developed through these interactions and how these interactions in turn transformed the roles of actors and organisations engaging them. In order to unpick the complex and dynamic processes of revolutionary power, the thesis employs three core methodological concepts: institutions, mobilisation, and ideology. It makes several important and original arguments. Firstly, it emphasises the autonomy of social actors which supported the Soviet and engaged in its politics, demonstrating the extent to which they were able to shape its political functions and structures according to their own concerns. Secondly, it reveals the importance of skilled administrative personnel to Soviet work, highlighting the invaluable practical roles they played in the regulation of provisions and their ability to influence Soviet policy measures on this issue. Thirdly, it demonstrates the close cooperation between the Soviet and other local governmental and administrative bodies, including the city Duma and provisions regulatory organisations, which remained vital to fulfilling state functions throughout 1917. Finally, it discusses how the Soviet and socialist activists challenged established power relationships between Krasnoiarsk, as a locality, and all-Russian state authorities, revealing the growing importance they attached to securing greater local autonomy in revolution and the changing ways local actors viewed their role in wider all-Russian politics.

Karl Ottomar Treibmann fängt in seiner Fünften Sinfonie durch Bezüge zur Französischen Revolution und durch den Austausch mit Künstlern wie Wolfgang Mattheuer oder Volker Braun in vielerlei Weise den Zeitgeist der Friedlichen Revolution von 1989 ein. Eine zusätzliche zeithistorische Aufladung erhält das Werk durch seine Uraufführung durch das Leipziger Gewandhausorchester unter Kurt Masur, die wenige Tage vor dem Fall der Mauer stattfand. Die vorliegende Studie stellt Entstehung, Analyse und Rezeption von Treibmanns Fünfter Sinfonie sowohl in einen zeithistorischen als auch in einen musikgeschichtlichen Zusammenhang. / This study explores Karl Ottomar Treibmann’s Fifth Symphony in its historical contexts. The symphony catches the zeitgeist of the 1989 Peaceful Revolution in various ways: It refers to the French Revolution as well as to Treibmann’s exchange with well-known 20th century artists such as Wolfgang Mattheuer and Volker Braun. Additional historic significance stems from its first performance with the Gewandhaus Orchestra in Leipzig conducted by Kurt Masur. This took place only a few days before the fall of the Berlin Wall. My study discusses the process, analysis, and reception of Treibmann’s Fifth Symphony by following a historical as well as a musicological approach.

Over the past decade, the success rate of non-violent resistance movements has decreased. With the development of information and communication technology (ICT), governments have taken repression into the digital realm to tamper with protest movements. The effects of repression on protest mobilization have been rather inconclusive; even less is known about the effects of digital repression. By using the political jiu-jitsu, backfire and moral jiu-jitsu theory as well as the theory on emotion and protest participation in hard autocracy, this thesis showcases how the moral shock and indignation helps to overcome fear caused by both traditional and digital repression, thus helping to explain the relationship between repression and mobilization. This theoretical framework is applied to the case of Belarusian post-election protests in 2010 and 2020. Although traditional repression was present in both time frames, there is a significant variation in the government’s digital repression resolve. The analysis shows that mobilization was primarily driven by traditional repression – police brutality and violence. However, in 2020 people were also outraged by censorship and Internet shutdowns that left them in an information vacuum which was deemed completely undeserved. The outrage about digital repression was facilitated by the opposition activities that acted against digital repression.

Dieses Weihnachtsfest wurde ohne Vorahnung zu einem Beiwerk inmitten großer Ereignisse. Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit dem Rückblick auf dieses besondere Jubiläum 1989 bis 2019 – seit drei Jahrzehnten gibt es Weihnachten ohne Grenzen zwischen Ost und West. Es war 1989 kein Fest für Weihnachtsengel & Co., sondern nur ein Beiwerk inmitten der großen Ereignisse des Jahres mit Aufbruch eines Volkes, Revolution und Mauerfall. Rückerinnerungen an die Zeit der sogenannten Friedlichen Revolution 1989 und Öffnung der Grenzbefestigungen lohnen sich mit der Erkenntnis: Das Jahr 1989 war ein absolutes Ausnahmejahr für jeden ehemaligen DDR-Bürger - jeder befand sich zum Jahresende durchaus in einer Art Ausnahmezustand. Plötzlich, vollkommen unerwartet und unvorbereitet, wurde es möglich, dass sich Menschen in Ost und West, die Jahrzehnte durch eine Mauer getrennt waren, wiedersehen konnten und mit Tränen in den Augen um den Hals fielen, vielleicht sogar schon im Kreis der Familie Weihnachten feierten. Das Wir-Gefühl, eine Welle der Verbundenheit, erfasste damals alle.

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[pt] Mais de duzentos anos se passaram desde o início da Revolução francesa, será que já se falou demais sobre ela? Creio que não. Por ser um dos eventos fundantes das sociedades modernas, sua história é continuamente disputada. A sua complexidade vai além da simples categoria de revolução burguesa e autoriza ver neste evento um verdadeiro laboratório de experiências, não modelos, já que não se prestam a serem imitados, mas podem inspirar o presente para imaginar – e construir – o futuro. Assim, o presente trabalho se debruça sobre um período específico da Revolução francesa: o julgamento de Luís XVI; nesta cena, um personagem é principal, não Luís, mas o jovem revolucionário Saint-Just. Sendo o mais jovem membro da Convenção nacional, sobe à tribuna da assembleia e afirma de maneira contundente: Para mim, não vejo meio-termo, este homem deve reinar ou morrer. Segundo Saint-Just, um rei é um inimigo, deve ser combatido e não julgado. Para explorar esse corte em meio aos debates de quem e como julgar Luís XVI, apresento o seguinte trajeto: na primeira parte, investigo a biografia desse jovem revolucionário, os caminhos de sua formação e obras anteriores a seu début na carreira parlamentar. Na segunda parte, traço um breve histórico dos acontecimentos que precipitaram o fim da monarquia constitucional na França, para em seguida mergulhar na cena principal, o julgamento de Luís XVI. Apresento as teses jurídicas em questão, pró e contra a acusação e condenação no ex-monarca, as questões constitucionais, e busco mostrar a radical ruptura introduzida pela fala de Saint-Just, tendo em conta suas obras teóricas que nos foram legadas como fragmentos o Da natureza, do estado civil e da cidadania ou Regras da independência de Governo e o Instituições Republicanas. / [en] More than two hundred years have passed since the beginning of the French Revolution, have we talked too much about it? I think not. As one of the founding events of modern societies, its history is continually disputed. Its complexity goes beyond the simple category of bourgeois revolution and allows to see in this event a real laboratory of experiments, not models, since they do not lend themselves to be imitated, but can inspire the present to imagine - and build - the future. Thus, the present work focuses on a specific period of the French Revolution: the trial of Louis XVI; in this scene, the main character is the young revolutionary Saint-Just. Being the youngest member of the National Convention, he stands in the tribune of the assembly, and he sharply states: For myself, I can see no mean, this man must reign or die. According to Saint-Just, a king is an ennemi that must be fought, not tried. To explore this cut amid the debates of who and how to judge Louis XVI, I present the following route. In the first part, I investigate the biography of this young revolutionary, the paths of his formation and works before the beginning of his parliamentary career. In the second part, I trace a brief history of the events that precipitate the end of the constitutional monarchy in France, and then dive into the main scene, the trial of Louis XVI. I present the legal theses in question, pro and against the accusation and conviction in the former king, the constitutional issues, and I seek to show the radical rupture introduced by the speech of Saint-Just, keeping an eyes in his works De la nature, de l état civil et de la cité ou les règles d indépendance du gouvernement and Institutions républicaines. / [fr] Plus de deux cents ans se sont écoulés depuis le début de la Révolution française, en a-t-on déjà trop parlé? Je crois que non. Étant l un des événements fondateurs des sociétés modernes, son histoire est continuellement contestée. Sa complexité va au-delà d une simple catégorie de révolution bourgeoise et autorise à voir dans cet événement un véritable laboratoire d expériences, non pas desmodèles, car ils ne se prêtent pas à être imités, mais ils peuvent inspirer le présentpour imaginer – et construire – l avenir. Ainsi, le présent travail se penche sur unepériode spécifique de la Révolution française : le jugement de Louis XVI; dans cette scène, un personnage est principal, non pas Louis, mais le jeune révolutionnaireSaint-Just. Étant le plus jeune membre de la Convention nationale, il monte à la tribune de l Assemblée et affirme de manière tranchante : Pour moi, je ne vois point de milieu, cet homme doit régner ou mourir. Selon Saint-Just un roi est un ennemi et doit être combattu et non pas jugé. Pour explorer cette coupe au milieu des débats de qui et comment juger Louis XVI, je présente le chemin suivant : dans la première partie, j étudie la biographie de ce jeune révolutionnaire, les voies de sa formation et les œuvres antérieures à son début dans la carrière parlementaire. Dans la deuxième partie, je trace un bref historique des événements qui précipitent la fin de la monarchie constitutionnelle en France, pour ensuite plonger dans la scène principale, le procès de Louis XVI. Je présente les thèses juridiques en question,pour et contre l accusation et la condamnation dans le ci-devant monarque, les questions constitutionnelles, et cherche à montrer la rupture radicale introduite par le discours de Saint-Just, en prenant compte de ses œuvres De la nature, de l état civil et de la cité ou les règles d indépendance du gouvernement et Institutions républicaines.

This study is a cultural and political analysis of the emergence and deterioration of the relationship between George Washington and Thomas Paine. It is informed by modern studies in Atlantic history and culture. It presents the falling out of the two Founding Fathers as a reflection of two competing political cultures, as well as a function of the class aspirations of Washington and Paine. It chronologically examines the two men's interaction with one another from the early days of the American Revolution to the Reign of Terror of the French Revolution. Along the way this study highlights the dynamics that characterized the Washington-Paine relationship and shows how the two men worked together to further their own agendas. This study also points to Thomas Paine's involvement with a web of Democratic Societies in America and to Washington's increasing wariness and suspicion of these Societies as agents of insurrection.