Este trabalho investiga possíveis explicações para o atraso na expansão da educação primária no Brasil, apesar das notáveis taxas de crescimento via ndustrialização por substituição de importações entre os anos de 1930 e 1964. O trabalho trata especificamente o papel da distribuição de poder político e de descentralização na expansão da taxa de matrículas na educação primária. Os dados demonstram que durante o Estado Novo, período ditatorial sob o comando de Vargas, houve queda na taxa de matrícula do primário. A volta da democracia em 1946 foi benéfica para o ensino primário. Entretanto, ao contrário do que teria ocorrido em muitos países, as evidências parecem apontar que o caso brasileiro se assemelhou mais ao indiano, em um contexto de democracia elitista, em que a expansão do sufrágio exerceu pouco efeito na expansão da educação, com conseqüências importantes para o crescimento econômico de longo prazo. Além da falta de voz política da população ter ensejado poucas melhoras na educação primária brasileira, a falta de fontes de financiamento adequadas para estados e municípios foi também um obstáculo para o desenvolvimento do ensino básico. Evidências qualitativas mostram que os governos federais também estavam mais preocupados com o ensino superior, em detrimento do ensino primário. As evidências quantitativas mostram que o nível de competição eleitoral e a descentralização administrativa tiveram efeito positivo nas matrículas em alguns estados, mas a expansão do sufrágio parece ter tido pouca influência nas matrículas. A falta de atenção dada a esse nível de ensino, por conta da falta de voz política da população, teve provavelmente efeitos negativos sobre a estrutura da distribuição de renda do país ao longo do século XX. / This dissertation aims to examine possible explanations for the backwardness in the expansion of Brazilian primary education between 1930 and 1964, despite the fact that Brazil achieved high rates of economic growth through promoting import-substitution industrialization. In particular, the roles of distribution of political power and decentralization in the expansion of primary enrollment rates are addressed. The data show that during the Estado Novo, a dictatorial regime under Vargas rule, there was decrease in primary enrollment rates. The return to democracy in 1945/46 was beneficial to primary schooling. However, contrary to what happened in developed countries, our evidence indicates that Brazils experience is more similar to what happened in India. Education in both countries developed in the context of a highly elitist democracy, in which the expansion of suffrage had little effect on the expansion of education, with a negative impact on long-term economic growth. In addition to the lack of political voice, the lack of adequate financial resources for states and municipalities was also an obstacle to the development of basic education. Qualitative evidence shows that federal governments were more concerned with tertiary schooling, in detriment to primary schooling. Quantitative evidence, in turn, shows that the level of electoral competition and administrative decentralization had positive effects on enrollment rates in some states, but suffrage expansion seems to have had little influence on primary schooling expansion. The lack of attention given to this schooling level, due to the lack of political voice of the population, probably had negative effects on the structure of income distribution in Brazil throughout the 20th century.

Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2017-03-10T10:22:42Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Wagner Alceu Dias - 2016.pdf: 5237693 bytes, checksum: 525481e17fb0f550b6a1d5ab8e04c301 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-03-10T10:46:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Wagner Alceu Dias - 2016.pdf: 5237693 bytes, checksum: 525481e17fb0f550b6a1d5ab8e04c301 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-10T10:46:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Wagner Alceu Dias - 2016.pdf: 5237693 bytes, checksum: 525481e17fb0f550b6a1d5ab8e04c301 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-04 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / The city adequacy in geographical scale is fundamental to the presentation of emancipation as a local phenomenon. The expansion of local power through the creation of cities is always rooted in economical interest, but whnever it is observed through different scales, it becomes stability for the political powers. Thus, a phenomenon leads to another. It is this dicussion that we aim to develop pointing out the limits of (dis)order, using the three federal spheres. In order to attain such aim, this research is organized in four chapters divided in itens and subitens, with complimentary objectives about the way the cities are historically created and considered by the Brazilian constitution. As a result, there was a combination of the three federal spheres, with an outstanding expression of the relation city/state, to discuss the conditions of the cities and their affinity with the path of the political state power. Being sure that the state influences strongly the cities, we wonder if the opposite is also true. The answer was constructed step by step by reference to primary sources obtained in field service conducted in 19 cities of Goiás State. After becoming informed of the process of emancipation of some cities, it was possible to verify that power disputes, resulting from public management policies, do not follow local population demands, but the interests of the dominant classes instead. By means of several empirical and theoretical sources, it was possible to understand that historically the creation of cities represented a political move with the aim of strengthening the control over territories. Public services installed by cities, legitimated by emancipation, confirms and empowers the discourse of regional integration co-opting individuals to the idea of the presence of state. By one hand, there is the presence of the federal and state governments in the city, which is plainly a trait of federalism, and clearly demonstrates that the emancipation of districts represents the process of decentralization by the channeling of financial funds, making the territorial management more efficient. By the other hand, there is a partially contrasting reality in relation to the economical, administrative and political autonomy. About 47% of the cities in Goiás have population rates under 5000 inhabitants. According to experts, this reality indicates imprudence in the concession of city creation, as the expenses with the legislative power accounts for more than half the funds provided by the state and federal governments, which leaves public services to second plan in the list of priorities when it comes to emancipation. In other words, the creation of cities, specially the smallest ones, is more relevant in the formation of local elites and strengthening of state and federal spheres, than the very improvement of life quality for the local population. It is clear that the discourse of emancipation claims presents social imperative, contaminating a population deprived of public services. Consequently, such population passively reproduces the discourse and legitimates the emancipation claims. Certainly, the theme of city creation does not restrict the focus of this study, although neglecting it would mean concealing the correlation of powers that support the Brazilian federalism. This study was developed with the concern of gathering information that makes possible, when systematized, to state plainfully that, since the imperial period, the cities worked as instruments of power maintenance and that by situating locally under the constraints of political action makes a true (dis)order real. / A adequação do município em escala geográfica é fundamental para a apresentação da emancipação, enquanto fenômeno local. A multiplicação do poder local pela criação de municípios está arraigada aos interesses econômicos, mas quando observados por diferentes escalas, transforma-se em estabilidade do poder político. Dessa forma, temos um fenômeno que quando generalizado, se desdobra em outro. É sobre essa discussão que a tese aponta os limites da (des)ordem, em que o objetivo da pesquisa se resume a construção de dados concretos que evidencie uma ordem no que tange a estabilidade do poder relevando ações das três escalas de poder: municipal, estadual e federal. Assim, também, de forma dialética, será abordado a desordem vivida pela população do município como um reflexo desse processo. Para alcançar o presente objetivo nesta pesquisa foi estruturado quatro capítulos com itens e subitens, com propósitos complementares sobre a forma como, historicamente os municípios são criados, e consequentemente considerados pela Constituição Brasileira. Por conseguinte, houve uma associação entre as três escalas de poder com maior expressão da relação do município com o estado, para discutir as condições dos municípios e sua afinidade com o percurso do poder político estatal. Certos de que o Estado exerce fortes influências políticas nos municípios, resta saber se a recíproca é verdadeira. A resposta foi aos pouco construída, utilizando de fontes primárias obtidas a partir da realização de trabalhos de campos em 19 municípios goianos. Depois de conhecer alguns processos de emancipações, verificou-se que as disputas de poder, oriundas da gestão pública, não obedecem às demandas da população local, e sim aos interesses da classe dominante. Por meio de diversas fontes, teóricas e empíricas, foi possível compreender que a criação de municípios historicamente representou uma jogada política com objetivo de fortalecer o controle sobre o território. Os serviços públicos instituídos no município, legitimados pela emancipação, corrobora para o fortalecimento do discurso da integração regional, cooptando o indivíduo pela ideia da presença do Estado. De um lado, tem-se a presença do governo federal e estadual no município, que evidentemente é uma marca do federalismo, e demonstra que a emancipação de distritos, representa o processo de descentralização pela canalização de recursos financeiros, proporcionando eficiência à gestão territorial. Por outro lado, há uma realidade que contrasta, parcialmente, com a autonomia econômica, política e administrativa. Aproximadamente 47% dos municípios goianos possuem contingente populacional abaixo de 5000 habitantes. Segundo especialistas, essa realidade aponta imprudência administrativa na concessão de criação de municípios, pois as despesas com o legislativo representam mais da metade dos repasses dos governos federal e estadual, situação que demonstra os serviços públicos em segundo plano na ordem de prioridades, quando o assunto é emancipação. Em outras palavras, a criação de município, sobretudo de pequeno porte, tem maior relevância na formação de elites locais e fortalecimento das esferas estadual e federal, do que propriamente a melhora da qualidade de vida da população local. Percebe-se que o discurso presente na reivindicação da emancipação, possui imperativo social, contagiando a população que vive e sente a ausência dos serviços públicos. Como resultado das informações sistematizadas desta pesquisa, a conclusão é de que o município, desde o período imperial, se manteve como instrumento de manutenção do poder, e que por situar em escala local, sob os imperativos da ação política, efetiva-se uma verdadeira (des)ordem.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:55:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Giselia Castro Silva.pdf: 21402915 bytes, checksum: 6a884d59a04afd46df002c63b6614032 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-30 / Study of the political relationship established in connection with Maranhão s popular culture, focusing on bumba-meu-boi and Roseana Sarney s government (1995- 2002). The goal is to analyze, in the class relationship context of the contemporary capitalist State, how the government promotes a mutual dependence relationship with the popular culture groups in the sense of maintaining the political domination and the social order. The premise originates from the understanding that the period analyzed is marked by the institutionalization of feasts that comprise the popular culture universe, such as the June feasts, on the one hand, representing a political appropriation process of the cultural manifestations that comprise the popular imagination, and on the other hand, evidencing the contradictions and tensions of the political and marketing uses that this type of practice causes. / Estudo das relações políticas estabelecidas entre segmentos da cultura popular maranhense, com foco nos grupos de bumba-meu-boi, e o governo Roseana Sarney (1995-2002). O interesse é analisar, no contexto das relações de classe do Estado capitalista contemporâneo, de que forma o governo promove uma relação de mútua dependência com grupos da cultura popular no sentido de manter a dominação política e a ordem social. A premissa que orienta este estudo parte do entendimento de que o período analisado é marcado pela institucionalização de festas que compõem o universo da cultura popular, como os festejos juninos, configurando, por um lado, um processo de apropriação política das manifestações culturais que integram o imaginário popular e, por outro, evidenciando as contradições e tensões dos usos políticos e mercadológicos que este tipo de prática suscita.

À l’été 2010, la Russie, gouvernée par le tandem formé par Dmitri Medvedev, son Président, et Vladimir Poutine, son Premier ministre, se trouve frappée par des feux de forêt massifs. Alors que ces incendies touchent les régions les plus occidentales du pays, y compris Moscou, sa capitale, ses gouvernants se retrouvent face à l’injonction de communiquer, c’est-à-dire de partager avec les gouvernés une certaine lecture de l’état des choses. Venant rompre le fonctionnement ordinaire d’une société, la catastrophe ouvre, en effet, un terrain de communication, c’est-à-dire un espace d’échanges entre producteurs de sens, et engendre en cela un exercice du pouvoir d’ordre symbolique. Reposant la question initialement formulée par Claude Gilbert, à savoir : « Quel est le pouvoir du pouvoir lors des crises post-accidentelles ? » (Gilbert, 1992, p.18), cette thèse se propose de débuter l’analyse là où Gilbert la concluait, c’est-à-dire par une prise en compte du symbolique dans l’exercice du pouvoir politique en temps de catastrophe. Appréhendant la catastrophe comme un moment de communication, saturé par les discours et les images produits par les organisations gouvernementales, mais aussi comme un moment de lutte entre représentations concurrentes de l’événement, l’enjeu est de se pencher sur la dimension représentative du pouvoir politique ou, plus précisément, sur la représentation-figuration comme vecteur d’exercice de la domination en temps de catastrophe naturelle dans le contexte de la Russie des années 2000. / While governed in tandem by President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, Russia suffered from widespread forest fires in summer 2010. As the fires particularly plagued Russia’s western regions, including the capital city of Moscow, Russia’s national leaders faced the task of communicating to all of the governed a certain reading of the disaster. By disturbing ordinary societal functioning, disasters create a communication field—that is, a space for exchange among meaning producers—that invites exercises of symbolic power. To readdress a question first formulated by Claude Gilbert—namely, “What is the power of power in post-accident crises?”(Gilbert, 1992, p. 18)—this doctoral dissertation proposes to extend Gilbert’s analysis by considering the importance of symbolic power and representation in exercises of political power during disasters. By understanding disaster as a moment of communication, saturated with speeches and images produced by governmental organizations, yet also as a time of struggle among competing representations of the event, this project aims to examine the representative dimension of political power—or more precisely, representation as a means of exercising power—during natural disasters in early 21st-century Russia.

Pour aborder le déclin du mouvement étudiant et le changement d’attitude politique des jeunes Sud-Coréens dans les années 1990, cette recherche reprend la question classique de la soumission volontaire. La première partie explore, sur le plan théorique général, les mécanismes de la domination et du consentement à obéir. La seconde partie analyse des phénomènes particuliers à la Corée du Sud en s’appuyant sur la perspective théorique élaborée dans la première partie. A travers l’observation focalisée sur le rapport entre contrainte et légitimation, et en tenant compte du point de vue des acteurs soumis, la recherche démontre que la contrainte est toujours la base primordiale de la légitimation, même dans la domination dite démocratique. Elle suggère que, étant formellement libres mais pratiquement obligés de se comporter en fonction des dispositifs institutionnels du système démocratique libéral, les individus ont une affinité élective avec l’idéologie soutenant ces dispositifs, car elle leur fournit une bonne source d’autojustification de leur comportement de soumission. La mise en lumière de l’interaction de la contrainte et de la légitimation permet de mieux saisir la « docilité » des étudiants sud-coréens et leur implication dans l’idéologie de la globalisation sous le gouvernement civil. / In order to approach the decline of student protest movement and the change of political attitude of young South Koreans in the 1990s, this research resumes the classic question of the voluntary submission. The first part investigates, at the general theoretical level, the mechanisms of domination and consent to obey. The second part analyses particular phenomena of South Korea, based on the theoretical perspective developed in the first part. Through the observation focused on the relationship between constraint and legitimation, and by taking the viewpoint of submitted actors into account, the research demonstrates that the constraint is always the essential base of the legitimation, even under the democratic settings. It suggests that, as formally free but practically obliged to behave according to the institutional arrangements of liberal democratic system, individuals have an elective affinity with the ideology supporting these arrangements, because it provides them with a good source of self-justification for their submissive behaviour. This research aims to shed light on the interaction between constraint and legitimation, and accordingly, to suggests better explanation of the "docility" of the South Korean students and their involvement in the ideology of globalization under the civilian government.

"The constitutions of Rwanda and Burundi both contain provisions to support democracy as well as the notion of power sharing. Despite the fact that democracy can be enhanced by a government that comes to power through the popular will of the people, that is, universal adult suffrage, it must be noted that this shall depend on the use of [an] electoral system that ensures greater proportionality of representatives to the popular vote. This paper aims to analyse the impact of power sharing on democracy. Furthermore, this paper compares the approach of Burundi and Rwanda in their constitutions to the concept of power sharing. ... To achieve its objective, the study is structured as follows: the first chapter contains the general introduction, which encompasses the background of the study, the relevance of the study, the research methodology, the literature review and the limitation of the study. The second chapter deals with the concept of power sharing and analyses its application in the constitutions of Rwanda and Burundi. Chapter three will focus on the concept of constitutionalism, analysing if the constitutional provisions of Rwanda and Burundi comply with [it], and chapter four will analyse [if] the constitutions of Rwanda and Burundi comply with democracy. In chapter five a general conclusion will be drawn and recommendations will be made." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Pierre de Vos, Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Using the example of the inhabitants of Sudoměřice, a predominantly Catholic village in South Moravia, this thesis examines the relationship of the non-privileged strata members to the manifestations of political power in the period from the end of World War II until about 1990. The main sources are oral history interviews with 13 local citizens. The local chronicle is also an important source. It appears that the power (domination, using Weber's term), which is the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC) for most of the period examined, takes on a number of different forms in memories, not only depending on the period, but also on the bearers of memories and other circumstances. For example, even some people whose families were persecuted during the Stalinist period have quite different recollections of the local CPC officials in the 1950s and their successors in the 1970s or 1980s. The topic is the question of faith, but also the standard of living. Emphasis is placed on the key moments of "great" history, such as 1945, 1948, 1968 and 1989. This thesis also aims to contribute to the discussion of how the communist regime could hold on for so long. Part of the answer is precisely that diverse perception of power, as well as the forces of social coherence at the village level affecting both local...

This dissertation consists of three chapters, aiming to analyze, understand and discuss how Turkish public opinion fluctuates on social media based on governmental actions and how that fluctuation affects the society and politics in Turkey. Using textual data from social media, I combined natural language processing techniques with statistical methods, to study how Turkish public opinion is shaped by governmental actions in various scenarios. In the first chapter, I created a social network of Twitter users to detect the differences in the extent of political polarization between pro-government and opposition voters during the June 2019 Istanbul mayoral election. The second chapter focuses on the stigmatization of a social/religious group in Turkey by government-driven labeling and terrorism designation. Word embeddings are used to pinpoint the offensive language and the hate campaign against the group, considering the labels that are used to identify the group. Finally, the third chapter examines the rally-around-the-flag effect during highly inciting moments like cross-border military operations. A corpus of tweets for each of the two Turkish cross-border military operations is analyzed using topic modeling and sentiment analysis to get a grasp of the rally effect and how the governments can benefit in internal matters from the changes in public discourse because of this rally effect.

The Political and Military Elites in the Emirate of GranadaThe Political and Military Elites in the Emirate of GranadaThe Political and Military Elites in the Emirate of GranadaThe Political and Military Elites in the Emirate of Granada (Ph.D. thesis)(Ph.D. thesis)(Ph.D. thesis)(Ph.D. thesis) PhDr. Josef Ženka Abstract The Ph.D. thesis deals with the political elites in Granada and analyzes them as a social group within its own dynamics. It is focused on their influence on political decision-making process, which is expressed by the influence of elite on reigning Naṣrid dynasty. It examines the elite denomination in contemporary Arabic written sources, their links and delimitations. These were mainly common economic and power interests. On the basis of the ǧāh pyramid it focuses on each aspect: Sovereign as a source of legitimacy of political power, the vizier as a major counterpart to the ruler, the inner circle of emir in which was concentrated the remaining part of the political elite, and also the Naṣrid women. Vizier, as the most significant part of this group, was eventually transformed to the role of regent and ruler's public representative. From the early 14th century with his power he began to tie the sovereign's power itself and he took over it almost permanently in the 15th century. The emphasis...

William Shakespeare and Margaret Cavendish each published plays and poems focusing on the precarious implications and cultural enactments of female chastity in their time. Their lives and writing careers bookend a time when chastity's place in English politics, religion, and social life was perceived as crucial for women while also being challenged and radically redefined. This paper engages in period-specific definitions of virginity and chastity, and with modern scholarship on the same, to explore the historicity of chastity and how representations of self-enforced chastity create opportunities for female political power in certain fiction contexts. Through a comparison of the female protagonists of Measure for Measure and Assaulted and Pursued Chastity—Isabella and Travellia—I argue that both characters are able to assert and gain practical forms of power within their respective systems of government, and not just in spiritual or economic spheres.