Problem Investigated. This dissertation is a study of the political effects of low-intensity warfare in Indonesia since 1945. In particular, it examines the interaction between general principles and contextual variables in guerrilla conflict, to determine whether such conflict causes the diffusion of political power. Analysis of insurgent movements indicates that power structures within a guerrilla group tend to be regionalised, diffuse and based on multiple centres of roughly equal authority. Conversely, studies of counter-insurgency (COIN) techniques indicate that successful COIN depends on effective political control over the local population. This tends to be exercised by regional or local military commanders rather than by central authority. Based on this, the author???s initial analysis indicated that one should expect to see a diffusion of political authority from central leaders (whether civilian or military) to regional military leaders, when a society is engaged in the conduct of either COIN or guerrilla warfare. The problem investigated in this dissertation can therefore be stated thus: To what extent, at which levels of analysis and subject to what influencing factors does low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 demonstrate a political power-diffusion effect? Procedures Followed. The procedure followed was a diachronic, qualitative, fieldwork-based analysis of two principle case studies: the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-1962 and the campaign in East Timor 1974-1999. Principle research tools were: ??? Semi-structured, formal, informal and group interviews. ??? Analysis of official and private archives in Australia, Indonesia, the Netherlands and the UK. ??? Participant observation using anthropological fieldwork techniques. ??? Geographical analysis using transects, basemapping and overhead imagery. ??? Demographic analysis using historical data, cartographic records and surveys. Research was conducted in Australia, Indonesia (Jakarta and Bandung), the Netherlands (The Hague and Amsterdam) and the United Kingdom (London, Winchester, Salisbury and Warminster). Fieldwork was conducted over three periods in West Java (1994, 1995 and 1996) and one period in East Timor (1999-2000). General Results Obtained. The two principal case studies were the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-62 and the campaign in East Timor since 1974. The fieldwork data showed that low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 did indeed demonstrate the political power-diffusion effect posited by the author. This effect was triggered by the outbreak of guerrilla warfare, which itself flowed from crises generated by processes of modernisation and change within Indonesian society from traditional hierarchies to modern forms of social organisation. These crises were also affected by events at the systemic and regional levels of analysis ??? the invasion of the Netherlands East Indies by Japan, the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis and increasing economic and media globalisation. They resulted in a breakdown or weakening of formal power structures, allowing informal power structures to dominate. This in turn allowed local elites with economic, social or religious influence and with coercive power over the population, to develop political and military power at the local level while being subject to little control from higher levels. This process, then, represented a power diffusion from central and civilian leadership levels to local leaders with coercive means ??? most often military or insurgent leaders. Having been triggered by guerrilla operations, however, the direction and process by which such power diffusion operated was heavily influenced by contextual variables, of which the most important were geographical factors, political culture, traditional authority structures and the interaction of external variables at different levels of analysis. Topographical isolation, poor infrastructure, severe terrain, scattered population groupings and strong influence by traditional hierarchies tend to accelerate and exacerbate the loss of central control. Conversely good infrastructure, large population centres, good communications and a high degree of influence by nation-state and systemic levels of analysis ??? particularly through economic and governmental institutionalisation ??? tend to slow such diffusion. Moreover, while power may be diffusing at one level of analysis (e.g. nation-state) it may be centralising at another (e.g. into the hands of military leaders at local level). Analysis of the Malayan Emergency indicates that, in a comparable non-Indonesian historical example, the same general tendency to political power diffusion was evident and that the same broad contextual variables mediated it. However, it would be premature to conclude that the process observed in Indonesia is generally applicable. The nature and relative importance of contextual factors is likely to vary between examples and hence additional research on non-Indonesian examples would be necessary before such a conclusion could be drawn. Further research on a current instance of guerrilla operations in Indonesia is also essential before the broader contemporary applicability of these findings can be reliably demonstrated. Major Conclusions Reached. Based on the above, the theses developed to answer the initial problem can be stated thus: The command and control (C2) structures inherent in traditional, dispersed rural guerrilla movements that lack access to mass media or electronic communications tend to lessen the degree of control by central (military or political) leaders over regional leaders. If COIN or Internal Security Operations are conducted, two factors will operate. First, there will be an increase in the degree of control over the civil population by local military leaders, at the expense of local or central political leaders. Second, where military command structures are pyramidal or segmentary, there will be an increase in control by local commanders at the expense of central military leaders. Where the central government is civilian or has interests divergent from the military???s, the first of these factors will dominate. Where the government is military or has interests largely identical to those of the military, the second factor will be dominant. The process of power diffusion can thus be summarised as follows: A crisis driven by processes of societal change or by external causes, leads to the outbreak of violence, one facet of which may include guerrilla operations. If guerrilla operations do occur, the C2 structures inherent in such operations give a high degree of autonomy and independence to local military leaders. The same (or a contemporaneous) crisis produces a breakdown of formal power structures, causing organisations to fall back upon informal power structures. The nature of these informal power structures is determined by geography, political culture, patterns of traditional authority within the society and the degree of interaction of systemic/regional factors with local events. Thus the guerrilla operations and the concomitant breakdown in formal power structures form the trigger for political power diffusion. The precise nature and progress of this diffusion is then determined by contextual variables.

Meta-governance recently emerged in the field of governance as a new approach which claims that its use enables modern states to overcome problems associated with network governance. This thesis shares the view that networks are an important feature of contemporary politics which must be taken seriously, but it also maintains that networks pose substantial analytical and political challenges. It proceeds to investigate the potential possibilities and problems associated with meta-governance on both theoretical and empirical levels. The theoretical discussion examines meta-governance in relation to governmentality, and it puts forward the claim that meta-governance may be understood as a specific type of neo-liberal governmentality. The meta-governance perspective regards networks as a complementary structure to traditional administration that can be utilized in the implementation and realization of public policy, but which also preserves the self-regulating and flexible character of networks. This generates a contradiction between the goals of public management and the character of networks that requires further investigation. The combination of the specific dynamics of the political field of security, the diminishing role of sovereign powers, the emergence of security networks, and the meta-governance stance adopted by the Swedish state constitutes a situation that should have been favorable for the successful employment of meta-governance. The empirical investigation of meta-governance is divided into two parts. The first part reviews the historical process involved and shows how the Swedish government and public authorities have adopted a meta-governance stance. The second analyzes the specific instruments and strategies that have been deployed in the governance of security communications and in the management of Sweden’s new security communications system which is an important aspect of security networks. The historical study together with the analysis of the meta-governance tools deployed reveals that the meta-governors neither reached the goals specified, nor fulfilled the overall purpose of successful security communications. I argue on the basis of the theoretical and empirical findings obtained in the present study that it is very difficult to successfully employ meta-governance in respect to security and crisis management, and that we have sound reasons to suspect that meta-governance will run into similar difficulties in other political fields as well. I conclude that meta-governance is a far more difficult practice than has been anticipated by existing theories and policy recommendations. Turning to meta-governance as a way to govern and control organizations may in fact lead to further fragmentation and distortion of public politics.

Problem Investigated. This dissertation is a study of the political effects of low-intensity warfare in Indonesia since 1945. In particular, it examines the interaction between general principles and contextual variables in guerrilla conflict, to determine whether such conflict causes the diffusion of political power. Analysis of insurgent movements indicates that power structures within a guerrilla group tend to be regionalised, diffuse and based on multiple centres of roughly equal authority. Conversely, studies of counter-insurgency (COIN) techniques indicate that successful COIN depends on effective political control over the local population. This tends to be exercised by regional or local military commanders rather than by central authority. Based on this, the author???s initial analysis indicated that one should expect to see a diffusion of political authority from central leaders (whether civilian or military) to regional military leaders, when a society is engaged in the conduct of either COIN or guerrilla warfare. The problem investigated in this dissertation can therefore be stated thus: To what extent, at which levels of analysis and subject to what influencing factors does low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 demonstrate a political power-diffusion effect? Procedures Followed. The procedure followed was a diachronic, qualitative, fieldwork-based analysis of two principle case studies: the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-1962 and the campaign in East Timor 1974-1999. Principle research tools were: ??? Semi-structured, formal, informal and group interviews. ??? Analysis of official and private archives in Australia, Indonesia, the Netherlands and the UK. ??? Participant observation using anthropological fieldwork techniques. ??? Geographical analysis using transects, basemapping and overhead imagery. ??? Demographic analysis using historical data, cartographic records and surveys. Research was conducted in Australia, Indonesia (Jakarta and Bandung), the Netherlands (The Hague and Amsterdam) and the United Kingdom (London, Winchester, Salisbury and Warminster). Fieldwork was conducted over three periods in West Java (1994, 1995 and 1996) and one period in East Timor (1999-2000). General Results Obtained. The two principal case studies were the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-62 and the campaign in East Timor since 1974. The fieldwork data showed that low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 did indeed demonstrate the political power-diffusion effect posited by the author. This effect was triggered by the outbreak of guerrilla warfare, which itself flowed from crises generated by processes of modernisation and change within Indonesian society from traditional hierarchies to modern forms of social organisation. These crises were also affected by events at the systemic and regional levels of analysis ??? the invasion of the Netherlands East Indies by Japan, the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis and increasing economic and media globalisation. They resulted in a breakdown or weakening of formal power structures, allowing informal power structures to dominate. This in turn allowed local elites with economic, social or religious influence and with coercive power over the population, to develop political and military power at the local level while being subject to little control from higher levels. This process, then, represented a power diffusion from central and civilian leadership levels to local leaders with coercive means ??? most often military or insurgent leaders. Having been triggered by guerrilla operations, however, the direction and process by which such power diffusion operated was heavily influenced by contextual variables, of which the most important were geographical factors, political culture, traditional authority structures and the interaction of external variables at different levels of analysis. Topographical isolation, poor infrastructure, severe terrain, scattered population groupings and strong influence by traditional hierarchies tend to accelerate and exacerbate the loss of central control. Conversely good infrastructure, large population centres, good communications and a high degree of influence by nation-state and systemic levels of analysis ??? particularly through economic and governmental institutionalisation ??? tend to slow such diffusion. Moreover, while power may be diffusing at one level of analysis (e.g. nation-state) it may be centralising at another (e.g. into the hands of military leaders at local level). Analysis of the Malayan Emergency indicates that, in a comparable non-Indonesian historical example, the same general tendency to political power diffusion was evident and that the same broad contextual variables mediated it. However, it would be premature to conclude that the process observed in Indonesia is generally applicable. The nature and relative importance of contextual factors is likely to vary between examples and hence additional research on non-Indonesian examples would be necessary before such a conclusion could be drawn. Further research on a current instance of guerrilla operations in Indonesia is also essential before the broader contemporary applicability of these findings can be reliably demonstrated. Major Conclusions Reached. Based on the above, the theses developed to answer the initial problem can be stated thus: The command and control (C2) structures inherent in traditional, dispersed rural guerrilla movements that lack access to mass media or electronic communications tend to lessen the degree of control by central (military or political) leaders over regional leaders. If COIN or Internal Security Operations are conducted, two factors will operate. First, there will be an increase in the degree of control over the civil population by local military leaders, at the expense of local or central political leaders. Second, where military command structures are pyramidal or segmentary, there will be an increase in control by local commanders at the expense of central military leaders. Where the central government is civilian or has interests divergent from the military???s, the first of these factors will dominate. Where the government is military or has interests largely identical to those of the military, the second factor will be dominant. The process of power diffusion can thus be summarised as follows: A crisis driven by processes of societal change or by external causes, leads to the outbreak of violence, one facet of which may include guerrilla operations. If guerrilla operations do occur, the C2 structures inherent in such operations give a high degree of autonomy and independence to local military leaders. The same (or a contemporaneous) crisis produces a breakdown of formal power structures, causing organisations to fall back upon informal power structures. The nature of these informal power structures is determined by geography, political culture, patterns of traditional authority within the society and the degree of interaction of systemic/regional factors with local events. Thus the guerrilla operations and the concomitant breakdown in formal power structures form the trigger for political power diffusion. The precise nature and progress of this diffusion is then determined by contextual variables.

Nous narrons la toponymie de Beyrouth, considérée comme partie intégrante de l’idéologie du corps politique du Liban, installé à Beyrouth depuis 1920. Nous commençons par une réflexion sur les rapports entre centre politique, ses principes fondateurs, et toponymie: l’inscription toponymique est l’insertion ultime du politique dans l’aménagement. La toponymie beyrouthine inscrit le Grand-Liban (1920), et la Constitution libanaise (1926), sur les cartes. Elle inscrit le confessionnalisme politique résultant du Pacte national (1943) et ses symboles « sacrés », ainsi qu’une présence confirmée des « Orient » et « Occident » et un récit national libanais partiellement réinventé et présenté « en continuité ». Elle présente les signes d’une continuité urbaine visible. Nous mettons l’exemple beyrouthin en perspective avec ceux de Damas et de Dubaï : le premier est « réécrit » avec l’avènement du Baath en 1963 et présente une rupture toponymique avec le passé syrien pré-baathiste, ainsi qu’une présence triomphaliste du panarabisme; et le deuxième inventé afin de donner une profondeur historique à la carte de l’émirat et une dimension commerciale à ses noms des lieux. L’étude des inscriptions toponymiques, en parallèle avec les principes fondateurs du centre politique, permet d’approfondir la connaissance des systèmes politiques, leurs idéologies, et leurs politique d’urbanisme. / I narrate toponymy of Beirut, considered as a revelator and a marker of the Lebanese body politic, constructed in Beirut since 1920. This memoir begins by reflecting on the rapports between the centre politic (capital city or seat of government), its founding principles, and toponymy : the toponyme is the ultimate insertion of the political in everyday’s banality. Beiruti toponymy writes the Grand-Liban (1920), the Lebanese Constitution (1926), on the city’s maps. Also it inscribes political confessionalism, resulting of the Lebanese National Pact (1943) and its sacred symbols, thus a confirmed presence of « East » and « West » and a Lebanese national narrative partially re-invented and presented as a « continuum ». It also presents signs of a visible continuity of the local elite. We put the Beiruti example in perspective with those of Damascus and of Dubai : the Damascene one is « re-written » by the Baath rule since 1963 and presents a toponymic rupture with the Syrian pre-baathist past but a confirmed presence of pan-Arabism; the Dubaian one is invented in order to give a historical depth to the map of Dubai and a commercial dimension to its place names. Study of toponyms, in parallel with that of founding principles of the centre, can inform political systems, their ideological background, and their urban policy.

Patients' use of medicines is widely recognised as sub-optimal with a high proportion of patients with a long-term condition not taking their medicines as prescribed. Research and policy guidance emphasise the importance of partnership within the patient-prescriber encounter in enhancing patients' use of medicines. There is however considerable evidence that this is not usually achieved by medical prescribers, limiting the extent to which shared decision-making occurs about prescribed medicines. There is a general assumption that nurse prescribers, who within the United Kingdom have comparable prescribing rights to medical doctors, demonstrate greater abilities in collaborative working with patients leading to an enhanced use of medicines. Research evidence is however limited, particularly in relation to the ways in which patients' use of medicines is discussed and negotiated within the patient-nurse prescriber encounter. This study focused on the management of patients' use of medicines within the patient-nurse prescriber encounter. Seven nurse prescribers, working within a number of clinical specialities in both primary and secondary care settings, were recruited to the study together with their patients who were living with one or more long-term conditions (n=21). Data collection involved the non-participant observation of out-patient consultations to examine the management of patients' use of medicines within the encounter and semi-structured interviews with both patients and prescribers. Discourse analysis was undertaken to examine underpinning assumptions, views and beliefs regarding the management of patients' use of medicines. Asymmetry was evident within the encounters with prescribers controlling the agenda for discussion and interrupting patients' attempts to demonstrate their knowledge. Patient accounts of the moral approach adopted in managing their condition in the context of their everyday lives were also ignored. Biomedical and contrasting moral discourses are examined. An interpretive framework derived from the work of Michel Foucault is used to explain the operation of disciplinary, pastoral and bio-political power within the encounter and the extent to which subjugation of patients' knowledge and resistance were evident. Foucault's concept of technologies of the self is examined to explore its potential application in enhancing patients' medicines use.

En droit français, l’inamovibilité est traditionnellement conçue comme une garantie d’indépendance statutaire attribuée au magistrat du siège de l’ordre judiciaire, afin de le protéger contre le risque d’éviction arbitraire par le Pouvoir politique. Elle est ainsi supposée faire bénéficier le magistrat d’une protection exorbitante par rapport au droit commun de la fonction publique. Déjà considérée comme un « antique et tutélaire principe » au milieu du XIXe siècle, cette garantie a traversé le temps et les régimes politiques, depuis l’époque médiévale jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Erigée en Loi fondamentale du royaume à la veille de la Révolution, elle a été reprise et consacrée par la presque totalité des Constitutions qui se sont succédées depuis 1791. Mais alors qu’elle semble offrir l’image d’un modèle de garantie susceptible d’inspirer le statut d’autres catégories d’agents publics, l’inamovibilité est de manière paradoxale, souvent décrite comme un « mythe ». La présente étude se donne dès lors pour objet de lever cette contradiction, en revenant de manière approfondie et comparative sur la condition et la finalité d’une garantie d’éviction, dont la particularité est d’être étroitement liée à la mission régalienne consistant à rendre la justice. / In French Law, irremovability is traditionally seen as a statutory guarantee of judicial judges’ independence that protects them from being arbitrary evicted by the Political power. Irremovability is then said to be a dispensatory status if compared to public servants normal one. Defined as an « ancient and tutelary principle » at the middle of the 19th Century, this guarantee ran through the ages and the political regimes from medieval times to today. Irremovability of judges was made a Kingdom’s fundamental Law just before the Revolution, and almost every constitution adopted since 1791 has made it a constitutionally sanctioned rule. In the meantime, whereas it could have been seen as a template for other civil servants legal status, irremovability of judges is, paradoxically enough, often described as a « myth ». This study’s aim is thus to solve this contradiction. It offers an in-depth and comparative analysis of the condition and goal of this legal guarantee against eviction – which distinctive feature is to be closely linked with one of the State’s main function: to administer Justice.

The title of this degree work is "Christians and Politics from the View of the New Testamental Texts". The main purpose is to identify various aspects of the view at the political power in the texts of the New Testament, to make a judgement about these texts on the background of its historical and literary context and to look for its common topics. In this thesis we went into details about relatively great number of passages with the goal to attain the global point of view. At the beginning we justified why to look for the inspiration in the life of Jesus Christ. Then we focused on Jesus' political principles. We treated conflicts between John the Baptist and Herod Antipas and conflicts between Jesus and political and religious leaders of his days. We focused mainly on the conflicts connected with the Jewish Law and paying taxes. Then we treated the conflict between Jesus and Pilate, which ended in Jesus' crucifixion. Then we briefly touched on the Paul's point of view and we mentioned several examples of the persecution of the Christians from the pagans. At the end we made an attempt to resume briefly what the New Testament says about the relationship of the Christians to the political power and we joined the short mention about the relationship between the Church and the state in the social doctrine of...

The thesis deals with NATO enlargements in 1999 and 2004 - on the examples of eligibility of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Estonia for NATO accession. The thesis is divided into the four parts, which are analysing the issue of enlargement. This issue is viewed from a broad perspective. That's why the thesis includes the NATO enlargements during the Cold Ward. Nevertheless, the main focus is on the two enlargements waves, such as 1999 and 2004, which comprise the accession of these four mentioned states. Simultaneously, none of these would be accepted without the US approval and especially in case of Estonia also without Russian opinion. Then it could follow the in-depth analysis of eligibility of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Estonia for NATO accession, which is based on Study on NATO Enlargement. The Study can be legitimately regarded as NATO's basic document for enlargement.

The Abstract The meaning of this dissertation thesis is to find out whether we can regard Francisco Suárez as a representative of the social-contracting theories developing in the period from 16th until 18th century. Suárez, who is more likely known for his metaphysical disputations, gives a really sophisticated formulation about the origin of the common society and the political power, where the key point is the word of the social consent. At the first time it seems that Suárez can be without difficulty considered as a modern period humanist like Thomas Hobbes, John Locke or lately Jean-Jacques Rousseau. As well as they, Suárez thinks that the independent human will has its unsubstitutable part in the origin of the political society. Nevertheless there is a large difference. While according to the mentioned humanists, the independent will is the only principle of the political power, Suárez thinks that this will is just the necessary condition meeting the human nature created by the God, that it is the true principle of the whole political power. Suarez's meaning of the social consent is then situated in the theological framework and is closely associated with the words of the nature and the transcendence. The result is that Suárez understands the state as a natural and moral organization and not as a...

Entre Sociologie politique et Anthropologie religieuse, cette thèse tente de comprendre l’interaction entre « Religion locale et pouvoir politique» dans la perspective de consolidation du pouvoir en Afrique, plus précisément au Gabon. Elle met l’accent sur la gestion du pouvoir politique en Afrique et analyse les rapports du rite initiatique Ndjobi avec le pouvoir politique dans la communauté Mbede. Ce champ thématique est déconstruit jusqu’à la nation gabonaise à travers l’initiation et l’implication des politiques locaux aux religions locales. Le rite Ndjobi serait une contre-offensive locale visant à réparer l’univers social et à protéger les Mbede. C’est un élément fondamental au maintien de l’ordre à travers le symbolisme de l’Okèlè é Ndjobi qui est l’affirmation par laquelle un initié prend à témoin le sacré et la vérité de la déclaration qu’il profère devant le panier contenant les reliques du Ndjobi. Pour un chef traditionnel, ce rite serait un moyen de compenser une déficience constitutionnelle de son pouvoir politique afin d’entretenir chez ses sujets initiés respect et surtout crainte. Le serment du Ndjobi serait un contrat politique de confiance à un chef de village, à un responsable politique initié à ce rite. A travers cette déconstruction, cette religion locale pourrait être appréhendée comme un support du pouvoir politique gabonais à l’échelle nationale. Les serments se font avec des paroles ; mais en Afrique noire, ces paroles ne sont pas légères. Elles permettent d’agir sur soi, sur les autres et sur le monde concerné comme une contrainte comparable à une épée de Damoclès. Cette contrainte s’exerce d’une manière subtile et imposée avec quelques négociations intra-politiques liées à la « politique du ventre » pour que l’initiation ne s’apparente pas à un acte subi et sorcellaire aux yeux de la population. La sorcellerie comme une sanction du rite Ndjobi est vécue par l’ensemble des Mbede et des initiés politiques, comme une menace permanente d’agression visant leurs corps, leurs biens et leurs familles. En effet, certains chefs traditionnels dit « Nga Mpugu» choisissent la ruse, la fraude, les crimes rituels, la possession matérielle comme moyen politique afin non seulement de contrôler la population, mais aussi de manipuler les envies de pouvoir de leurs adeptes et de leurs proches collaborateurs. En Afrique, « gouverner c’est prévoir » et prévoir, c’est mettre en place un mécanisme permettant d’éviter d’être surpris par l’ennemi qui peut être un proche. Ce serait, en fait, la mise en fonction d’une « Démocratie traditionnelle ». C’est dans ce sens que cette thèse peut s’inscrire dans la perspective de compréhension et d’analyse du politique en Afrique noire à travers les religions locales comme fondement du pouvoir politique malgré l’arrivée actuelle des obédiences religieuses modernes et des parrainages / On horseback between political Sociology and political Anthropology, this thesis try to understand the interaction enter "local Religion and political Power» with the prospect of consolidation of the power Africa, more exactly in the Gabon. It underlines the management (direction) of the power politics and analyzes the relationship enter the initiation rite Ndjobi and the political power in the community Mbede. This thematic field is deconstructed up to the Gabonese nation through the initiation and the implication of the politics premises within this religion. The rite Ndjobi would be a local counter-offensive to repair the universe social and to protect Mbede. It is a fundamental element in the maintenance of law and order through the symbolism of Okèlè é Ndjobi that is the assertion by which an initiated calls in to witness the sacred and the truth of the statement which he utters in front of the basket containing the relics of Ndjobi. For a traditional leader, this rite would be a way to compensate for a constitutional deficiency of its political power to maintain at its introduced subjects respect and especially been afraid, fault of whom its power could widely be imaginary. The oath of Ndjobi would be a political reliable contract to a village headman, to a politician introduced to this rite. Through this demolition, this local religion appears as a support of the Gabonese political power on a national scale and even money regional. Even if the oaths are made with words; but in Black Africa, these words are not light. They allow to act on one, on the others and on the world concerned as a constraint comparable to a sword of Damocles. The constraint practiced in a way subtle and imposed with some intra-political negotiations bound to the «politics of the stomach " So that the initiation undergone is not similar to an act of the witchcraft in the eyes of the population. The witchcraft as a penalty of the rite Ndjobi is lived by all the Mbede and the political initiated, as a threat perms of aggression aiming their bodies, at their goods and at their families. Indeed, every traditional leader says "Nga Mpuhu" always chooses the guile, the fraud, the ritual crimes, the material ownership as political way to make not only control the population, but also to manipulate the desires for power of her followers and for her close collaborators. In Africa, "you saddle today and ride out tomorrow" and plan, it is to set up a mechanism allowing to avoid being was a surprise by the enemy who, generally, is always a close relation. It would be, in fact, the putting according to a "traditional Democracy ". It is in this direction that this thesis can serve of complementary element with the prospect of understanding and analysis of politics in Black Africa through the religions local as foundation of the political power in spite of the current arrival of the modern religious obedience and the sponsoring