This diploma thesis looks into the transformation of social services for people with disabilities in the context of deinstitutionalization in the Czech Republic. To answer the research goals (1) To find out how the main transformation processes in the field of social services policy in the Czech Republic were performed in the context of deinstitutionalization, focusing on a group of people with disabilities, (2) to find out by the optics of SKCP, how are people with disabilities involved in the deinstitutionalization policy of the residential social services, the approach of qualitative research was used. The approach is based on the document analysis and the expert research. The theoretical starting points of this thesis are the theory of implementation and the components of the theoretical framework of target population's social construction, focusing on political power. With the help of the implementation theory, the development of the transformation processes in the Czech Republic from 2007 to present is explained, the key milestones of deinstitutionalization policy, objectives, present effects, key barriers and implementation deficits are identified. By the optics of the theory of social construction of the target population is being determined, how large of the political power the group of...

The thesis deals primarily with the description, analysis and framing of public policy issues with regard to handicapped athletes. The main aspect of this work is to identify the most problematic areas with which disabled athletes normally meet in reality. The thesis also includes the state of the current sports environment in the Czech Republic. This condition is presented primarily with regard to disabled athletes. It is clear from other research that the position of disabled athletes is currently largely neglected. In the next part of the thesis it is important to find out how disabled athletes are designed in the Czech media. This is followed in the analytical part of the thesis is the analysis of the media situation with access to disabled athletes. The work brings an analysis of newspaper articles between the Olympic Games in 2012 and 2016. By analyzing newspaper articles creates the concept of the most burning problems with which work is finally being done. The key task of the thesis is to provide a holistic view of the overall picture of handicapped athletes in the Czech Republic. The work also emphasizes the depiction of political power and political actors who are actively involved in this policy. Using the social construction method of the target groups creates a picture of the group of...

Syfte: Företags kassaflöden och vinster samt staters inkomster påverkas av hur mycket skatt som betalas av företag. Resultat i tidigare forskning om företagsstorlekens betydelse för effektiva skattesatser är motstridiga. Utelämnande av andra variabler som i vissa studier har visats ha signifikanta effekter på effektiva skattesatser kan vara en anledning till denna motstridighet. Sådan forskning har inte genomförts i Sverige enligt författarnas kännedom. Därför undersöks i denna studie effekterna av variabler som mäter storlek, skuldsättning, kapitalintensitet, forsknings- och utvecklingsintensitet samt lönsamhet på effektiva skattesatser hos företag med svensk företagsledning eller koncernledning. Syftet med detta är att ge en bild av vilka faktorer som kan förklara variationer mellan dessa företags skattebörda. Metod: Fem hypoteser om samband mellan variabler deduceras utifrån teorier och tidigare forskning. 3 593 kvantitativa observationer från 702 noterade företag och 6 år samlas in från databasen Retriever Business. Den longitudinella datan används i en regressionsanalys som testar de fem hypoteserna. Resultat: Denna studie bidrar med empiriskt bevis för ett positivt och signifikant samband mellan företagsstorlek och effektiva skattesatser. Däremot visas inte effekterna av skuldsättning, kapitalintensitet, FoU-intensitet och lönsamhet på effektiva skattesatser vara signifikanta. Slutsatser: Den slutsats som dras är att företagsstorlek är en indikation på storleken på effektiva skattesatser för företag med svensk företagsledning eller koncernledning. Teorin om politiska kostnader kan användas för att förklara sambandets riktning. / Aim: Cash flows and profits in firms as well as government revenue are affected by how much is paid in corporate taxes. Results in prior research concerning the effect of firm size on effective tax rates are inconsistent. Omitting other variables that have in some studies been proven to have significant effects on effective tax rates can be one cause of this inconsistency. Such research has not been conducted in Sweden to the extent of the authors’ knowledge. Therefore, this study examines the effects of variables that measure size, leverage, capital intensity, research and development intensity, and profitability on effective tax rates for firms with Swedish management or group management. The aim of this is describing which factors that can explain variations between these firms’ tax burdens. Method: Five hypotheses regarding associations between variables are deduced from theories and prior research. 3 593 quantitative observations from 702 publicly listed firms and 6 years are collected from the database Retriever Business. The longitudinal data is used in a regression analysis that tests the five hypotheses. Results: This study provides empirical evidence for a positive and significant association between firm size and effective tax rates. However, the effects of leverage, capital intensity, R&D intensity, and profitability on effective tax rates are not shown to be significant. Conclusions: It is concluded that firm size is an indicator of the size of effective tax rates for firms with Swedish management or group management. The political cost theory can be used in explaining the direction of the association.

No description available.

This thesis highlighted how disinformation campaigns on social media platforms and news outlets were used as tools to influence Swedish public diplomacy. To accomplish this, it aimed to answer the following research question “How are disinformation campaigns, through social media platforms and news outlets, impacting Sweden’s public diplomacy?”. The thesis applied two case studies, the first being a domestic context consisting of the Swedish Social Services (SSS) and the Swedish Care of Young Persons (Special Provisions) Act (LVU), and the second an international context being Sweden applying for a NATO membership. The analysis utilized a sociotechnical approach interpreting newspaper article, social media posts, and reports that made up the empirical material. In addition, an analytical framework, divided into three thematic sections, was used for the analysis. The thematic sections consisted of 1) background of the case; 2) the disinformation campaigns that were conducted including the actors involved; 3) the Swedish public diplomatic response based on Joseph Nye’s theory about political power and public diplomacy. The thesis discovered that both the domestic and international context impacted Sweden’s public diplomacy, where the government and governmental agencies took measures that they previously had not. Furthermore, it discovered that news outlets and social platforms could not be viewed as two separate entities when conducting disinformation campaigns, but instead as an additional third entity. Lastly, the thesis found the two cases to be similar, despite their different contexts, as disinformation campaigns often build on previous rumors.

No description available.

對於零碎且結構複雜的資料來源時，社會網路分析能夠給予整體性的觀察，還能檢視個體之間的關係。目前社會網路分析研究中，因為將網路退化至簡單連結關係，所以會遺失許多珍貴的資訊。而網路規模和型態隨著研究議題的不同，也會跟著增大或趨於多變，但動態網路分析能夠提供我們檢視每個時期，網路的變化或社群的形成或消失，甚至能知道節點間的互動影響。本論文研究，以政府人事異動資料為主，並且加入了其他政府組織的相關資料，建構出政府組織的從屬網路，並在每個網路快照中，擷取出重要的官員異動；每一筆人事異動都是一個事件的發生，而特任或簡任官員在本研究中視為重要事件，從這些重要事件的發生，我們能夠對每個時間的官員，使用EventRank的演算法做排名計算。最後能從時間的變化中，觀察出每個時期的佔有重要影響力的官員。 / To fragmented and complex structure data, social network analysis (SNA) can give an overall observation, but also view the relationship between individuals. Recent research in SNA is the degradation of the network link to a simple relationship but it will lose a lot of valuable information. The size and type of network with different research topics will follow the increase or rapidly changing, dynamic network analysis can provide our view of changes in the network or community to form or disappear in every period, even know the impact of the interaction between nodes. This thesis is based on the government official changes and other related data to construct manager-subordinate network of the government organization and capture the important interactions between officials in every network snapshot. An official change is the occurrence of an event and special level official changes in this study as a critical event. From these critical events, we can use the Event Rank algorithm to rank the officials. Finally, we can observe which official has more influence from the time changes.

Le renouveau du constitutionnalisme amorcé dans les années 1990 en Afrique subsaharienne francophone et la menace sécuritaire grandissante à travers le monde réorientent la problématique des rapports qu’entretient la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire. La reconnaissance constitutionnelle de la liberté d’opinion exige que l’exercice de cette liberté se fasse dans le respect de l’ordre public matériel, avec au coeur de cet ordre juridicisé, la sécurité des personnes, des biens et du territoire national par extension. Cette reconnaissance impose de s’interroger sur la conciliation de la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire en Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Bénin- Côte d’Ivoire-Sénégal) à la lumière de l’expérience des grandes démocraties contemporaines (Allemagne-France). Dans la présente recherche, l’exigence de conciliation s’appuie sur des fondements constitutionnels et son respect doit être assuré par un ensemble de garanties juridiques. Cependant, la conciliation trouve ses limites dans les contingences politiques, économiques et sociales propres aux États de l’Afrique subsaharienne francophone. En effet, dans des pays où l’État de droit est en gestation,la conciliation de deux normes de valeur constitutionnelle est incertaine, surtout lorsque l’une d’entre elle, la liberté d’opinion, peut être mise en oeuvre contre le pouvoir politique tandis que l’autre, l’ordre public sécuritaire, peut lui servir de prétexte pour limiter l’exercice de cette liberté. La réflexion invite in fine à repenser la conciliation de la liberté d’opinion avec l’ordre public sécuritaire comme un nouveau principe constitutionnel en Afrique subsaharienne francophone. / The renewal of constitutionalism, initiated in the 1990’s in francophone sub-Saharan Africa,and the worldwide growing security threat reorient the issue of the relationships between freedom of opinion and public security order. The constitutional recognition of freedom of opinion requires that the exercise of this freedom be done according to substantive public policy, with, at the heart of this legalised policy, the safety of people, property and, by extension, national territory. This recognition demands that we question the conciliation of freedom of opinion with public security order in francophone sub-Saharan Africa (Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Senegal) in the light of the experience of great contemporary democracies (Germany, France). In this research, constitutional grounds support the conciliation requirement and its respect must be ensured by legal guarantees. However, conciliation finds its limits in the political, economic and social contingencies specific to the francophone sub-Saharan States of Africa. Indeed, in these countries where the rule of law is building up, the conciliation of two constitutional standards is uncertain, especially when one of them, freedom of opinion, can threaten political power whereas the other one, public security order, can become an excuse to limit the exercise of this freedom. The essay invites in fine to reconsider the conciliation of freedom of opinion with public security order as a new constitutional principle in francophone sub-Saharan Africa.

Cette étude se penche sur la façon dont le pouvoir politique se est imaginé et imagée dans le centre-ville de Nairobi. Il examine comment l'environnement bâti de la ville a transformé l'ubiquité en place-de-appartenance. Construit culture est considérée comme un outil (mais non exclusif) pour forger une relation entre la société et un contexte spatial donné; un support pour la société de «personnaliser» son espace. L'accent est mis bâtiments emblématiques situées dans l'espace central, public et symbolique et est en outre délimitée à leur style architectural. L'autorité politique, mais pas singulièrement responsables de l'identité collective, a été choisi comme point de départ, car sa contribution est décisive. Par conséquent, il est aussi un produit de la performance politique Nairobi est interrogé. Une exploration des connotations et les nuances des styles utilisés pour ériger ses bâtiments emblématiques possibles sont esquissées. Gouvernement colonial de Nairobi utilisé un style néo-classique. Kenyatta, le premier président indigène, se est éloigné de cette tradition néo-classique. Sa préférence était une déclaration stylisée-africaine. Et, en plus de choisir un style différent, il réorienté la dynamique spatiale dans City Square ainsi ré-articuler son identité. Pour un examen plus complet de Nairobi, elle est comparée à Dar es-Salaam (la capitale commerciale de la Tanzanie) voisin. Dar es Salaam dispose d'une plus grande variété dans les styles architecturaux: arabo-swahili, classique européenne avec des fonctionnalités omanais-arabes et les Sarrasins compositions décoratives. Pendant ce temps, la variété architecturale à Nairobi coloniale, où les Britanniques avaient plus de six décennies undisturbed- pour élaborer leur image, est carrément néo-classique. Présenté avec plus (ou moins) polarisée images coloniales, les présidents autochtones du Kenya et de la Tanzanie ont réagi différemment. L'image postcoloniale de Nairobi est ouvertement «africaine» peut-être une réponse au classicisme néo aussi manifeste des coloniaux. Dar es Salaam, d'autre part, est dépourvu de stridente de va-et-vient dans ses discours stylistiques. En conclusion, il semble que le plus fougueux du concours sous-jacente de posséder une ville, plus articuler son image spatiale; plus contesté un espace a été, le plus spectaculaire de l'image qu'il porte. Nairobi a connu un concours de propriété plus intense par rapport à Dar es-Salaam. Une concurrence intense nécessite un style architectural décisive tout pluralisme stylistique prospère où le concours est moins intense. Cela peut ne pas se applique à toutes les villes en Afrique, mais ce est la vue en gros plan, l'identité imagé dans l'espace central de Nairobi. / This study looks at how political power has imagined-and-imaged itself in Nairobi’s city centre. It examines how the city’s built environment has transformed ubiquity into place-of-belonging. Built culture is considered as a tool (though not an exclusive one) for forging a relation between society and a given spatial context; a medium for society to ‘personalise’ its space. The focus is iconic buildings sited in the central, public and symbolic space and is further delimited to their architectural style. Political authority, though not singularly responsible for collective identity, has been selected as the point of departure because its contribution is decisive. Therefore, it is as a product of political performance that Nairobi is interrogated. An exploration of possible connotations and nuances of the styles employed to erect its iconic buildings are sketched out. Nairobi’s colonial government used a neo classical style. Kenyatta, the first indigenous president, distanced himself from this neo-classical tradition. His preference was a stylised-African statement. And, in addition to selecting a different style he re-oriented the spatial dynamics in City Square thus re-articulating its identity. For a fuller scrutiny of Nairobi, it is compared to neighbouring Dar es Salaam (the commercial capital of Tanzania). Dar es Salaam features greater variety in architectural styles: Arab-Swahili, European classical with Omani-Arab features and the decorative saracenic compositions. Meanwhile, architectural variety in colonial Nairobi, where the British had over six decades–undisturbed– to craft their image, is bluntly neo-classical. Presented with more (or less) polarised colonial images, the indigenous presidents of Kenya and Tanzania reacted differently. Nairobi’s postcolonial image is overtly ‘african’ perhaps as a response to the equally overt neo classicism of the colonials. Dar es Salaam, on the other hand, is devoid of strident back-and-forth in its stylistic discourses. In conclusion, it appears the more spirited the underlying contest to own a city, the more articulate its spatial image; the more contested a space has been, the more spectacular the image it bears. Nairobi has experienced a more intense ownership contest compared to Dar es Salaam. Intense competition necessitates a decisive architectural style while stylistic pluralism thrives where the contest is less intense. This may not apply to all the cities in Africa but it is the close-up view, the imaged identity in Nairobi’s central space.

No description available.