A liberdade religiosa foi uma das questões mais debatidas no século 17 na Inglaterra. Esse problema estava intimamente relacionado com o do alcance da jurisdição civil ou, ainda, da relação entre o poder civil e o poder eclesiástico. John Locke participou ativamente das discussões da época e dedicou vários escritos ao tema, incluídos os Two Tracts on Government, o Essay concerning Toleration e as Letters concerning Toleration. Mas foi somente nestas últimas que o filósofo deu a forma final aos argumentos em defesa da tolerância que influenciaram toda a modernidade. Nelas encontramos a separação da Igreja e do Estado, pela diferenciação entre a finalidade, o objeto e os instrumentos comunidade política e da comunidade eclesiástica. Além disso, nelas identificamos a argumentação relativa à ineficácia da força para persuadir e à impossibilidade de se mostrar publicamente o conhecimento da verdadeira religião, que contribuem para excluir de uma vez por todas o direito do magistrado de impor uma religião oficial. O objetivo principal desta dissertação é expor e analisar esses argumentos, desde sua gênese até sua elaboração final, para mostrar as bases racionais e o alcance prático da doutrina lockiana da tolerância. / Religious freedom was one of the most controversial issues in the seventeenth century in England. Such matter was closely related to the extension problem of the civil jurisdiction or, yet, to the relation between civil power and the ecclesiastic power. John Locke actively participated in debates of the time and dedicated numerous pieces of writing to the theme. We can point out, among them, Two Tracts on Government, Essay concerning Toleration, Letters concerning Toleration. But it was only in the latter the philosopher gave the final form to the arguments in defense of the toleration, therefore, influencing modernity as a whole. Separation of Church and Estate can then be found in those letters due to the political and ecclesiastic communities differences in aims, objects and instruments. Besides, the arguments for inefficiency of power to persuade as well as for the impossibility of showing publicly the knowledge of the true religion can be identified in such letters, what contributes to the radical exclusion of the magistrate right to impose an official religion. The main objective of this essay is to expose and to analyze those arguments, from their geneses to their final elaboration, to show the rational bases and the practical reach of the lockean doctrine of toleration.

Orientador: Marisa Saenz Leme / Banca: Andréa Lisly Gonçalves / Banca: José Iran Ribeiro / Banca: Pedro Geraldo Tosi / Banca: Marcos Alves de Souza / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a dinâmica histórica relativa ao processo de autonomia da capitania de Sergipe e as questões políticas inerentes a essa experiência histórica, no conjunto de reflexões e eventos que envolveram o período joanino e a Independência do Brasil. Considerando que a emancipação administrativa da província em relação à Bahia ocorreu no mesmo contexto das lutas e debates políticos sobre a separação do Brasil, vislumbra-se a necessidade de compreender como o processo de autonomia política local entrelaçou-se com o movimento mais geral que levou a separação da colônia e as discussões, tramas e embates que marcaram o período. A análise centra-se em compreender os posicionamentos, a atuação, as polêmicas e as questões que, guardando semelhanças ou divergências em relação à dinâmica em curso nos centros decisórios (Lisboa, Bahia e Rio de Janeiro), ressoam e complexizam as tensões e os dilemas que os diferentes atores e sujeitos políticos locais se viram obrigados a enfrentar no andamento do processo político desse movimento profundo e amplo. Permite explorar como foram construídas as formas de adesão e a construção dos consensos a um projeto de sociedade e formato de Estado. Baseando-se em fontes documentais diversas e bibliografia ampla e pertinente, espera-se contribuir historiograficamente para a elucidação do comportamento e atuação política das elites regionais e os projetos políticos em evidência, diante da desagregação do Império português e a construção de um novo ordenamento político-institucional que atuara para formar o Brasil como nação independente. Estas questões, acreditamos, podem ser captadas através da análise do movimento de constituição e a configuração institucional do Estado imperial na província de Sergipe / Abstract: The present work has as objective to analyze relative the historical dynamics to the process of autonomy of the captainship of Sergipe and the questions inherent politics to this experience in the set of reflections and events that had involved the joanino period and the Independence of Brazil. Considering that the administrative emancipation of the province in relation to the Bahia the same occurred in context of the fights and debates politicians on the separation of Brazil, it is glimpsed necessity to understand as the process of local autonomy politics was interlaced with the general movement that took to the separation of the colony and the quarrels, trams and strikes that they had marked the period. The analysis was centered in understanding the positioning, the developed opinion, controversies and questions that, keeping to similarities or divergences in relation to the dynamics in course in the power to decide centers (Lisbon, Bahia and Rio de Janeiro), had influenced the action of the different actors and citizens local, involved politicians in a process deep and ample politician. Its analysis allows that if it explores with more elements of analysis as to the forms of adhesion and the construction of the consensuses to a society project and format of State had been constructed. For the analysis of diverse documentary sources and ample and pertinent bibliography, one expects historiography to contribute for the briefing of the behavior and performance politics of the regional elites and the projects politicians in evidence, ahead of the disaggregating of the Portuguese Empire and the construction of a new politicianinstitutional order that acts to form Brazil as independent nation. These questions, we believe, can be caught through the analysis of the constitution movement and the institutional configuration of the imperial State in the province of Sergipe / Resumen: El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar la dinámica histórica relativa al proceso de autonomía de la capitanía de Sergipe y las cuestiones políticas inherentes la esa experiencia en el conjunto de reflexiones y eventos que envolvieron el periodo joanino y la Independencia de Brasil. Considerando que la emancipación administrativa de la provincia en relación a Bahia ocurrió en el mismo contexto de las luchas y debates políticos sobre la separación de Brasil, se vislumbra la necesidad de comprender como el proceso de autonomía política local entramado con el movimiento general que llevó a la separación de la colonia y las discusiones, tramas y embites que marcaron el periodo. El análisis se centró en comprender los posicionamientos, la opinión, las polémicas y las cuestiones desarrolladas que, guardando semejanzas o divergencias en relación a la dinámica en curso en los centros decisivos (Lisboa, Bahia y Río de Janeiro), influenciaron la acción de los diferentes actores y sujetos políticos locales, envueltos en un proceso político profundo y amplio. Su análisis permite que se explore con más elementos de análisis como fueron construidas las formas de adhesión y la construcción de los consensos a un proyecto de sociedad y formato de Estado. Por el análisis de fuentes documentáis diversas y bibliografía amplia y pertinente, se espera ayudar historiograficamente para la elucidación del comportamiento y actuación política de las élites regionales y los proyectos políticos en evidencia, delante de la disgregación del Imperio portugués y la construcción de un nuevo ordenamiento político - institucional que hube actuado para formar Brasil como nación independiente. Estas cuestiones, creemos, pueden ser captadas a través del análisis del movimiento de constitución y la configuración institucional del Estado imperial en la provincia de Sergipe / Doutor

A criação e a popularização da Internet pelo mundo levaram à institucionalização de uma realidade de governança descentralizada e multifacetada, que toca diversos regimes internacionais vigentes, arregimenta uma pluralidade quase infinita de stakeholders e conta com grande protagonismo de atores privados. A governança global da Internet diz respeito ao endereçamento dos dispositivos computacionais terminais e nucleares que integram a Internet e às tarefas de transmissão, roteamento e comutação de pacotes de dados de uma ponta à outra da Rede. Tais tarefas técnicas permeiam inevitavelmente a tensão existente entre, de um lado, o caráter global de fluxos e transações que ocorrem através da Internet, e, de outro, a vinculação territorial da infraestrutura, dos usuários e dos provedores de bens e serviços relativos à Internet. Isso os submete a diferentes jurisdições soberanas e regimes regulatórios nacionais e internacionais, e impõe desafios de coordenação da ação coletiva no campo das políticas públicas em diferentes níveis: da governança internacional das telecomunicações em sentido estrito à própria governança política no plano global, passando, inclusive, pela governança política no âmbito das poliarquias contemporâneas. Este trabalho responde ao seguinte problema de pesquisa: como a governança da Internet insere-se no contexto do desenvolvimento histórico da Era Digital? O que explica o regime internacional de governança da Internet vigente? Que assimetrias de poder caracterizam a governança global da Internet e as disputas políticas em torno de seu perfil institucional na atualidade? A pesquisa empregou os métodos de análise contextual e de rastreamento histórico de processos políticos, dos quais derivaram as seguintes técnicas de investigação: revisão de literatura e análise documental; participação presencial e remota em eventos científicos e de articulação política sobre o tema; acompanhamento etnográfico de fóruns on line sobre governança da Internet; e entrevistas com atores selecionados. O trabalho divide-se em três grandes partes. Na primeira, são apresentados os conceitos fundamentais para a compreensão deste estudo e sua articulação ao contexto sistêmico observável na política internacional, a fim de introduzir o papel central da Internet nas disputas políticas em torno da ecologia institucional da Era Digital. Na segunda parte, procura-se descrever, em perspectiva histórica, os diferentes formatos institucionais assumidos pela governança da Internet até os dias atuais e apresentam-se as implicações decorrentes para o estudo das relações internacionais. A terceira parte procura explicar a paralisia do desenvolvimento institucional da governança da Rede na primeira década do século XXI e propõe a reinterpretação do fenômeno a partir de uma crítica à abordagem do institucionalismo econômico de matriz racionalista, que se firmou como a principal concepção teórica voltada a orientar normativamente a evolução da governança da Internet. A crítica reinsere a matriz histórica da teoria institucional e a matriz realista ao estudo de regimes internacionais e da governança global. Em conclusão, alerta-se para os riscos que uma abordagem liberal-anárquica tem para que a governança global da Internet seja efetuada de forma verdadeiramente democrática, equitativamente pluriparticipativa e efetivamente habilitadora do desenvolvimento humano. Ao fim, projeta-se a continuação da pesquisa. / The creation and spread of the Internet throughout the World have led to the institutionalization of a decentralized and multifaceted governance reality, which is related to several other international regimes, comprised of a myriad of stakeholders and marked by the leading role of private actors. Internet’s global governance is basically related to the task of addressing computers and networks, as well as transmitting, routing and commuting data packets between terminals. Those technical tasks are inherently related to the tension that exists between, on the one hand, the global character of data flows and transactions that are carried through the Internet and, on the other, the territoriality of infrastructure, users, and Internet goods, services and application providers, which links them to sovereign jurisdictions and regulatory regimes (national and international). Therefore, Internet governance involves challenges of coordinating collective action in the field of public policies on different levels: from the stricter field of telecommunications governance to the wider field of global governance, touching upon political governance in contemporary polyarchies. This dissertation provides an answer to the following research question: How is Internet governance related to the historical development of the Digital Era? What explains the characteristics of the existing regime for Internet global governance? And what power asymmetries and political struggles define that regime? The investigation employed contextual analysis and process tracing with the support of literature and documentation review, remote and in loco participation in scientific and political events; on line ethnography of different deliberative fora; selected interviews. Three main parts integrate this research report: The first presents some basic concepts for the comprehension of the study. These concepts are articulated with the systemic context that characterizes their development as a way of defining the central role of the Internet in current political struggles over the institutional ecology of the Digital Era. The second presents a historical perspective of the institutional development of Internet governance, highlighting the implications of that development for the study of International Relations. The last part explains the institutional development paralysis that marked the first decade of the 2000s by proposing the reinterpretation of the regime’s trajectory through a critique of the rational institutional approach, which has become consolidated as the main theoretical framework to provide normative guidance for the future of Internet governance. The critique draws upon the historical streams of institutional theory and the realist approach to international regimes and global governance in the field of International Politics. In conclusion, the report underlines the risks that liberal-anarchic solutions present for a truly democratic, fair, multi-stakeholder and development-oriented Internet governance. In the end, the furtherance of the research is detailed.

Le pouvoir est un élément clef dans l’œuvre de Zola, qui a été le premier à prendre pour sujet d’un roman le pouvoir politique dans Son Excellence Eugène Rougon. Aussi proposons-nous dans cette thèse l’étude du substantif pouvoir, qui est un mot abstrait, à la polysémie remarquable.La première partie est une étude lexicologique et lexicographique du substantif pouvoir en langue. L’étude lexicologique présente à partir des notions de base de la sémantique lexicale, la polysémie, le champ synonymique, le contexte et les connotations de pouvoir. L’étude lexicographique permet de suivre l’évolution de ce déverbal du point de vue diachronique depuis sa première acception attestée en 842, en distinguant ses différents sens en ancien français, en français préclassique, en français classique, en français moderne et en français contemporain.Le substantif pouvoir est ensuite étudié en discours dans le cycle romanesque des Rougon-Macquart de Zola. La deuxième partie propose une approche sémasiologique dans laquelle chacune de ses cent trente-neuf occurrences est classée selon un sens dominant, dans les vingt romans. On offre ainsi une représentation de la répartition des sens de pouvoir à partir d’une étude des contextes étroits de ce mot. En contexte, on observe qu’il est parfois difficile de cerner les significations du substantif pouvoir qui présente des ambiguïtés, des glissements d’une signification à l’autre, par rapport à l’étude en langue. On peut dire que cette étude apporte un autre éclairage sur le mot pouvoir en inscrivant sa polysémie dans un continuum de sens. La troisième partie s’intéresse d’un point de vue onomasiologique, à partir d’une étude de contextes larges, aux trois champs sémantiques de pouvoir. Son champ générique est composé des synonymes autorité, puissance, toute-puissance, ascendant, domination, empire, force, trône. Son champ associatif, analysé à partir de ses différentes significations, peut se récapituler au moyen de sept mots clefs représentatifs : le régime politique, les appétits, la bande, la force, l’impuissance, la chute, la disgrâce. Son champ actanciel met en lumière la prépondérance des actants appartenant à la famille Rougon-Macquart par rapport aux autres personnages en ce qui concerne le pouvoir.Cette recherche, en alliant langue et discours, a l’intérêt de montrer que le classement en double réseau de pouvoir au sens de « capacité » et de pouvoir au sens d’ « autorité » n’apparaît pas dans Zola. Celui-ci choisit en effet de privilégier massivement l’utilisation des significations de pouvoir ayant trait à l’autorité ce qui montre son orientation par rapport à ses personnages, qu’il fait détenteurs d’une autorité sans qu’ils en aient nécessairement la capacité. / Power is a key element in the work of Zola, who was the first author to make political power the subject of a novel in Son Excellence Eugène Rougon. This thesis will therefore study the noun pouvoir (power), an abstract word whose polysemy is extensive.The first part is a lexicological and lexicographic study of the noun pouvoir in French considered as a language system (langue). The lexicological study uses basic notions of lexical semantics to present the polysemy, synonyms, context and connotations of pouvoir. The lexicographic study offers a diachronic analysis of this verbal noun from its first attested use in 842, reviewing its different meanings in old, pre-classical, classical, modern and contemporary French.The second part goes on to study pouvoir in a discourse setting in Zola’s Rougon-Macquart cycle. Using a semasiological approach, the 139 occurrences of the word across the twenty novels are classified according to a dominant meaning. This makes it possible to show the range of meanings of the word based on an analysis of the precise contexts in which it is used. In context, it becomes apparent that it is sometimes difficult to define the word’s meaning precisely, since ambiguities or slippages are observed with respect to the meanings established in the study of the overall language system. This part of the thesis thus sheds a different light on the word, by situating its polysemy in a continuum of meanings.The third part uses an onomasiological approach, analysing the broader contexts of the use of the word to establish three semantic fields of pouvoir. Its generic field is composed of the synonyms autorité (authority), puissance (power, capacity), toute-puissance (omnipotence), ascendant (ascendancy, influence), domination (domination), empire (empire), force (force), trône (throne). Its associative field, analysed through the different meanings of the word, can be summarised in seven representative key words : régime politique (political regime), appétits (appetites), bande (gang), force (force), impuissance (powerlessness), chute (fall), and disgrâce (disgrace). Finally an analysis of the actantial field of the word reveals that members of the Rougon-Macquart family are over-represented compared to other characters in actant positions related to power.Adopting an approach which spans the divide between language as system (langue) and discourse, this study shows that the double semantic reach of pouvoir as ‘capability’ (capacité) and ‘authority’ (autorité) is not present in Zola. Zola chooses to give massive priority to meanings of pouvoir which relate to authority. This serves to reveal the author’s attitude towards his characters, who possess authority without necessarily having the corresponding capability.

Em cenário permeado por guerras civis e religiosas advindas da busca por poder político, no século XVII, Locke dedica-se a demonstrar a origem, extensão e finalidade do governo civil, bem como sua dissolução, assumindo o poder político como ponto de partida. Isso porque é preciso elucidar a quem cabe esse poder, de direito, na sociedade civil. Nesse sentido, Locke empenha-se em refutar os argumentos de Robert Filmer, para quem a única forma de governo possível é aquela que tem como pressuposto o domínio particular e a jurisdição paterna de Adão como fonte de todo o poder. Locke critica a visão filmeriana que implicaria em assumir que nenhum homem é livre por natureza e refuta o argumento de Filmer no campo da lei natural. Para tanto, parece valer-se, entre outros elementos, de um procedimento próximo ao da medicina empírica de Thomas Sydenham, mais preocupada em observar as alterações e circunstâncias em que a doença se manifesta do que em buscar suas causas ocultas. Por essa via, precisa reconhecer antes de tudo, os limites do conhecimento humano e concentrar-se na utilidade da reflexão voltada para a prática. Daí ele ressaltar, de modo semelhante, a importância do trabalho de observação no Segundo Tratado desde a discussão sobre a lei de natureza, como lei moral que visa à preservação da humanidade, passando pelo reconhecimento dos inconvenientes do estado de natureza e da necessidade de remediá-los via consentindo para a formação do corpo político e do governo, até o direito de resistência que, conforme interpreta Jean-Fabien Spitz, parece depender de que os membros da sociedade civil mantenham certo direito individual de julgar que limitam as ações daqueles autorizados a exercer o poder legislativo. / In a scenario permeated by civil and religious wars arising from the search for political power in the seventeenth century, Locke is dedicated to demonstrating the origin, extension, and purpose of civil government, as well as its dissolution, assuming political power as a starting point. This is because it is necessary to elucidate to whom this power belongs, of right, in the civil society. In this sense, Locke endeavors to refute the arguments of Robert Filmer, for whom the only form of government possible is that which assumes the particular domain and the paternal jurisdiction of Adam as the source of all power. Locke criticizes the filmerian view that would imply assuming that no man is free by nature and refutes Filmer\'s argument in the field of natural law. For this, it seems to be worth, among other elements, a procedure close to the empirical medicine of Thomas Sydenham, more concerned with observing the changes and circumstances in which the disease manifests itself than in seeking its hidden causes. In this way, one must first recognize the limits of human knowledge and focus on the usefulness of practice-oriented reflection. Hence the importance of the work of observation in the Second Treatise from the discussion of the law of nature - as a moral law aimed at the preservation of humanity, through the recognition of the inconveniences of the state of nature and the need to remedy it - to the right of resistance which, as interpreted by Jean-Fabien Spitz, seems to depend on the members of civil society maintaining an individual right to judge. So they can limit the actions of those authorized to exercise the legislative power.

A criação e a popularização da Internet pelo mundo levaram à institucionalização de uma realidade de governança descentralizada e multifacetada, que toca diversos regimes internacionais vigentes, arregimenta uma pluralidade quase infinita de stakeholders e conta com grande protagonismo de atores privados. A governança global da Internet diz respeito ao endereçamento dos dispositivos computacionais terminais e nucleares que integram a Internet e às tarefas de transmissão, roteamento e comutação de pacotes de dados de uma ponta à outra da Rede. Tais tarefas técnicas permeiam inevitavelmente a tensão existente entre, de um lado, o caráter global de fluxos e transações que ocorrem através da Internet, e, de outro, a vinculação territorial da infraestrutura, dos usuários e dos provedores de bens e serviços relativos à Internet. Isso os submete a diferentes jurisdições soberanas e regimes regulatórios nacionais e internacionais, e impõe desafios de coordenação da ação coletiva no campo das políticas públicas em diferentes níveis: da governança internacional das telecomunicações em sentido estrito à própria governança política no plano global, passando, inclusive, pela governança política no âmbito das poliarquias contemporâneas. Este trabalho responde ao seguinte problema de pesquisa: como a governança da Internet insere-se no contexto do desenvolvimento histórico da Era Digital? O que explica o regime internacional de governança da Internet vigente? Que assimetrias de poder caracterizam a governança global da Internet e as disputas políticas em torno de seu perfil institucional na atualidade? A pesquisa empregou os métodos de análise contextual e de rastreamento histórico de processos políticos, dos quais derivaram as seguintes técnicas de investigação: revisão de literatura e análise documental; participação presencial e remota em eventos científicos e de articulação política sobre o tema; acompanhamento etnográfico de fóruns on line sobre governança da Internet; e entrevistas com atores selecionados. O trabalho divide-se em três grandes partes. Na primeira, são apresentados os conceitos fundamentais para a compreensão deste estudo e sua articulação ao contexto sistêmico observável na política internacional, a fim de introduzir o papel central da Internet nas disputas políticas em torno da ecologia institucional da Era Digital. Na segunda parte, procura-se descrever, em perspectiva histórica, os diferentes formatos institucionais assumidos pela governança da Internet até os dias atuais e apresentam-se as implicações decorrentes para o estudo das relações internacionais. A terceira parte procura explicar a paralisia do desenvolvimento institucional da governança da Rede na primeira década do século XXI e propõe a reinterpretação do fenômeno a partir de uma crítica à abordagem do institucionalismo econômico de matriz racionalista, que se firmou como a principal concepção teórica voltada a orientar normativamente a evolução da governança da Internet. A crítica reinsere a matriz histórica da teoria institucional e a matriz realista ao estudo de regimes internacionais e da governança global. Em conclusão, alerta-se para os riscos que uma abordagem liberal-anárquica tem para que a governança global da Internet seja efetuada de forma verdadeiramente democrática, equitativamente pluriparticipativa e efetivamente habilitadora do desenvolvimento humano. Ao fim, projeta-se a continuação da pesquisa. / The creation and spread of the Internet throughout the World have led to the institutionalization of a decentralized and multifaceted governance reality, which is related to several other international regimes, comprised of a myriad of stakeholders and marked by the leading role of private actors. Internet’s global governance is basically related to the task of addressing computers and networks, as well as transmitting, routing and commuting data packets between terminals. Those technical tasks are inherently related to the tension that exists between, on the one hand, the global character of data flows and transactions that are carried through the Internet and, on the other, the territoriality of infrastructure, users, and Internet goods, services and application providers, which links them to sovereign jurisdictions and regulatory regimes (national and international). Therefore, Internet governance involves challenges of coordinating collective action in the field of public policies on different levels: from the stricter field of telecommunications governance to the wider field of global governance, touching upon political governance in contemporary polyarchies. This dissertation provides an answer to the following research question: How is Internet governance related to the historical development of the Digital Era? What explains the characteristics of the existing regime for Internet global governance? And what power asymmetries and political struggles define that regime? The investigation employed contextual analysis and process tracing with the support of literature and documentation review, remote and in loco participation in scientific and political events; on line ethnography of different deliberative fora; selected interviews. Three main parts integrate this research report: The first presents some basic concepts for the comprehension of the study. These concepts are articulated with the systemic context that characterizes their development as a way of defining the central role of the Internet in current political struggles over the institutional ecology of the Digital Era. The second presents a historical perspective of the institutional development of Internet governance, highlighting the implications of that development for the study of International Relations. The last part explains the institutional development paralysis that marked the first decade of the 2000s by proposing the reinterpretation of the regime’s trajectory through a critique of the rational institutional approach, which has become consolidated as the main theoretical framework to provide normative guidance for the future of Internet governance. The critique draws upon the historical streams of institutional theory and the realist approach to international regimes and global governance in the field of International Politics. In conclusion, the report underlines the risks that liberal-anarchic solutions present for a truly democratic, fair, multi-stakeholder and development-oriented Internet governance. In the end, the furtherance of the research is detailed.

The involvement of religious dimensions in armed conflict reduces the space for resolution and threatens the durability of peace. Yet, there are empirical cases showing that it is possible to address the challenges posed by religious dimensions. There are various avenues to secure durable peace for conflicts involving religious dimensions. Recent studies have focused on the usage of politico-religious solutions. Their findings are however limited to a series of case studies and still have multiple unknowns. This thesis aims to contribute to this body of research with the research question: How do politico-religious arrangements impact peace durability for intrastate armed conflicts involving religious dimensions? Building on previous research on the termination of civil wars and the resolution mechanisms for religious conflicts, this thesis develops a theoretical argument proposing that the provision of politico-religious solutions increases the likelihood of peace duration. A large-N analysis of 107 settlements from 1975 to 2018 related to 30 dyadic conflicts with religious dimensions, shows that there insufficient statistical evidence to support the proposed relationship. The findings question the generalisability of previous research and propose new avenues to further research the applicability of politico-religious solutions.

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This thesis studies the negotiation of political power between the Danish absolutist state, the local government on Bornholm, and its subjects there during the winter of 1738–1739. The aim is to better understand how political power was negotiated in a peripheral region of an early modern state, but also to explore what caused this interaction to begin with and why its eventual outcome was a compromise by the state. The empirical evidence consists mostly of documents created and obtained by an investigative commission formed by the Danish king in 1738 in response to an anonymous letter that accused the local government on Bornholm of corruption and serious criminal offences. The local government had become complicit in peasants’ squatting on disputed land that technically belonged to the king. It will be argued that there existed a distinct political culture on Bornholm that shaped these negotiations and their outcome. Furthermore, the work of the commission and the eventual compromise made by the state demonstrates how this political culture collided with Copenhagen officials’ designs for the island at the time. The investigation into the behaviour of the governor of Bornholm and his eventual treatment sheds light on the role and boundaries of such early modern local officeholders, but also reveals how officials such as him were protected by nepotism and kinship within the Danish absolutist state. Finally, it will be argued that the anonymous letter that led to the establishment of the commission was the product of local conflicts that had escalated to a point of desperation. / <p></p><p></p>

自從1979年中國大陸開放改革以來，中國大陸吸引外商投資實際金額便不斷成長，從1997年到2006年，中國大陸吸引外商直接投資實際累計金額高達882.038億美元，儼然成為開發中國家吸引外資最大國。 事實上，許多文獻探討影響中國大陸外資的因素，不外乎經濟及政治方面的影響，但鮮少提及政治方面的影響，因此本文特別將中國大陸各省政治權力影響外資的情況提出討論，作為往後探討中國大陸外資的補充文章。 / Since the implementation of opening policies in 1979, China has increasingly utilized overseas funds actively to accelerate industrialization and industrial promotion. From the beginning of the “Open Door” policy in 1979 to 2006, China has received $882.038 billion in foreign direct investment (FDI). Indeed, China is the largest developing country of FDI. As a matter of fact, numerous political and economic reasons will attract FDI. This paper uses political power as a new variable that no one has considered it as a political factor of determining FDI before. Panel data analysis is adopted because this paper aims to examine the determinants of FDI distribution across provinces and over time. Therefore, this paper adopts panel data analysis. According to regression model, political power actually affects FDI positively but the effect of influence is decreasing in course of time. However, this paper specially investigates the impact of political power on FDI that no one has discussed before so this paper can be regarded as a complementary paper in studying FDI.