Le présent travail met en lumière la dialectique des relations entre mémoire et politique par l’étude des processus de construction, négociation, diffusion, adoption et reproduction des représentations du passé soviétique dans la Russie postsoviétique. S’appuyant sur la multitude de sources hétérogènes véhiculant les représentations du passé soviétique, le travail révèle les raisons et les mécanismes de l’évolution de la mémoire du passé soviétique en Russie, ainsi que son rôle politique et social. Le travail démontre que la mémoire du passé soviétique a joué un rôle important dans la légitimation symbolique du pouvoir de Boris Eltsine et de Vladimir Poutine et dans la construction identitaire de la société russe postcommuniste, tout en soutenant le glissement progressif de la Russie vers un régime autoritaire. En effet, malgré des oppositions marquées entre les différents régimes politiques qui se sont succédé, la tradition d’un usage politique du passé perdure, le passé soviétique restant un enjeu de pouvoir majeur en Russie. Aussi bien à la fin de l’époque soviétique qu’au début des années 2000, le passé national a été entièrement réinterprété et reconstruit. Toutefois, la mémoire collective du passé soviétique représente également un cadre contraignant qui limite les choix institutionnels et les décisions du pouvoir. Dans la mesure où la mémoire est porteuse de références politiques, économiques et sociales, elle crée des effets de dépendance au sentier, favorisant la reproduction de schémas de fonctionnement politiques, économiques et sociaux hérités du passé soviétique. / The present work lays the emphasis on the dialectic relations between memory and politics by studying the processes of construction, negotiation, broadcasting, adoption and reproduction of the representations of the Soviet past in post-Soviet Russia. Based on various and heterogeneous sources conveying the images of the Soviet past, this work throws light upon the reasons and the mechanisms of the evolution of collective memory in the Soviet past as well as its political and social role. This work argues that the memory of the Soviet past played an important role in symbolically legitimating Boris Yeltsin's and Vladimir Putin's regimes as well as in forging post-Soviet identity, while strengthening the gradual shift toward an authoritarian regime. Despite numerous oppositions between the successive political regimes, making a political use of the past is an enduring tradition, the Soviet past remaining a major issue for those in office in Russia. Both in the late Soviet era and the early years 2000, the national past was entirely reinterpreted and reconstructed. However the collective memory of the Soviet past is also a binding framework restricting the institutional choices and the political decisions of political actors. Since collective memory is the expression of political, economic and social references, it produces path dependency effects, thereby fostering the reproduction of political, economic and social frameworks deep-rooted in the Soviet past.

Museums are important for maintaining trust and tolerance in society and their importance has in-creased as more and more people visit museums. Twenty-five million visits were made to museums in Sweden in 2014. The issue of creative idea generation in terms of exhibition projects is central to the museum's impact and success, and to its relevance to an increasingly complex audience. In order to download their collections with new content and stories, museums have to develop their vision of creative idea generation and be better at taking a creative approach to the exhibition topic. This is difficult because museums have an inherent resistance to change because they are controlled by their institutions, here in the sense of self-imposed rules, conventions and traditions of how something is done. Within institutional theory, one uses the term Path Dependency. There are constant negotiations within institutions between the different roles with varying strong or weak ne-gotiating positions. Museum directors have strong negotiating positions and are therefore key play-ers in the creation of exhibitions. By illustrating how museum directors perceive their role in relation to exhibits, it is possible to change the institutions. Qualitative semi-structured interviews have thus been conducted with all five museum directors who have been or are active in the Swedish National Maritime Museums in the period 2004-2013. The investigation has shown that the organization and the director general at an overall level estab-lish the framework for museum directors' ability to exercise their role and their negotiating position. One result is that museum directors have strong negotiating positions in certain distinct areas, but that there are also areas that are unclear to them, which prevents them from fully exploiting their negotiation position. One such area is the commissioning of exhibitions, especially in relation to the artistic creative processes and design. The conclusion from the result is that the commissioner’s role must be defined much more clearly. Another important conclusion is that museum directors must approach the question of what creative idea generation is and how it works.

<p>In this dissertation the construction of two coastal railways, the East Coast Line and the Bothnia Line, in the <i>Norrland</i> region of northern Sweden is used as a case study of how regionally based interest groups are formed, and how they gain access to decision-making processes on a national level. In periods when a number of preconditions were in place, a window of opportunity opened for the coastal railway that the regional elites could exploit. Among these was the ability to form a coherent regional interest group, through institutions that created platforms and power-bases that enable regional elites to co-operate and act on regional and national levels.The existence of an institutional framework that was adapitve towards regional railway promotion was also important. The study shows that the coastal railway had a very flexible role on the agenda, as it provided a fixed solution against which actors could pin a multitude of different problems. An important factor for explaining the development of the coastal railway question in <i>Norrland</i> was the ideological notion of the region itself. Being a vast, resource-rich and sparsely populated region, <i>Norrland</i> had almost always received special consideration in both public opinion and national policy making. It also created a remarkable stubbornness among the regional actors in working for the coastal railway. Regional interest groups had also learnt that linking their claims to <i>Norrland's </i>peripheral position had high legitimacy on the national arena, by claiming the need for regional fairness and/or the national importance of the regional export-intensive industries. This was instrumental in justifying the repeated exemptions from the national railway policy regimes that ultimately were decissive in making the regional elites successful.</p>

Taking a sociological perspective on the market for corporate control this thesis calls into question financial capitalism with its preference for clear shareholder-value governance of the corporation. The institutional setting chosen to show this is Sweden, with its particularly shareholder friendly governance regime and its very active takeover market. To this is added three longitudinal case studies of cross-border hostile takeover processes during the sixth takeover wave in Europe. These reveal that the success of cross-border hostile bids has little to do with the theory of the market for corporate control, as a market where contests enable “good managers” to win over “bad managers”, with the overarching goal of enhancing wealth creation for society at large. Instead the most successful actors on a market for corporate control are those who best understand that market’s power dynamics – including the use of regulatory and moral arbitrage between different national frameworks and the leveraging of short-termism of institutional investors. The case studies are then analyzed in relation to the revised Swedish takeover rules of 2009. This shows that the revision did not address the problems detected, focusing instead on enhancing deal making and further limiting the board’s ability to work for long term value creation. As a whole this thesis calls for a development of a theory of a market for corporate control that in a more sustainable way will enable board of directors to focus on the corporation as value accretive entity. Sophie Nachemson-Ekwall has conducted her PhD work at the Stockholm School of Economics and is today a researcher
at the Center for Management and Organization at the Stockholm School of Economics Institute for Research (SIR). She has a background as a prize winning financial journalist for over 20 years and has co-authored three books about delicate issues in large Swedish corporations. / <p>Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2012</p>

In this dissertation the construction of two coastal railways, the East Coast Line and the Bothnia Line, in the Norrland region of northern Sweden is used as a case study of how regionally based interest groups are formed, and how they gain access to decision-making processes on a national level. In periods when a number of preconditions were in place, a window of opportunity opened for the coastal railway that the regional elites could exploit. Among these was the ability to form a coherent regional interest group, through institutions that created platforms and power-bases that enable regional elites to co-operate and act on regional and national levels.The existence of an institutional framework that was adapitve towards regional railway promotion was also important. The study shows that the coastal railway had a very flexible role on the agenda, as it provided a fixed solution against which actors could pin a multitude of different problems. An important factor for explaining the development of the coastal railway question in Norrland was the ideological notion of the region itself. Being a vast, resource-rich and sparsely populated region, Norrland had almost always received special consideration in both public opinion and national policy making. It also created a remarkable stubbornness among the regional actors in working for the coastal railway. Regional interest groups had also learnt that linking their claims to Norrland's peripheral position had high legitimacy on the national arena, by claiming the need for regional fairness and/or the national importance of the regional export-intensive industries. This was instrumental in justifying the repeated exemptions from the national railway policy regimes that ultimately were decissive in making the regional elites successful.

This dissertation investigates the public response to HIV/AIDS in Sweden in the 1980s and early 1990s. The analysis focuses on the National Commission on AIDS (NCA,“Aidsdelegationen”). The NCA was appointed by the government in 1985, led by the Minister of Social Affairs and mandated to initiate and coordinate the national response to the epidemic and in function until 1992. The dissertation’s theoretical framework is based on the understanding of an epidemic as a cultural and historical concept, emphasizing that health policy in the late twentieth century must be analyzed as a complex process of problematization.  The study includes four parts. The first part covers the years 1982 to 1985, an era characterized by small scale action, based mainly on voluntary initiatives with small resources. The second part examines the period 1985-1989, when the NCA formed an official national policy based on both strong legislation (enabling quarantine of recalcitrants, registration, contact tracing etc.) and massive nationwide information efforts (through mass media campaigns). This highly active phase was followed by a period of consolidation, from 1989 to 1992, examined in the third part of the study. This period included a new infectious disease act focused on HIV/AIDS as well as official campaigns with stronger focus on the individuals’ responsibility for their own health. In the last part, covering the years 1992-1996, I show how the HIV/AIDS problem was institutionalized as a disease and health topic alongside many others. The national campaigns continued through the 1990s, focusing on empowerment and individualization. As in many similar countries, the main aim of the Swedish strategy was to educate and encourage people to act with caution and responsibility towards themselves and their fellow citizens. In addition to this cooperation and inclusion approach, a strategy of contain and control was also implemented. This second strategy can, as I show, be explained by the strong connection made between HIV/AIDS and drug users. Through this connection, the Swedish drug policy had a decisive influence on the Swedish HIV/AIDS policy.

The purpose of the essay is to evaluate how the early years of the post-war political system laid the foundation for the amendment process. This turned out to be because of early adoption of a policy direction coupled with institutional memory let these decisions cement themselves as the de facto policy for Japan. Using path dependency by Paul Pierson the reasons for this could be analyzed using four analytical pointers that could explain the normative growth of certain ideas. History is not a straight line and the early decision making have long term effects implying that current day political discourse can have its roots decades back in time. Japans political group chose stability over national pride. Article 9 wasn’t amended because the people did not want to jeopardize their ticket to peace and prosperity. Japan chose economic recovery over military buildup and practiced a policy of non-aggression and sealed themselves off under the US security umbrella. Conservative politicians have hollowed out Article 9 by expanding the military over time. The original reasoning for upholding Article 9 no longer stand and the reasons for not amending it, while still prevalent, do not exist anymore.

The essay aims to compare Swedish and Finnish decisions regarding refugee policies by tracing them back to the critical junctures when the policies were established, in order to explain why there are big differences prevalent today. The questions asked involve the motivations of the refugee policies and how they have changed over time. The theoretical framework employed is based on historical institutionalism and path dependency. By using a most similar system design and process tracing, material in the form of government declarations and government bills are studied and summed up in two analytical models. The results show that there might be a weak path dependency in the case of Finland. However it is more apparent in the case of Sweden, with frequent statements of a generous refugee policy that is characterised by humanity. The conclusions drawn are that the differences between the refugee policies might be due to the fact that the refugee policies are motivated in different ways in the two countries. Furthermore, Sweden has had an established policy for a long time whereas Finland has only just started developing this program.

This study looks at the development in policy towards homosexuals in Sweden from criminalization to constitutional protection. A study on the ideational development in parliament has yet to be conducted. By studying the frames expressed in the official documents between 1933 and 2010 the study analyses ideas in terms of problems and solutions to describe how change occurred. The result is that Swedish policy towards homosexuals has been determined by two frames of understanding: a sexual frame  and an emotional frame. The policy process of the frames developed similarly in terms of institutionalization. Initially both frames saw homosexuals as dangerous which resulted in a different legal status. The frames gradually harmonized with a new scientific understanding that reinterpreted homosexuality as harmless and the different legal status problematic.

Transformations of energy systems in line with the Paris Agreement demand rapid deliberate decline of fossil energy production for decarbonization. Rising in priority on national political agendas, policy change for deliberate decline meets political barriers in the form of powerful incumbent actors, path dependencies and frames of loss. Although these dynamics can impede transformations, literature remains unclear in how to engage with these barriers. Therefore, this study focused on discourse and policy process theories in a qualitative analysis based on a broad selection of documents and expert-based interviews to explore and illustrate the “Commission on Growth, Structural Change and Employment” in Germany (2018/19). In this multi-stakeholder committee, a phase-out plan for coal-fired power generation was negotiated alongside claims of just transitions. Findings indicate that policy change was reached through consensual agreement but was reduced in ambition through path dependent discourse and expert-based information. The selection and evaluation of expert-based information was closely tied to expert members, while political debate on necessary assumptions as a basis for this information remained scarce. Lastly, insights from discourse and expert-based information can enrich the understanding of sustainability transformations and further research on the case could investigate the narrative subscriptions of stakeholders.