Mozambique is one of the poorest countries in the world, with most of its population living in rural areas. The study analysed the impact of trade liberalization on peasant farmers involved in fruit production in Marera in Central Mozambique and measured their benefits and life improvements as compared with the decade of the 1990s. It found that 73.3% of peasant farmers assess their life as little better than 10-15 years ago and only 5.6% have experienced substantial improvements. It was discovered that better knowledge and access to productive resources play a role in improving benefits from fruit production and trade. Therefore, the study concluded that although trade liberalization can bring benefits, when appropriate conditions are met, peasant farmers in Marera are not different from their counterparts around the world and benefit little from trade liberalization. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

German industrialization in the nineteenth century had brought forward a variety of conflicting ideas when it came to the agrarian community. One of them was the agrarian romantic movement led by Adam Műller, who feared the loss of the traditional German peasant. Műller influenced Reichdeutsche Richard Walther Darré, who argued that large cities were the downfall of the German people and that only a healthy peasant stock would be able to ‘save' Germany. Under Darré's definition, “Geopolitik” was the defense of the land, the defense with Pflug und Schwert (plow and sword) by Wehrbauern, an ‘Űberbauer-fusion' of soldier and peasant. In order to accomplish these goals, new settlements had to be established while moving from west to east. The specific focus of this study is on the original Hegewald resettlement ideas of Richard Walther Darré and how his philosophy was taken over by Himmler and fit into his personal needs and creed after 1941. It will shed some light on the interaction of Darré and Himmler and the notorious internal fights and power struggles between the various governmental agencies involved. The Ministry for Food and Agriculture under the leadership of Darré was systematically pushed into the background and all previous, often publicly announced re-settlement policies were altered; Darré was pushed aside once the eastern living space was actually occupied.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Esta tese analisa a política de crédito fundiário no Ceará, posta em prática pelos governos estadual e federal em parceria com o Banco Mundial a partir de 1996. A forma pela qual o Estado foi levado a dar início e desenvolver a “reforma agrária de mercado" no Ceará, recoloca problemas importantes: a questão da reforma agrária e o acesso à terra pelos sem terra, o problema da estrutura fundiária no Ceará, no Nordeste, e em outras regiões. Simultaneamente, repõe o problema da “adaptação" de moradores de condição, parceiros, rendeiros e migrantes temporários ao mercado capitalista. A reflexão sobre a contra-reforma agrária do Banco Mundial e os camponeses passa pela discussão acerca do desenvolvimento territorial contraditório, desigual e combinado, desenvolvido no interior da Geografia agrária. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir de um estudo transversal realizado em oito assentamentos criados a partir dos projetos São José e Cédula da Terra, partes constitutivas da denominada “reforma agrária de mercado" no Ceará. A implementação da “reforma agrária de mercado" no Ceará, tem significado a reativação do mercado de terras contribuindo para a ampliação das relações, especificamente capitalistas no campo como a apropriação da renda capitalizada da terra por proprietários de terras rentistas. Os assentamentos como frações do território conquistadas se constituíram com base na propriedade familiar que é uma forma de propriedade diferente da propriedade privada capitalista. A apropriação familiar e o desenvolvimento de formas de trabalho como o individual (familiar), a prática de ajuda mútua, o uso comum da terra e o trabalho coletivo revelam a ocorrência de formas alternativas para a propriedade privada imposta pelo Estado. Existe, portanto, um sério conflito entre o regime de propriedade privada implementado sob a lógica de mercado do Estado e a concepção de propriedade familiar reproduzida pelos camponeses e legitimada com o apoio dos movimentos sociais e das entidades camponesas em luta pela reforma agrária no país. / This thesis analyzes the agrarian credit policy in Ceará, put into practice by the State and Federal Governments in partnership with the World Bank since 1996. The reason which led the State government begin and develop the “market agrarian reform" in Ceará, puts back important problems: the agrarian reform problem and the land access to the landless peasantry, the agrarian structural problem in Ceará, in the northeast and in other areas. Simultaneously, replaces the “adaptation" problem of the condition dwellers, partners, tenant farmers and temporary migrants to the capitalist market. The reflection on the agrarian counter-reformation of Wold Bank and the peasants passes by the discussion concerning the contradictory, unequal and combined territorial development, developed inside the agrarian Geography. The research was developed from a transversal study accomplished in eight settlements created from the São José and Cédula da Terra projects, constituent parts of the denominated “market agrarian reform" in Ceará. The implementation of the “market agrarian reform" in Ceará, has meant the land market reactivation contributing to the enlargement of the relationships, specifically capitalists in the countryside as the appropriation of the capitalized income of the land by landowners of the rentable land. The settlements as fractions of the conquered territory have been constituted based on the family property that is a property form different from the capitalist private property. The family appropriation and the development in labor ways as the individual (family), the practice of mutual help, the land common use and the collective labor reveals the occurrence of alternative ways for the private property imposed by the State Government. There is, therefore, a serious conflict between the private property regime implemented under the State market logic and the conception of family property reproduced by the peasants and legitimated by the social movements and from the peasant entities support that fight for the agrarian reform in the country.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 John Kennedy Ferreira.pdf: 497181 bytes, checksum: db38306494eeae460f0dfee2c62a6ab5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-04-30 / In the present study we examine some contributions of the Marxist José Carlos Mariátegui concerning the construction of the worker-peasant alliance formulated by III International Communist as regards to Peru and the others countries of Latin America. Mariátegui s effort involves debates made at the beginning of the twenties with nationalist and communist sectors, union and indigenous leaderships concerning themes as socialism, antiimperialism, worker peasant and revolution. We start from the analysis of his main work, Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, in view to demonstrate the fundamental presence of indigenous-peasant question in the center of his theoretical and pratical struggle for socialism / No presente estudo, examinamos algumas contribuições do marxista José Carlos Mariátegui a respeito da construção da aliança operário-camponesa formulada pela III Internacional Comunista em relação ao Peru e demais países da América Latina. O esforço de Mariátegui envolve debates realizados no início dos anos 20 com setores nacionalistas e comunistas, lideranças sindicais e indígenas, sobre temas como socialismo, antiimperialismo, aliança operário-camponesa e revolução. Partimos da análise de seu principal trabalho, Sete ensaios de interpretação da realidade peruana, com vistas a demonstrar a presença fundamental da questão indígena-camponesa no centro de sua luta teórica e prática pelo socialismo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 John Kennedy Ferreira.pdf: 497181 bytes, checksum: db38306494eeae460f0dfee2c62a6ab5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-04-30 / In the present study we examine some contributions of the Marxist José Carlos Mariátegui concerning the construction of the worker-peasant alliance formulated by III International Communist as regards to Peru and the others countries of Latin America. Mariátegui s effort involves debates made at the beginning of the twenties with nationalist and communist sectors, union and indigenous leaderships concerning themes as socialism, antiimperialism, worker peasant and revolution. We start from the analysis of his main work, Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, in view to demonstrate the fundamental presence of indigenous-peasant question in the center of his theoretical and pratical struggle for socialism / No presente estudo, examinamos algumas contribuições do marxista José Carlos Mariátegui a respeito da construção da aliança operário-camponesa formulada pela III Internacional Comunista em relação ao Peru e demais países da América Latina. O esforço de Mariátegui envolve debates realizados no início dos anos 20 com setores nacionalistas e comunistas, lideranças sindicais e indígenas, sobre temas como socialismo, antiimperialismo, aliança operário-camponesa e revolução. Partimos da análise de seu principal trabalho, Sete ensaios de interpretação da realidade peruana, com vistas a demonstrar a presença fundamental da questão indígena-camponesa no centro de sua luta teórica e prática pelo socialismo

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Mozambique is one of the poorest countries in the world, with most of its population living in rural areas. The study analysed the impact of trade liberalization on peasant farmers involved in fruit production in Marera in Central Mozambique and measured their benefits and life improvements as compared with the decade of the 1990s. It found that 73.3% of peasant farmers assess their life as little better than 10-15 years ago and only 5.6% have experienced substantial improvements. It was discovered that better knowledge and access to productive resources play a role in improving benefits from fruit production and trade. Therefore, the study concluded that although trade liberalization can bring benefits, when appropriate conditions are met, peasant farmers in Marera are not different from their counterparts around the world and benefit little from trade liberalization. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2016-07-08T12:54:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivo total.pdf: 2979040 bytes, checksum: 4acd717dc9b89063f1cd436d8ecb1d6d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-08T12:54:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivo total.pdf: 2979040 bytes, checksum: 4acd717dc9b89063f1cd436d8ecb1d6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This project seeks to contribute to the historiography concerning the Peasant Leagues of Paraiba, especially by rescuing this story through the memories of the ones from below. Our approach is through the work we developed at the State Commission of Truth and Memory Preservation of Paraiba (CEVPM/PB), through the taking of testimony of former rural workers, leaders of the movement and family members persecuted by the civil-military regime. Through the testmony of the latter, we also gave special attention to the effects of the coup and the civil-military regime for some persecuted politicians linked to the peasant leagues and their families. In most of the analyzed interviews, however, we highlight the struggles and battles fought by organized rural workers and landowners and their agents. Configuring antagonistic social forces, we also analyze how the power relations were given, noting that there was not an absolute domination of the ones on top towards the ones from below. Organized in Peasant Leagues, the peasants amounted forces that reacted in relatively balanced proportions to the arbitrariness of large landowners. This encounter often resulted in bloody battles that ended with casualties on both sides. It was in the light of historiographical aspects of social history, particularly the English tradition, and the New Political History, which we approach our object of study by understanding that power relations also permeate social dynamics. / Este trabalho busca contribuir com a historiografia referente às Ligas Camponesas da Paraíba, sobretudo ao resgatar essa história através das memórias dos de baixo. As abordamos por intermédio do trabalho que desenvolvemos na Comissão Estadual da Verdade e da Preservação da Memória na Paraíba (CEVPM/PB), mediante a colheita de depoimentos de antigos trabalhadores rurais, de lideranças do movimento e de familiares de perseguidos pelo regime civil-militar. Através dos depoimentos destes últimos, também tivemos especial atenção aos efeitos do golpe e do regime civil-militar para alguns perseguidos políticos vinculados às Ligas Camponesas e suas respectivas famílias. Na maior parte dos depoimentos analisados, entretanto, demos destaque às lutas e embates travados por trabalhadores rurais organizados e latifundiários e seus prepostos. Configurando forças sociais antagônicas, analisamos também a forma como se davam as relações de poder, observando que não havia uma dominação absoluta dos de cima em relação aos de baixo. Organizados em Ligas Camponesas, os camponeses somavam forças que reagiam em proporções relativamente equilibradas às arbitrariedades dos grandes proprietários de terra. Desse embate resultavam, não raro, lutas sangrentas que terminavam com baixas dos dois lados. Foi à luz das vertentes historiográficas da História Social, em especial a tradição inglesa, e da Nova História Política que abordamos nosso objeto de estudo, por compreendermos que a dinâmica social é também permeada por relações de poder.

Cette étude examine la relation entre renforcement de la souveraineté de l'Etat angolais et l'action des organisations non gouvernementales (ONG) dans les initiatives pour le développement rural de l'Angola, après la fin du conflit armé, en 2002. Dans les années 90, l'ouverture du pays au multipartisme et la mise en oeuvre de l'accord de paix entre le gouvernement angolais et les forces militaires de l'UNITA ont mis fin au conflit qui a suivi l’indépendance, et ont commencé un processus de redressement et de reconstruction d’aprés-guerre. Dans ce contexte, différentes forces politiques et sociales émergèrent en l’Angola et, simultanément, de plusieurs institutions et organisations internationales ainsi que institutions religieuses liées à des questions d'aide humanitaire d'urgence et de l'aprèsguerre se sont établies dans le pays. Ces organisations ont commencé à développer des actions en faveur des populations les plus vulnérables, en particulier en milieu rural. La fin de la guerre en 2002 a donné lieu à un processus de réarrangement entre les différents acteurs de la réalité sociale angolaise, tandis que dans le contexte international, les flux financiers visant à l'aides humanitaire et de développement ont été l'objet d'importants changements.. Le nouveau contexte, en contrepartie, a permis l'expansion des agences gouvernementales dans les régions rurales du pays qui étaient jusque-là en dehors du contrôle de l'Etat. Cela a a permis de renforcer progressivement la souveraineté et le contrôle de l'Etat sur les populations et les zones rurales, notamment par le biais de programmes et projets de développement rural, parfois en partenariat avec d'autres acteurs du développement comme les ONG. Cette thèse est proposé d'étudier la relation supposée entre le renforcement de la souveraineté de l'Etat sur les zones rurales et le rôle des ONG dans ces régions. La recherche visait à comprendre, en particulier: quel genre de relations sont établies entre les ONG, les agriculteurs, les organismes gouvernementaux et d'autres agents liés aux questions rurales? Comment ces relations influencent le renforcement de la souveraineté dans les processus de construction de l'État en Angola? Les programmes et projets d’ONGs visant au développement rural souvent ont précédé la présence de l'État dans les communautés rurales, en se positionnant comme une «agence» qui précède l'action des organes de l'administration de l'Etat dans la campagne. A travers l'examen de deux projets de développement rural coordonnés par des ONG et un programme de crédit agricole du gouvernement, nous avons cherché à comprendre le réseau des relations qui existent dans les processus de développement rural, ainsi que des discontinuités dans les perceptions des différents acteurs et les interactions entre les forces et les intérêts endogène et exogène, et la marge de manoeuvre des différents acteurs impliqués dans ces processus. La recherche a indiqué que les processus d’intervention pour le développement socio-économique dans les régions rurales portent des tensions fondamentales: l'arrivée des organes de l'administration publique a les communautés et les zones rurales se produit souvent à la suite des projets des ONG, bien que cela ne signifie pas nécessairement renforcer la souveraineté paysan et populaire dans la conduite des programmes et projets en cours; le financement public destiné aux activités rurales ont privilégié l'agro-industrie au détriment de l'amélioration des capacités des agriculteurs pour construire une vie plus satisfaisante pour eux-mêmes ; la fin de la guerre a ramené, dans les zones rurales, les intérêts élitistes qui lient les élites nationales à des intérêts internationaux visant à l'obtention de biens et de ressources ruraux telles que de vastes étendues de terres rurales. Parmi les différents médiateurs, la défense de la souveraineté communautaire constitue également un champ de bataille où les intérêts liés aux élites politiques et économiques (nationaux ou étrangers) sont plus susceptibles de réussir. / O presente estudo analisa a relação existente entre o aumento da soberania do Estado angolano e a ação das organizações não governamentais (ONGs) nas iniciativas voltadas ao desenvolvimento rural em Angola, após o fim do conflito armado, que o país alcançou em 2002. No começo dos anos 90, a abertura do país ao sistema multipartidário e a concretização do acordo de paz entre o governo angolano e as forças militares da UNITA, puseram fim aos anos de conflito pós-independência e deram início a um processo de recuperação e reconstrução pós-bélica. Neste contexto, emergiram em Angola diferentes forças políticas e sociais internas e, simultaneamente, estabeleceram-se no país diversas agências e organizações internacionais e instituições religiosas ligadas a questões de ajuda humanitária, emergencial e a processos de recuperação pós-bélica, que passaram a desenvolver ações de apoio às populações mais vulneráveis, especialmente as rurais. Em 2002, o fim da guerra deu origem a processos de reposicionamento dos diferentes atores da realidade social angolana, ao mesmo tempo em que no contexto internacional observaramse mudanças nos fluxos financeiros da ajuda internacional humanitária e para o desenvolvimento. O novo contexto oportunizou o avanço dos órgãos governamentais a regiões do país até então fora do controle do Estado, possibilitando o aumento gradual da soberania e do controle do Estado sobre populações e territórios rurais, particularmente através de programas e projetos de desenvolvimento rural, por vezes em parceria com outros agentes de desenvolvimento, com as ONGs. Este tese se propôs investigar a possível relação entre o crescimento da soberania do Estado sobre as áreas rurais e a ação das ONGs nessas regiões. A pesquisa buscou entender, particularmente: que tipo de relações se estabelecem entre ONGs, camponeses, órgãos governamentais e demais agentes relacionados às questões rurais? De que maneira estas relações influenciam o crescimento da soberania nos processos de construção do Estado em Angola? Os programas e projetos das ONGs de desenvolvimento rural, muitas vezes, anteciparam-se à presença do Estado junto às populações rurais, posicionando-se como um “braço avançado” que precede a atuação dos órgãos da administração estatal no rural. Através do exame de dois projetos de desenvolvimento rural coordenados por ONGs e de um programa governamental de crédito agrícola, buscou-se entender a trama de relações existentes nos processos de desenvolvimento rural, as descontinuidades nas percepções dos diferentes atores e as interações entre forças e interesses endógenos e exógenos, bem como as margens de manobra dos diferentes atores envolvidos nesses processos. A pesquisa permitiu concluir que os processos de intervenção socioeconômica no meio rural comportam algumas tensões básicas: a chegada dos órgãos de administração estatal junto das populações e territórios rurais ocorre, muitas vezes através das ONGs, embora isto não implique, necessariamente, aumento da soberania camponesa e popular na condução dos programas e projetos em curso; os financiamentos públicos voltados para o meio rural têm privilegiado as atividades de agronegócio, em detrimento da capacitação dos camponeses para construírem vidas mais satisfatórias para si; o fim da guerra trouxe de volta ao meio rural interesses elitistas que vinculam grupos e elites nacionais a interesses internacionais voltados para a obtenção de ativos e recursos rurais como amplas extensões de terra. Entre os diferentes mediadores, a defesa da soberania comunitária também se constitui numa arena de luta na qual, os interesses ligados às elites políticas e econômicas (nacionais ou externas) têm mais chances de serem bem sucedidos. / This study examines the relationship between the strengthening of state sovereignty and the action by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) through rural development initiatives in Angola, after the end of the armed conflict, attained in 2002. The political opening conducted in the country in the early '90s, which allowed for a multiparty system, and the implementation of the peace agreement between the Angolan government and the UNITA military forces have put an end to years of post-independence conflicts and started up a process of post-war recovery and reconstruction. In this context, various political and social forces have emerged in Angola. Concurrently, many international agencies, NGOs and religious institutions aimed at humanitarian and emergency aid and at post-war recovery have set offices in the country and began to develop actions in support of the most vulnerable populations, especially rural people. The end of the war, in 2002, gave rise to a process of rearrangement among the different actors of the Angolan social reality, whereas, in the international context, the financial flows aimed at humanitarian and development aid were undergoing significant changes. The new context, however, allowed for the expansion of government agencies to the rural regions of the country which were hitherto outside the control of the state. This has made room for gradual strengthening of both sovereignty and state control over populations and rural areas, particularly by means of rural development programs and projects, sometimes in partnership with other development actors such as NGOs. This thesis has proposed to investigate the hypothesized relationship between the strengthening of sovereignty and state control upon rural areas and the role of NGOs in these regions. The research sought to understand, particularly: what kind of relationships are established between NGOs, farmers, government agencies and other agents related to rural issues? How these relationships influence the growth of sovereignty in the processes of state-building in Angola? The programs and projects of NGOs aimed at rural development often preceded the presence of the state in rural communities, positioning itself as a “branch office” that precedes the action of the organs of state administration in the country. Through the analysis of two rural development projects coordinated by NGOs and a government-led agricultural credit program, it was sought to understand the network of relationships that exist in rural development processes, as well as the discontinuities in the perceptions of distinct actors and the interactions between both the endogenous and exogenous forces and interests, and the room for maneuver of the different actors involved in these processes. Research findings pointed that the processes of socio-economic intervention in the rural comprise some fundamental tensions: the establishment of state entities in rural areas often occurs in the wake of NGOs projects, although this does not necessarily imply increasing peasant and people’s sovereignty in the coordination of ongoing programs and projects; the public funding aimed at rural activities have focused agribusiness at the expense of improving farmers’ capabilities for building more satisfying lives for themselves; the end of the war brought back to the rural zones those elitist interests that link national elites to international interests aimed at obtaining rural assets and resources such as vast tracts of rural land. Among the different mediators, the defense of community sovereignty also constitutes an arena of struggle in which the interests linked to political and economic elites (domestic or foreign) are more likely to be successful.