This thesis examines the public policy process. It explores the role of and relation between three concepts considered important in defining and shaping the making of policies: policy networks, evidence-use and policy transfer. It does this through examining a high profile and controversial area of public policy: the debate about sex offender community notification that resulted from the abduction and murder of eight-year-old Sarah Payne by a convicted sex offender in the summer of 2000. A case study methodology is employed, which includes interviews with key players and extensive documentary analysis. The study finds that none of the main concepts for understanding policy networks - iron triangles, issue networks, policy communities and advocacy coalitions - provide sufficient characterisation of the policy network involved in the 2000 community notification debate. Areas that these concepts do not fully address include the degree of choice participants have in getting involved in a policy network, the causes and processes of alliance building between network participants and the importance, characteristics and impact of organisational as well as personal links. Practitioner knowledge emerges as a major influence in policy making with different forms of evidence entering the policy debate in a strategic way - that is to support an argument. Factors that explain the influence of research evidence are its comprehensiveness, its perceived value for future policy debates on the same topic and the assumed integrity of the evidence-provider. The existing concept of lesson-drawing is found to focus too much on cases in which policy transfer has taken place. It is necessary to develop the concept further to explain situations in which lessons are drawn but where the idea of transferring a policy is dismissed. Finally, lesson-drawing is not limited to the substance of policies and practices but also includes lessons about tactics and processes.

abstract: Conflict over management of natural resources may intensify as population growth, development, and climate change stress natural systems. In this dissertation, the role of policy networks implementing Habitat Conservation Plans (HCPs) is examined. As explored here, policy networks are groups that come together to develop and implement terms of HCPs. HCPs are necessary for private landowners to receive Incidental Take Permits (ITPs) from the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) if approved development activities may result in take of threatened or endangered species. ITPs may last up to 100 years or more and be issued to individual or multiple landowners to accomplish development and habitat conservation goals within a region. Theoretical factors in the implementation and policy network literatures relevant to successful implementation of environmental agreements are reviewed and used to examine HCP implementation. Phase I uses the USFWS Environmental Conservation Online System (ECOS) database to identify characteristics of policy networks formed to implement HCPs within the State of California, and how those networks changed since the creation of HCPs in 1982 by amendment of the 1973 Endangered Species Act. Phase II presents a single, complex, multiple-party HCP case selected from Phase I to examine the policy network formed, the role of actors in this network, and network successes and implementation barriers. This research builds upon the implementation literature by demonstrating that implementation occurs in stages, not all of which are sequential, and that how implementation processes are structured and executed has a direct impact on perceptions of success. It builds upon the policy network literature by demonstrating ways that participation by non-agency actors can enhance implementation; complex problems may better achieve conflicting goals by creating organizational structures made up of local, state, federal and non-governmental entities to better manage changing political, financial, and social conditions; if participants believe the transaction costs of maintaining a network outweigh the benefits, ongoing support may decline; what one perceives as success largely depends upon their role (or lack of a role) within the policy network; and conflict management processes perceived as fair and equitable significantly contribute to perceptions of policy effectiveness. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Public Administration 2015

Submitted by Leda Lopes (ledacplopes@hotmail.com) on 2017-03-06T16:43:43Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Lucas_ Antonio_ Penna Rey - Dissertação.pdf: 1289296 bytes, checksum: cf47a8250c49d2f1a2fd66aaa65d8acf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-06T16:43:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Lucas_ Antonio_ Penna Rey - Dissertação.pdf: 1289296 bytes, checksum: cf47a8250c49d2f1a2fd66aaa65d8acf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-14 / As políticas públicas de educação ambiental foram desenvolvidas a partir da metade do século XX, e com elas, vieram concepções de defesa e conhecimento do ambiente. O Município do Rio Grande/RS tem vivenciado uma série de intervenções para promoção do desenvolvimento, como a construção de um Polo Naval, a refinaria de petróleo, entre outras, cujo contexto envolve conflitos e problemas de ordem ambiental. Diante desse cenário o município criou o premiado programa de educação ambiental – o “Quero-Quero” – e que, após dez anos de existência, foi substituído pelo “Escolas Sustentáveis”, programa federal. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa se filia aos estudos de análise de políticas públicas que intentou descobrir quais as motivações dos policy-makers para a extinção do “Quero-Quero” e adoção do “Escolas Sustentáveis”. Trabalhou-se com a hipótese de que as ações tomadas pelos policy-makers envolvidos foram motivadas com o intuito de irem além da busca por eficiência e eficácia dessa política pública, conformando estratégias envolvendo interesses e controle social a esses policymakers. Tais construções teóricas permitiram traçar o objetivo geral de analisar as formas de atuação dos policy-makers envolvidos nos programas “Quero-Quero” e “Escolas Sustentáveis”, e os objetivos específicos de identificar os policy-makers envolvidos nos programas “Quero-Quero” e “Escolas Sustentáveis”; verificar as estratégias de ação dos policy-makers envolvidos nos programas “Quero-Quero” e “Escolas Sustentáveis”; e demonstrar como a ação dos policy-makers envolvidos conformam ou modificam o “Quero-Quero” e o “Escolas Sustentáveis”. Portanto, caracteriza-se por um estudo centrado nos atores sociais, realizado por meio de metodologia qualitativa, inspirado no modelo de Redes de Políticas Públicas, e aplicando técnicas por meio de pesquisa documental e aplicação de roteiro de entrevistas para posterior análise de conteúdo. Os resultados encontrados apontam para ações que promovem eficiência e eficácia dessa política pública, no entanto também envolvendo interesses e conformações simbólicas de caráter políticopartidário. / Public policies for environmental education were developed from the mid-twentieth century and, with them, defense concepts and knowledge of the environment had come. The city of Rio Grande/RS has experienced a series of interventions to promote development, such as construction of a naval pole, oil refinery, among others, whose context involves conflicts and environmental policy issues. In this scenario, the city created the award-winning environmental education program - "Quero-Quero" – and after ten years of its existence, it was replaced for "Escolas Sustentáveis", a federal program. In this sense, this research is affiliated to public policy analysis studies and it had as objective to find out the reasons of policy-makers to extinguish "Quero-Quero" and to adopt “Escolas Sustentáveis". It is worked with the hypothesis that the actions taken by policy-makers were motivated in order to go beyond the search for efficiency and effectiveness of this public policy, shaping strategies involving interests and social control to these policy-makers. This theoretical constructions allowed to trace the general objective of analyzing the forms of action of the policy-makers in programs "Quero-Quero" and "Escolas Sustentáveis"; and the specific objectives: to identify the policy-makers involved in programs "Quero-Quero" and "Escolas Sustentáveis"; to check the action strategies of policy-makers in programs "Quero-Quero" and "Escolas Sustentáveis"; and to demonstrate how the actions of these policy-makers conform or modify "Quero-Quero" and "Escolas Sustentáveis". Therefore, it is characterized by a study focusing on social actors, conducted through qualitative methodology, based on the model of Policy Networks, and applying techniques through documental research and application of interviews script for subsequent content analysis. The results point to actions that promote efficiency and effectiveness of this public policy, however it also involves symbolic political-partisan interests and conformations.

No description available.

Interaction between the civil society and the state has increased in modern democracies. This thesis analyzes the forms and dynamics of the interaction between civil society and governmental institutions in Skåne about the issue of refugee reception. This is done by examining two overarching research questions: 1. How, why and between which actors interaction occurs; and 2. How interaction develops over time and which factors influence the changing nature of the interaction. With the theoretical framework of civil society and state relations, governance, social movements and critical junctures, a research model is developed to analyze the case of interaction between the spheres in Skåne. The research model is based upon semi-structured interviews with governmental institutions and representatives from civil society organizations. The development of the interaction is described through the framework of critical junctures, showing the interaction developed with an intention of increased interaction and participation, while being cautious of the independence and neutrality of the civil society at the same time. The results show that the interaction occurs through partnership, networks, funding and personal informal interaction. Shared goals and the intention of increasing interaction because it is believed to better solve the complex problems are reasons for interaction. The empirical findings point at factors such as ideological affinity, structure, resources and experience to be important to gain access to the interaction. Another important conclusion is the lack of representation of certain valuable perspectives, such as Muslim organizations or free churches. The issue of representation stems mostly from structural factors and lack of resources. Relations between the civil society and governmental institutions in Skåne has grown closer, and the interaction is complex and dynamic. Together, the spheres address the complex issue of refugee reception. It is characterized by a mutual respect and an awareness of the necessity of an independent and neutral civil society. In spite of problems with representation, the interaction does facilitate knowledge exchange and increases adaptability to complexity. It has increased the overall participation in interaction between the spheres.

America's National Historic Preservation Act promotes the conservation of irreplaceable sites such as Nicodemus, Kansas, an African American town founded by former slaves in 1877. The collaboration of the National Park Service (NPS) and civic partners is essential to meet the goal of preserving historic properties in Nicodemus and other minority communities. Although the NPS designated 5 Nicodemus buildings as a National Historic Site (NHS) in 1996, the few remaining residents struggle to preserve the site and attract visitors. The purpose of this ethnographic study was to explore the effects of NPS policies related to African American historic and cultural preservation. Research questions focused on the consequences of the NHS designation in Nicodemus and options for NPS policy improvement. This study was inspired by Innes and Booher's theory of complex adaptive systems and consensus building. Data were collected through interviews with 11 residents, educators, and representatives of the NPS. These data were inductively coded and then subjected to thematic analysis. Key findings indicate concerns about limited resources, NPS open competition hiring policies that do not promote the long-term employment of Nicodemus descendant-residents in spite of their ability to recount oral histories, a need for cross-cultural training in the NPS, and the inadequate promotion of the Nicodemus NHS. This study may lead to positive social change by emphasizing the need for the NPS to collaborate with the descendants and long-term residents of rural communities to preserve the historical legacy of African Americans and emphasize the strength of our nation's diversity.

Allmännyttigheter, så som el- och vattennäten, skola och polis, vägnätet och lokaltrafik har en essentiellroll i vårt välfärdssystem. Frågan om hur finansieringen och förvaltningen av dessa allmännyttigheterorganiseras och struktureras har varit väsentlig inte bara för allmännyttigheterna i fråga, utan även variten inblick i hur vi organiserar och strukturerar hela vårt samhälle. Denna studie bygger vidare på tidigareforskning om allmännyttigheter, partnerskap och kommunal samverkan vid undersökningen av Stor-Stockholms avloppsreningshantering, där en lösning växte fram under mitten av 1900-talet. Enkvalitativ fallstudie av den nordöstra intressentgruppen, sed mera Käppalaförbundet, utfördes för attbesvara frågorna varför, och på vilka sätt, samverkan var viktigt för att lösa avloppsproblemet iStockholm, hur kommunalförbund kan ses som ett partnerskapsnätverk, samt vilka fördelar somkommunalförbundet gav, som ej kunde förses av strikt kommunala lösningar eller lösningar pålänsnivå? Fallstudien avgränsades till perioden 1945-1969, och syftade till att analyserahanteringen av allmännyttigheter i Sverige genom just kommunalförbund, en specifik typ avinter-offentligt samverkanssystem. Perioden valdes då det under 1950-talet både genomfördesen kommunalreform och den kommunala lagstiftningen ändrades. Genom att utnyttja Elanderspartnerskapsmodell, baserat på karaktärsdrag, tendenser och effekter av partnerskap, framgårdet att kommunalförbund kan analyseras med samma krav och villkor som ett offentlig-privatpartnerskap. Studien gör klart att samverkan varit ett nyckelord för skapandet av lösning föravloppsproblemet i Stockholm, vilket framgår i både i den regionplaneutredning somgenomfördes samt den generalplan som lades fram av länsstyrelsen. Partnerskapsmodellen gavett möjligt svar varför, då den visade att samverkan förväntades utöka de ekonomiska resursernaför de deltagande aktörerna samt skapa en synergieffekt hos aktörerna. Det framgår även attmedan en läns-täckande regionallösning möte flexibilitetsproblem, var förbundet tillräckligtlitet för att förhandlingar skulle övervinna problemet. Till sist framgår förbundet som ettutmärkt sätt att upprätta finansiell stabilitet, så väl som demokratiska värden, vilket är önskvärtför policynätverk inom den offentliga sektorn. / Public utilities, such as the electricity and water networks, schools and police, the road network andlocal transport, have an essential role in our welfare system. The question of how the financing andmanagement of these public utilities is organized and structured has been essential not only for the publicutilities in question, but also becomes an insight into how we organize and structure our entire society.This study builds on previous research on public utilities, partnership and municipal collaboration in theinvestigation of Greater Stockholm's sewage treatment management, where a solution emerged duringthe mid-20th century. A qualitative case study of the North-East stakeholders group, later known as‘Käppalaförbundet’, was carried out to answer the questions why, and in what ways, cooperation wasimportant to solve the sewage problem in Stockholm, how municipal associations can be seen as apartnership network, as well as what advantages the municipal association gave, which could not beprovided by strictly municipal solutions or solutions at a county level? The case study was limited to thetime-period 1945-1969 and aimed to analyze the management of public utilities in Sweden throughmunicipal associations, a specific type of inter-public cooperation system. The period was chosen since,during the 1950s, both a municipal reform was conducted, and the municipal legislation was changed.By using Elander’s partnership model, based on character traits, tendencies and effects of partnerships,it becomes clear that municipal associations can be analyzed using the same requirements as a public-private partnership. The study makes it clear that cooperation was a keyword for the creation of asolution to the sewage problem in Stockholm, which is evident in both the regional investigation thatwas conducted and the general plan that was put forward by the county board. The partnership modelgave a possible answer why, as it showed that the collaboration was expected to increase the financialresources of the participators and create a synergy effect among the actors. It also appears that while acounty-wide regional solution faced flexibility problems, the association was small enough fornegotiations to overcome this issue. Finally, the municipal association appears as an excellent means ofestablishing financial stability, as well as democratic values, which is desirable for policy networks inthe public sector.

Cette thèse concerne la gouvernance des réseaux de politique publique. Elle cherche à mieux comprendre le phénomène par l’analyse des caractéristiques du réseau d’acteurs impliqués, les défis qui se posent relativement au processus de gouverne, et l’influence qui en résulte pour les interventions. Le cadre d’analyse s’appuie essentiellement sur deux théories de la sociologie des organisations, en l’occurrence la théorie de l’acteur stratégique (Crozier et Friedberg 1977), et la théorie des réseaux de politique publique (Rhodes 1997). Il s’agit d’une étude de cas portant sur le programme VIH/Sida en Haïti, celui-ci étant documenté à partir de données d’entretiens, d’observations et de groupes de discussion. Les résultats de la recherche sont structurés en quatre articles. Le premier article rend compte de l’étape préliminaire, mais non moins importante, de la recherche, c’est-à-dire le travail de terrain. Il présente les défis méthodologiques et éthiques inhérents à la rencontre entre chercheur et participants pour la coconstruction des savoirs, notamment dans le contexte de la recherche en santé mondiale. Le deuxième article analyse les caractéristiques du réseau d’acteurs et montre la nécessité de prendre en compte les attributs propres des acteurs en plus de la structure de leurs interactions pour comprendre la gouvernance des réseaux de politique publique. La plupart des analyses, surtout celles s’appuyant sur l’approche réseau, cherchent à comprendre comment la structure des relations entre les acteurs influence la gouverne, le contenu ou les résultats de politiques. Or, dans le cas du programme VIH en Haïti, il apparaît que ce sont en réalité les attributs des acteurs en termes de ressources et de pouvoir, qui orientent leurs interactions avec les autres acteurs. Le troisième article présente un cadre d’analyse et illustre, à partir de celui-ci, l’influence des outils et des structures, ainsi que du contexte sociopolitique et économique sur la gouvernance du programme VIH/Sida en Haïti. Il argumente ensuite sur les défis que cela pose à la coordination des interventions et à la mise en place des relations de partenariat au sein du réseau d’acteurs. Le quatrième article se penche sur l’émergence de besoins nouveaux chez les personnes vivant avec le VIH (PVVIH) et met en lumière la faiblesse des processus de planification à les cibler. Il renouvelle l’intérêt de l’approche participative, notamment dans le contexte des pays en développement, où il devient crucial d’adapter les interventions au contexte local en utilisant le potentiel et les ressources des communautés. L’étude a donc permis de montrer : 1) les liens qui existent entre les attributs des acteurs, la configuration particulière de leurs interactions et le processus de gouverne; 2) les défis qui résultent de l’influence des outils et structures mis en place, ainsi que des facteurs socioéconomiques et politiques sur le processus de gouverne, et enfin; 3) le lien qui existe entre le mode de gouvernance – via la participation - et la prise en compte des besoins émergents des PVVIH. / This thesis focuses on the governance of public policy networks. It seeks to better understand the phenomenon through the analysis of characteristics of the network of actors involved, the challenges with respect to the governance process, and the resulting influence for interventions. The framework of analysis builds on two main theories of the sociology of organizations, namely the theory of strategic actor (Crozier and Friedberg 1977) and the theory of public policy networks (Rhodes 1997). This is about a case study of HIV/AIDS program in Haïti, documented using data from interviews, observations and focus groups. The research results are organized in four articles. The first article shows the preliminary, but nonetheless important stage for research, that is, the fieldwork. It presents the methodological and ethical challenges inherent in the meeting between researcher and participants for the co-construction of knowledge, particularly in the context of international health research. The second article analyzes the characteristics of the network of actors and shows the need to take into account the specific attributes of actors in addition to the structure of their interactions in understanding the governance of policy networks. Most studies on policy network, particularly those using the network approach, seek to understand how the structure of actors’ interrelations influences governance, contents or results of policies. However, in the case of HIV program in Haiti, it appears that it is the attributes of actors in terms of resources and power that shape their interactions with other actors. The third article presents an analytical framework and shows the influence of tools and structures, as well as socio-political and economic contexts on the governance of the HIV / AIDS program in Haiti. It then argues on the challenges that this poses for the coordination of interventions and the establishment of partnerships within the network of actors. The fourth article shows the emergence of new needs in people living with HIV (PLHIV), and highlights the weakness of the planning process to target them. It renews the interest of the participatory approach, particularly in the context of developing countries, where it has become crucial to tailor interventions to local context by using the potential and resources of communities. The study has allowed us to show: 1) the relationship between the attributes of actors, the specific configuration of their interactions and the process of governance; 2) the challenges resulting from the influence of tools and structures erected, as well as socioeconomic and political factors, on the governance process, and finally; 3) the relationship between mode of governance - through participation - and accounting for emerging needs of PLHIV.

A policy mechanism known as REDD+ (‘Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation, and enhancing forest carbon stocks and conservation’) is designed to contribute to climate change mitigation efforts and simultaneously support developing countries’ national development agendas. This is effected by providing REDD+ host countries with financial incentives to produce measurable reductions in carbon emissions beyond what would have occurred without REDD+. Indonesia is a key target of the REDD+ mechanism for several reasons, eg: (i) its forests support 10% of the world's remaining tropical rain forests and represent the fourth largest forest carbon stock globally, (ii) 80% of its GHG emissions result from deforestation and forest degradation, and (iii) it has the potential to reduce up to 120 million tons of CO2 per year. Consequently, to date Indonesia has received donor’s commitments of nearly US$2 billion for REDD+ development. Given this profile, Indonesia’s success in implementing REDD+ can contribute significantly to the efficacy of REDD+ globally. However, achieving this potential is undermined by a set of long-standing problems inherent within Indonesia’s forest institutions, including issues of corruption, coordination, uncertainty in the forests’ legal system, capacity to manage forests at multiple levels of government, and the use of forest concessions to consolidate political power. This thesis asks the primary research question: <b>“How do REDD+ institutions effect governance reform within Indonesia’s existing national and sub-national forest institutions?”</b> 'Institutionalism', in particular the concept of 'institutional interplay' is the main conceptual framework deployed and grounded in the context of the vertical interplay between the internationally-formulated REDD+ mechanism and Indonesia's forest institutions. Guided by the themes that emerged from the data collected, this research explored and expanded certain analytical approaches within the perspectives of institutionalism and governance, namely ‘historical institutionalism’, ‘clientelism’, 'critical juncture', ‘policy networks’ and ‘social learning’. This thesis adopted the ‘four paper route’ and employed mixed methods of data collection (ie interview, shadowing, and policy document review). It found that during the process of institutional interplay as REDD+ institutions deployed the principles of good governance, advanced a robust system of measurement, reporting and verification of reductions in carbon emission, attracted large funding, and involved a broad range and multi-scale of actors, the REDD+ mechanism produced 'collateral benefits'. The tangible form of these benefits was the production of new policy instruments, eg the 'national REDD+ strategy' (paper 2), 'one map initiative' (paper 3), and ‘village agreement’ (paper 4) through which a significant body of evidence showed the capability of REDD+ to effect governance reform within and beyond Indonesia's forestry sector. Paper 1, revealed how policy actors perceived REDD+ and as such provides the basis of these three papers. The positive results of institutional interplay that occurred were determined not only by the characteristic of REDD+ institutions themselves but also by the existence of domestic reformists and the national reform agenda.

Community forestry has become a prominent policy instrument over the past decades as a response to deforestation pressures and rural poverty. Its political implementation involves a complex process with a profound structural change - away from state-based forestry to locally based decision-making authority. The research analyzes the internal development among policy actors in order to understand how community forestry can emerge in a regional policy system. It explores three different case studies with distinct policy processes towards community forestry: an international development project (Ecuador: Esmeraldas), a grassroot environmental movement (Canada: British Columbia), and an institutional restructuring process (Mexico: Quintana Roo). The theoretical approach is based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The ACF views policy change as a result of competing advocacy coalitions which act according to their policy beliefs. Policy change can be affected by internal changes (policy learning and changes of beliefs) or by external perturbations which affect the power constellation between the coalitions. Each policy process is analyzed over more than a decade, based on empirical data from semi-structured interviews with key actors and complemented by literature. The major actors and coalitions are identified, as well as their learning and changes of beliefs over time to understand their influence on the policy process. In summary, the research found that policy learning has a high importance for the internal development of community forestry policy, while often hidden behind the strong presence of an external perturbation. Although not as a singular force, policy learning has been shown to have a very potent role in enhancing, or sustaining, policy changes. Policy learning can have a stabilizing effect against adverse events, once the implementation process has started (Mexico). Policy learning can even generate the major momentum of change that unfolds when released by an external catalyst event (Canada). It can also, however, have a very limited influence, if not form an internal challenge to the implementation (Ecuador). It has been found that a change of policy beliefs is not a requirement for policy change in the early stages of community forestry, and cannot be indicated by visible changes in the policy network or local forestry arrangements. These might concern other adjustments of the actors to the changes, which do not reflect their substantial policy beliefs. The changes of policy beliefs in the three case studies show some similar patterns in the way the Community Forestry Coalition developed their policy goals over time, as well as in the way the State Forestry Coalition adjusted strategically to the new impact of the CFC on the network. The research discusses three distinct strategic approaches of the coalitions and their varying success.