The purpose of this study was to determine if there is a significant difference in the levels of political engagement from a University in Southern California Master of Social Work (MSW) students that participated in the National Association of Social Workers (NASW) -CA Lobby Days and students who do not participate. This study examined the NASW- CA Lobby Days as an intervention of experiential learning as existing literature explains experiential learning to be an effective method for learning policy practice. Using a quantitative approach by looking at student scores from the Political Activities Survey (PAS) which was distributed to MSW students at a University in Southern California Survey results were analyzed by comparing average scores between the control and intervention groups. Research findings suggest that a relationship exists between Lobby Days Participation and political engagement activities of voting in local elections, contacting legislators, participating in protests of social demonstrations, participating in service clubs, and participating in service clubs as service club officers.

Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro Antunes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Esstadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T04:23:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Festi_RicardoColturato_M.pdf: 2329129 bytes, checksum: 79522c6e33617985fe0dd78dd4f56e44 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta dissertação busca analisar e compreender o processo de luta e de resistência dos trabalhadores da fábrica Zanon, localizada no interior da Argentina, contra a precarização de seu trabalho ocorrida nos anos noventa numa conjuntura de reestruturação da produção e do trabalho. O desenlace dos conflitos entre estes trabalhadores e seus patrões foi a ocupação da fábrica e a gestão operária direta da produção. Mas para compreender os seus resultados, localizamos este processo na conjuntura econômica e política pela qual passou a Argentina durante o período neoliberal, que produziu como conseqüência um vertiginoso aumento do desemprego e das mazelas sociais no país. No início do século vinte e um, produto direto desta crise social, centenas de fábricas, após decretarem falência, foram ocupadas e colocadas em produção sob controle de seus trabalhadores, dando origem a um dos fenômenos operários mais interessantes da América Latina destes últimos anos. Porém, a maioria desta experiência esteve marcada pelos limites herdados da crise objetiva e subjetiva da classe operária. Mas Zanon destacou-se neste processo pela radicalidade de suas ações e propostas políticas. Negando a forma cooperativa e lutando pela estatização da fábrica sem indenização sob gestão operária, os ceramistas construíram uma forma de controle operária. Para compreender esta particularidade, reconstruímos as lutas impulsionadas pelo grupo de ativistas políticos que surgiu dentro da fábrica Zanon e que foi responsável por resgatar a tradição classista do movimento operário argentino. Em plena época de ceticismo e pessimismo histórico hegemonizados nos discursos teóricos e políticos das ultimas décadas do século vinte, os ceramistas de Zanon provaram, através de sua pequena experiência, que a classe trabalhadora continua sendo um sujeito social e político importante em nossa sociedade / Abstract: This dissertation holds the objective to analyze and comprehend the process of struggle and resistance of Zanons' factory workers, located in the South of Argentina, which was held against labour precarious process occurred during the 1990's in a conjecture of production and labour restructuring. The outcome of the conflicts between these workers and their employers will be both the seizure of the factory and the workers' control of production. In order to understand its results, we have studied this process in the economic and political conjecture that took place in Argentina during the neoliberal period. Intensive growth of unemployment and social hardship took place as consequence. In the early years of the XXI century, as a result of this social crisis, hundreds of factories, after declaring bankruptcy, were taken and put under control o f its workers, starting one of the most interesting workers' phenomenon of Latin America. The centrepiece of this experience, however, was retained within the limits inherited of the subjective and objective crisis of the working class. Despite this element which limited the political action of hundreds of other factories taken under control by its workers, Zanon stood out in this process for the radical roots of its actions and political proposals / Mestrado / Sociologia do Trabalho / Mestre em Sociologia

The corporate political activity field has focused on the study of political capabilities that allow firms to influence governments and regulators. Building on previous studies, this thesis examines a set of capabilities that allow host firms to adapt to rather than influence political environments. Specifically, this set of adaptive political capabilities can be used by firms to confront host country political contexts in emerging economies that share two characteristics: authoritarian regimes and weak institutions. The findings of this thesis show that host firms can develop and use adaptive political capabilities rather than political capabilities to start and sustain their operations in this type of political contexts. This entails attuning firm processes, structures, and practices to local norms and political behaviors, rather than attempting to shape the host country political environment in its own likeness. Our results suggest host firms can develop adaptive political capabilities to enhance their strategic repertoire when starting or sustaining operations in emerging economies with such characteristics. Our contribution is that by using mixed methods, we provide and test several exploratory propositions that support the conceptualization of a framework to guide the development of adaptive political capabilities by host firms and we make explicit a taxonomy of corporate adaptive political strategies that can enable firms to envision how they can adapt to host political contexts.

The corporate political activity field has focused on the study of political capabilities that allow firms to influence governments and regulators. Building on previous studies, this thesis examines a set of capabilities that allow host firms to adapt to rather than influence political environments. Specifically, this set of adaptive political capabilities can be used by firms to confront host country political contexts in emerging economies that share two characteristics: authoritarian regimes and weak institutions. The findings of this thesis show that host firms can develop and use adaptive political capabilities rather than political capabilities to start and sustain their operations in this type of political contexts. This entails attuning firm processes, structures, and practices to local norms and political behaviors, rather than attempting to shape the host country political environment in its own likeness. Our results suggest host firms can develop adaptive political capabilities to enhance their strategic repertoire when starting or sustaining operations in emerging economies with such characteristics. Our contribution is that by using mixed methods, we provide and test several exploratory propositions that support the conceptualization of a framework to guide the development of adaptive political capabilities by host firms and we make explicit a taxonomy of corporate adaptive political strategies that can enable firms to envision how they can adapt to host political contexts.

Society's concern over the negative impact of business activities on the natural environment has significantly increased and, as a result, environmental regulations have grown considerably both in number and scope. As these policies affect businesses and their competitive environment, firms are interested in shaping the nature of such legislation through corporate political activities (CPAs). This thesis investigates the CPAs of MNEs in the automotive industry that are directed towards environmental regulations in the EU. Using the resource-based view as its theoretical framework, it investigates six research questions that address the characteristics, determinants and consequences of these CPAs in relation to three regulatory areas (pollutant emissions, CO2 emissions and end-of-life vehicles). Case study analysis is based on 71 interviews with stakeholders from the automotive industry (the entire population of 11 MNEs from the Triad regions that are politically active in Brussels) and related industries, EU institutions and civil society organisations, representing the societal triangle (market, state, civil society). The thesis finds that the 11 automotive firms engage in CPAs to inform policymakers, and because of the impact that regulations have on their businesses. Whilst the firms attempt a cooperative approach, in reality this is not always the case: whereas individual company and association activities should lead to a united voice, this does not occur when it comes to important company-specific technologies and particular environmental policies. These regulations are viewed by companies as both a costly burden and as opportunities, though non-corporate respondents perceive that MNEs see them only as costs. The main (political) resources and competences used in CPAs are found to be human resources (including the related resources of expertise, contacts, trust and reputation, i.e. social capital), and technological resources. Regulations and the technological resources influencing CPAs are directly and uniquely linked to the product portfolios of MNEs. These differences in technological resources and product ranges account for most of the variance in MNEs‟ CPAs rather than the respective countries of origin within the Triad.

This study gives a platform to three old retired people who are constructed to be enjoying well-being and life satisfaction or going through life dissatisfaction after retirement. The epistemological framework was social constructionism. In-depth interviews with these three individuals were carried out. The premises of qualitative research were followed. The ‘case study approach’ was chosen as the most suitable method to gather information. Thematic content analysis was employed as a method of analysis of life stories of old retired people, which were reconstructed in terms of themes. Recurring themes in the life stories were then discussed and linked with the broader literature. The research allowed rich and informative information about life stories of three old retired people to emerge. Among the identified themes were financial status relating to adequate and appropriate sustenance after retirement; social networks and their effects on life satisfaction and dissatisfaction after retirement; health status; and cognitive functions in late adulthood. Everyone wishing to understand life in old age after retirement is encouraged to read this story. It is necessary to be sufficiently equipped in the event of an extended lifespan. / Psychology / M.A.(Psychology)

Desde seu nascimento, há quase trinta anos, o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) tem se destacado pela perenidade de sua organização e disposição de estimular uma diversidade de vínculos capilares com a sociedade civil o que constitui uma das maiores novidades da história política contemporânea do campesinato brasileiro e voz mais expressiva da questão agrária na América Latina. Diante dessa constatação, o objetivo desta dissertação é apresentar e analisar como a dimensão internacionalista do MST enquanto elemento real e ativo de construção de um lócus político constitui-se historicamente, a fim de destacar as diversas influências políticas e ideológicas e a composição heterogênea de seu ativismo transnacional, que foram desenvolvidas (e assimiladas) tanto por circunstâncias políticas e econômicas em que o país enveredou quanto pela atuação das lideranças do MST. A hipótese central é de que, a partir da metade da década de noventa, o MST alcança o auge de sua projeção no exterior, não apenas pela referência mundial simbólica e política da luta camponesa, mas pela percepção de que o internacionalismo está enraizado nas condições materiais da luta de classes na agricultura mundializada. Desde então, inicia-se um processo de redefinição de sua estratégia política que passa a ser ampliada internacionalmente, na busca de convergência de linhas políticas e agendas em comum, principalmente com a Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo (CLOC) e Via Campesina. Todavia, a política internacionalista do MST não nasce, cresce e amadurece politicamente apenas como reflexo passivo do avanço do capitalismo internacional do campo. O desenvolvimento desigual do capitalismo no campo brasileiro e a trajetória internacionalista do MST não constituem duas retas paralelas que podem ser relacionadas ponto a ponto. Na verdade, ambas adquirem configurações espaciais e temporais mais complexas e são estabelecidas em um constante encontro e desencontro. Por exemplo, a dimensão ética-moral e religiosa principalmente da fonte da Teologia da Libertação e da pastoral da terra é um fator essencial na motivação subjetiva de uma consciência humanista e universal latino-americana e de uma cultura política de solidariedade internacionalista permanente que o MST desenvolve a partir da própria formação específica que aqui se propõe estudar. / From its birth, almost thirty years ago, the Landless Workers\' Movement (MST) has distinguished itself for the continuity of its organisation and its disposition to stimulate a variety of capillary links with the civil society. This characteristic represents one of the major news in the contemporary political history of the Brazilian rural population, so that the MST has become the most expressive voice of the land reform in Latin America. Starting from this consideration, the purpose of this dissertation is to show and analyse how the internationalist dimension of the MST considered as a real and active element of constitution of a political space took form historically, in order to highlight the different political and ideological influences, and the heterogeneous composition of its international activism, which were developed (and assimilated) both by the political and economic circumstances in the countries where it took place, and by the MST leadership\'s action. The main hypothesis hereby presented is that, beginning from the mid-nineties, the MST gets the peak of its projection towards the exterior, not only for the symbolic and political worldwide relevance of the peasants fight, but for the perception that internationalism is rooted in the material conditions of the class struggle in globalized agriculture. Since then, it begins a process of re-definition of its political strategy that spreads world-widely, in search of a convergence of political lines and common agendas, mainly with the Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo (CLOC) and Via Campesina. Still, the internationalist policy of MST does not begin, grow and mature politically only as a passive mirroring of the progress of international capitalism of land. That is, the unequal development of capitalism in the Brazilian land and the internationalist trajectory of the MST do not constitute two parallels that can be related to each other point-by-point. Actually, the two of them get more complex spatial and temporal configurations, and are formed in a constant dialectic of agreements and disagreements. The religious and ethical-moral dimension principally from the liberation theology and the pastoral of land, for instance, is an essential factor in the subjective motivation of a humanistic and universal Latin-American awareness and of a political culture of permanent internationalist solidarity that the MST develops starting from its own specific formation, which is the object of the present study.

Desde seu nascimento, há quase trinta anos, o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) tem se destacado pela perenidade de sua organização e disposição de estimular uma diversidade de vínculos capilares com a sociedade civil o que constitui uma das maiores novidades da história política contemporânea do campesinato brasileiro e voz mais expressiva da questão agrária na América Latina. Diante dessa constatação, o objetivo desta dissertação é apresentar e analisar como a dimensão internacionalista do MST enquanto elemento real e ativo de construção de um lócus político constitui-se historicamente, a fim de destacar as diversas influências políticas e ideológicas e a composição heterogênea de seu ativismo transnacional, que foram desenvolvidas (e assimiladas) tanto por circunstâncias políticas e econômicas em que o país enveredou quanto pela atuação das lideranças do MST. A hipótese central é de que, a partir da metade da década de noventa, o MST alcança o auge de sua projeção no exterior, não apenas pela referência mundial simbólica e política da luta camponesa, mas pela percepção de que o internacionalismo está enraizado nas condições materiais da luta de classes na agricultura mundializada. Desde então, inicia-se um processo de redefinição de sua estratégia política que passa a ser ampliada internacionalmente, na busca de convergência de linhas políticas e agendas em comum, principalmente com a Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo (CLOC) e Via Campesina. Todavia, a política internacionalista do MST não nasce, cresce e amadurece politicamente apenas como reflexo passivo do avanço do capitalismo internacional do campo. O desenvolvimento desigual do capitalismo no campo brasileiro e a trajetória internacionalista do MST não constituem duas retas paralelas que podem ser relacionadas ponto a ponto. Na verdade, ambas adquirem configurações espaciais e temporais mais complexas e são estabelecidas em um constante encontro e desencontro. Por exemplo, a dimensão ética-moral e religiosa principalmente da fonte da Teologia da Libertação e da pastoral da terra é um fator essencial na motivação subjetiva de uma consciência humanista e universal latino-americana e de uma cultura política de solidariedade internacionalista permanente que o MST desenvolve a partir da própria formação específica que aqui se propõe estudar. / From its birth, almost thirty years ago, the Landless Workers\' Movement (MST) has distinguished itself for the continuity of its organisation and its disposition to stimulate a variety of capillary links with the civil society. This characteristic represents one of the major news in the contemporary political history of the Brazilian rural population, so that the MST has become the most expressive voice of the land reform in Latin America. Starting from this consideration, the purpose of this dissertation is to show and analyse how the internationalist dimension of the MST considered as a real and active element of constitution of a political space took form historically, in order to highlight the different political and ideological influences, and the heterogeneous composition of its international activism, which were developed (and assimilated) both by the political and economic circumstances in the countries where it took place, and by the MST leadership\'s action. The main hypothesis hereby presented is that, beginning from the mid-nineties, the MST gets the peak of its projection towards the exterior, not only for the symbolic and political worldwide relevance of the peasants fight, but for the perception that internationalism is rooted in the material conditions of the class struggle in globalized agriculture. Since then, it begins a process of re-definition of its political strategy that spreads world-widely, in search of a convergence of political lines and common agendas, mainly with the Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo (CLOC) and Via Campesina. Still, the internationalist policy of MST does not begin, grow and mature politically only as a passive mirroring of the progress of international capitalism of land. That is, the unequal development of capitalism in the Brazilian land and the internationalist trajectory of the MST do not constitute two parallels that can be related to each other point-by-point. Actually, the two of them get more complex spatial and temporal configurations, and are formed in a constant dialectic of agreements and disagreements. The religious and ethical-moral dimension principally from the liberation theology and the pastoral of land, for instance, is an essential factor in the subjective motivation of a humanistic and universal Latin-American awareness and of a political culture of permanent internationalist solidarity that the MST develops starting from its own specific formation, which is the object of the present study.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-17T10:45:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Imaculada Fernandes Victal.pdf: 1224416 bytes, checksum: b4fe5a9af31f6bb24eac23cdf4523b77 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-17T10:45:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Imaculada Fernandes Victal.pdf: 1224416 bytes, checksum: b4fe5a9af31f6bb24eac23cdf4523b77 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This thesis is inside of the emerging field of youth studies in Brazil and Latin America. It talks about the political theme and practices of young political-partisan militants form a working group within the Workers' Party (PT), in the city of São Paulo, between 2012 and 2013. Its research problem is geared towards the search for the characterization of youth participation in political parties at this time of contemporaneity and the questioning of political and party institutions. Based on a discussion that articulates Anthropology, Sociology and Politics, what is highlighted in the analysis of these practices are the values and the meanings of what is experienced in the political-partisan space and how the particular ways of seeing the world act in the political consciousness of this contemporary youth, which, at the moment, is part of the hegemonic political force in Brazil. The qualitative ethnographic perspective - based on participant observation, prolonged coexistence with the object of studies and immersion in the cultural universe investigated - is taken as a privileged methodological framework for field research. The theoretical framework of references is anchored in Gramsci (1999), Martín-Barbero (1978, 1998, 2004), Williams (1969, 1979, 1992, 2011) and in contemporary Brazilian and Latin American authors who have legitimacy in the debate about young and youth: Alvorado (2012, 2014), Borelli (2008, 2009, 2012), Vommaro, (2012, 2013, 2015) / Esta tese insere-se no emergente campo de estudos sobre as juventudes no Brasil e na América Latina. Tem como tema central as práticas políticas de jovens militantes político-partidários que se configuram como um grupo de atuação dentro do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), na cidade de São Paulo, entre os anos 2012 e 2013. Seu problema de investigação está orientado para a busca da caracterização da participação juvenil em partidos políticos nesse momento da contemporaneidade, momento de questionamento das institucionalidades políticas e partidárias. Tomando por base uma discussão que articula Antropologia, Sociologia e Política, o que se põe em evidência, na análise dessas práticas, são os valores e os sentidos do que é vivido no espaço político-partidário e a forma como os modos particulares de ver o mundo atuam na consciência política desta juventude contemporânea, que, neste momento, é parte da força política hegemônica no Brasil. A perspectiva qualitativa etnográfica – baseada em observação participante, convivência prolongada com o objeto de estudos e imersão no universo cultural investigado – é tomada como marco metodológico privilegiado para a pesquisa de campo. O quadro teórico de referências ancora-se em Gramsci (1999), Martín-Barbero (1978, 1998, 2004), Williams (1969, 1979, 1992, 2011) e em autores brasileiros e latino-americanos contemporâneos que têm legitimidade no debate sobre jovens e juventudes: Alvorado (2012, 2014), Borelli (2008, 2009, 2012), Vommaro (2012, 2013, 2015)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:33:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao completa de Thiago Dias bloqueado.pdf: 1982337 bytes, checksum: ac72cb12412bdf69b440df2515085143 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-07-01 / The respective work has as prism to analyze a series of testimonies given by military officers who participated in the political events in Brazil that culminated on the 31st of March of 1964. The deponents had a relevant role during the 21 years of the military government. The goal of the analysis concentrates on notes that exhibit throughout the testimonies, the resentments that the men in uniform exposed in their words. Resentments intensified mostly in the anticommunism and in the bad reputation the military forces had before the society after the end of the regime. The work is structured in showing how it began in the Brazilian army the role of an institution that was supposed to practice a direct political participation in the country, besides seeing itself like the source of moral reserve of the nation and guardian of the precepts of patriotism and nationalism. Being this done to demonstrate that the intervention which occurred in 1964 was not a result of an immediacy or by foreign orders in collusion with the national capital, where the soldiers would be mere playthings. The intervention needs to be analyzed from an optics that realizes the motives and intentions that made the military forces deprive the president John Goulart from the power. Among the testimonies it will also be analyzed the question of the military officers memory regarding subjects directly connected to the period: the reason of the destitution of João Goulart, the repression to the opponents, the question of torture and other recurrent subjects to the analyzed period. Among the testimonies it will also be analyzed the question of the memory of the military officers regarding subjects directly connected to the period: the reason of deposing João Goulart, the repression to the opponents, the question of torture and other recurrent subjects to the analyzed period. The conclusion of the work will be originated from a direct analysis of the testimonies where it is exposed in an explicit or implicit way, the resentments of the military officers regarding the occurrences before and after the events of the 31st of March of 1964 / O respectivo trabalho tem como prisma analisar uma série de depoimentos dados por militares que participaram dos acontecimentos políticos no Brasil, que culminaram no 31 de março de 1964. Os depoentes tiveram um papel relevante durante os 21 anos de governo militar. A marca da análise fixa-se em apontamentos que mostrem dentro dos depoimentos os ressentimentos que os homens de farda expuseram em suas falas. Ressentimentos galgados principalmente no anticomunismo e na visão ruim que as forças armadas ficaram perante a sociedade após o fim do regime.O trabalho se estrutura mostrando como se iniciou no exército brasileiro o papel de uma instituição que deveria exercer uma participação política direta no país, além de se ver como a fonte da reserva moral da nação e guardiã dos preceitos de patriotismo e nacionalismo. Isso feito para mostrar que a intervenção ocorrida em 1964 não foi fruto de imediatismos ou por ordenação estrangeira em conluio com o capital nacional, onde os militares seriam meros joguetes. A intervenção precisa ser analisada a partir de uma ótica que perceba os motivos e intenções que fizeram as Forças Armadas destituírem do poder o presidente João Goulart. Dentro dos depoimentos também será analisada a questão da memória dos militares no tocante a assuntos estreitamente ligados ao período: o porquê da derrubada de João Goulart, a repressão aos opositores, a questão da tortura e outros assuntos recorrentes ao período analisado. O fechamento do trabalho vai dar-se a partir de uma análise direta nos depoimentos onde está exposto de maneira explícita ou implícita os ressentimentos dos militares no tocante aos ocorridos antes e após os acontecimentos do 31 de março de 1964