Peru not only is a presidentialist country, but also is a democracy without parties and a state with poor politic system institutionalized. In this context, the president’s leadership is important to explain the dynamic politic of the country. Since the return of democracy in 2001, presidents enter with high levels of approval but end with low levels. Paradoxically, that dynamic develop in a context of growth economic and boom of commodities, debating with main explains of politic behavior focus in economic performance, party affiliation and politic leadership. However, the discussion about relationship with politic system and president’s dynamic in presidential approval was little. From an analysis of the processes and politics dynamics to the governments of Alan García (2006-2011) and Ollanta Humala (2011-2016), this investigation argues that there is a close relationship begin politic system post-Fujimori and highs levels of presidential’s disapprove. In that sense, the high level of presidential’s disapprove will be reflection of a political class delegitimized due to the permanence of an anti-government discourse, breach of electoral promises, absence of a solid party apparatus and a poorly redistributive economic system, these being the characteristics of the post-Fujimori political system. Finally, president’s personality, his management capacity and initiative, and control of politics joints will be crucial to demonstrate fragility of presidential figure. In this way, the dynamic of economic growth has demonstrated the institutional poverty of Peruvian political system demonstrating in the presidential disapproval. / El Perú es un país presidencialista que ha sido, además, caracterizado como una democracia sin partidos y un sistema político escasamente institucionalizado. En este contexto, el liderazgo presidencial es importante para explicar la dinámica política del país. Desde el retorno a la democracia en el 2001, los presidentes ingresan con altos niveles de aprobación y culminan con niveles muy bajos. Paradójicamente, esta dinámica se desarrolla en un contexto de crecimiento económico y el boom de los commodities, discutiendo con las principales explicaciones de comportamiento político centradas en desempeño económico, la afiliación partidaria y liderazgo político. Sin embargo, poco se ha discutido sobre la relación entre el sistema político y la dinámica presente en la aprobación presidencial. A partir de un análisis de los procesos y dinámicas políticas de los gobiernos de Alan García (2005 -2011) y Ollanta Humala (2011-2016), la presente investigación sostiene que existe una estrecha relación entre el sistema político peruano post-Fujimori y los elevados niveles de desaprobación presidencial. En este sentido, la alta desaprobación presidencial será el reflejo de una clase política deslegitimada debido a la permanencia de un discurso antipartido, incumplimiento de las promesas electorales, ausencia de un aparato partidario sólido y un sistema económico poco redistributivo, siendo estas las características del sistema político post-Fujimori. Finalmente, la personalidad del presidente, su capacidad de gestión e iniciativa, y el manejo de las coyunturas políticas serán cruciales para demostrar la fragilidad de la figura presidencial. De esta manera, la dinámica de crecimiento económico ha evidenciado la precariedad institucional del sistema político peruano reflejándose en la desaprobación presidencial.

Orientador: Ricardo de Medeiros Carneiro / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T20:45:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Biancarelli_AndreMartins_D.pdf: 3105941 bytes, checksum: 652e1c5e727498868f7b28fd435cbf61 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Este trabalho se enquadra na ampla temática da integração dos países periféricos à globalização financeira, e tem como objetivo específico analisar os seus impactos não apenas sobre as contas externas da economia brasileira, mas também sobre as relações financeiras domésticas. O movimento que se procura fazer é de dupla natureza: revisitar, em uma primeira parte, o debate teórico (na sua vertente convencional de maneira crítica; em suas variantes alternativas na busca de explicações mais satisfatórias) e, na segunda, descrever de maneira ampla e detalhada a realidade concreta no período aqui julgado mais relevante (a partir da década de 1990). Dentro da concepção mais ampla de que a abertura financeira e a delegação das responsabilidades do financiamento às forças de mercado não constituem a estratégia de longo prazo mais adequada para o país, a tese defendida aqui pode assim ser resumida: a submissão das finanças locais aos ciclos internacionais de liquidez (que sintetizam o caráter da ordem monetária e financeira contemporânea) fica muito aquém de resolver as nossas deficiências históricas neste campo ¿ sobretudo porque a ligação parece ser feita preferencialmente por meio do mercado de capitais. Ao contrário, mesmo que não resulte em crises ou maiores dificuldades, parece reforçar alguns dos mecanismos que dificultam a retomada do desenvolvimento em bases sustentáveis / Abstract: This thesis faces the broad issue of peripheral countries integration to the financial globalization, and the specific goal is to analyze its effects to external situation of Brazilian economy, as well as to domestic financial relations. The work is concerned, in a first part, with the theoretical debate (in its conventional variants with a critical focus; in the alternative literature looking for better explanations). In a second part, the aim is to describe the events in the period since the 1990s. Coherent with the broad conception against the financial openness and total freedom to market forces as the better way to economic development to a country like Brazil, the main idea of the thesis could be summarized as follows: the submission of domestic financial relations to international liquidity cycles (which manifest the negative characteristics of contemporary financial and monetary order) does not solve our historical handicaps in this field ¿ mainly because the link have been done mostly by way of the capital markets. On the contrary, this link, even without crisis or other difficulties, seems to reinforce some of the mechanisms that hinder the recapture of the Brazilian sustainable development / Doutorado / Teoria Economica / Doutor em Ciências Econômicas

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lauro_Luis_Borges_Junior_Dissertacao.pdf: 1111853 bytes, checksum: 581a979e7cc58bdfc2005bd4ff3f8e0e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-28 / O trabalho propõe-se a analisar as relações estabelecidas entre o governo municipal de Pelotas (2001-2004) e o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), legenda a qual pertence o Prefeito, com ênfase aos principais momentos de tensão. Serve-se notadamente da consulta a documentos produzidos pelo PT local e da realização de entrevistas com as principais personagens das duas instâncias (governo e partido). Na mesma medida, procura remeter a discussão a uma problemática mais geral, relacionada às transformações vivenciadas pelo partido ao longo de sua trajetória e aos impasses advindos do fato de inserir-se como um importante agente institucional da política brasileira.

Cette thèse étudie respectivement les effets des lobbies, de l'information et de la mobilité des individus sur les biens publics. Tout d'abord, nous considérons un pays composé de deux régions dont les habitants ont des préférences différentes pour les biens publics, et nous comparons les systèmes centralisé, fédéral et décentralisé en termes de bien-être agrégé du pays et de bien-être de chaque région en l'absence de lobby, en présence d'un lobby exogène, et en présence de lobbies endogènes. Nous trouvons que par rapport au cas sans lobby, la présence d'un lobby exogène (ou endogène) réduit l'avantage d'un système centralisé par rapport à un système fédéral, et celui de ce dernier par rapport à un système décentralisé en termes de bien-être agrégé du pays. Mais la présence d'un lobby exogène ou de lobbies endogènes ne change pas forcément pour les régions le système pour lequel les résidents ont un bien-être net plus élevé entre un système fédéral et un système décentralisé. Cela est dû principalement au fait que l'effet de "free riding "dans un système décentralisé ou les économies d'échelle du bien global dans un système fédéral l'emporte sur l'effet de lobbying. Ensuite, nous considérons une union fédérale et un pays en dehors de l'union qui est composé de deux régions dont les habitants ont des préférences différentes pour le bien public. Nous étudions l'intérêt des régions composantes du pays à entrer dans l'union sous l'hypothèse que ce pays est autorisé à intégrer l'union. Cette étude est faite dans un contexte où l'union ne connaît pas exactement la préférence politique moyenne des habitants du pays candidat à l'entrée. Nous démontrons d'abord que la région qui a une préférence plus élevée soutient plus facilement l'entrée de son pays dans l'union puisque les individus ayant une préférence plus élevée préfèrent un bien public plus grand. Ensuite, nous concluons que grâce à un programme révélateur complet de dépenses du lobbying du pays entrant conçu par le gouvernement central de l'union et à la connaissance commune de la capacité à s'organiser du pays, une information antérieure plus précise du gouvernement central de l'union sur la préférence moyenne des habitants du pays candidat favorise son entrée. Nous constatons par ailleurs que le pays a intérêt à entrer dans l'union pour une préférence politique moyenne des habitants de l'union d'origine plus faible qu'un certain seuil car les résidents de l'union contribuent en faveur du pays entrant. Et si cette préférence est très élevée et dépasse un certain seuil qui dépend de la qualité de la croyance antérieure du décideur, les résidents du pays candidat deviennent purs contributeurs du bien public, alors ils peuvent être découragés d'y entrer. Enfin, nous analysons l'impact de la mobilité des individus sur les politiques régionales et le bien-être du groupe majoritaire de chaque région. Nous trouvons que la mobilité ne rend pas certainement les politiques plus arrangeantes, c'est-à-dire qu'en présence de mobilité, les politiques régionales ne sont pas toujours plus proches de celles préférées par les minorités à cause des externalités entre les biens régionaux et à une fonction quadratique du coût du bien public. Nous concluons également qu'il existe un équilibre stable et unique lorsque le coût de migration des individus est dispersé. Et dans ce cas la présence de mobilité augmente le bien-être du groupe majoritaire de chaque région si les externalités sont importantes. Cela est dû au fait que la redistribution des individus entre les régions par la migration entraîne des utilités Pareto-améliorantes. Mais cette amélioration des utilités des majorités des deux régions peut défavoriser l'intégration. / This thesis surveys the impacts of lobbies, information, individual mobility upon public goods respectively. We divide the materiel into three parts. First of all, we analyze the effects of lobbies on the comparative advantage of a centralized system, a federal system or a decentralized system in a model of public-goods provisions where two regions, components of a country, differ in terms of preference of their residents for public goods and externalities between local public goods exist. We thus find an exogenous lobby or endogenous lobbies shrink the advantage of a centralized system compared to a federal system and that of a federal system compared to a decentralized system in terms of social welfare of a country, but it does not necessarily change the system a region has a better net wellness in between a federal system and a decentralized system. Then, we examine the attitudes of jurisdictions facing up to the possibility of becoming a member of a federal union when the decision-maker of the union's public goods does not know exactly the preference of the individuals in the candidate jurisdiction for public goods. In this part, we show that a region of which residents have a higher preference for public goods holds up more easily the entry of its country into the union as the residents prefer a higher public good, and a weak preference of the residents of the union encourages the candidate's entry since the residents of the union contribute for those of the entrant country. Interestingly, a more precise belief of the union's policy decision-maker over the average preference of the candidate country's residents for public goods economizes the entrant country's lobbying expenses, so encourages its entry. Finally, we consider a model of police-induced migration between two independent regions with a heterogeneous population in terms of preference for public goods and migration costs. Then, we deal with a problem of equilibrium existence. We argue that there is a stable and single equilibrium when costs of migration are sufficiently dispersed among individuals or externalities are very important. In that case, mobility of individuals is Pareto-improving targeting the ethnic majority's utility of each region. In particular, mobility does not lead necessarily to more accommodate local policies in case of independence because of externalities and a quadratic function of public goods cost.

This paper aims to research how left anti-systemic groups in the European Union meet the challenges a transnational political system creates for them. System critical movements have existed for a long time, but in times of an increasingly transnational multi-level polity it is important to consider how system criticism changes. In a qualitative study of six left antisystemic groups from Germany and Sweden, this paper seeks to give insights on left anti-system activism and the role of local groups in connection to transnational social movements. Qualitative interviews with group members, a qualitative content analysis and the connection to Social Movements Theories bring forward a hypothesis of how left anti-systemic groups use political theories, position themselves in the process of political change and what influence they can have on transnational social movements. In order to meet the challenges of (1) the difficulties of defining the political system that the groups are active against (the political system in the EU) (2) more complex and abstract issues that are dealt with (3) the fading importance of the role of the state in the process of political change, the groups adapt by using political literature in an open way and focusing on practical activism. Furthermore, the groups increasingly use transnationalism as a conception for their activism and therefore perceive their main tasks in providing infrastructure and continuous local organization to enable mobilization for transnational social movements. The role suggested for local or national anti-systemic groups in transnational social movements is existential, even though the importance of this role is not always reflected upon by the group members.

The NEOS is a new political party that entered political system of Austria in 2013. It has succeeded in entering the lower house of parliament, elections to European Parliament and some provincial elections. The party created its party institutions, gained a base of members and entered into the general consciousness of voters. Its position and the evolution of its position in the future are the most important questions of this thesis. Typologically, we could call it a political party of new kind. NEOSs' way of functioning and code of rules are interesting. Its structure and way of acting is quite different comparing it to longer established parties in Austria. The party joined Austrian political system at the moment when it was undergoing the greatest changes since 1945. Thus it should be matter of interest to study this political party.

This master's thesis Comparative Analysis of Russian presidential elections 1996 - 2008 from the perspective of hybrid regime theory analyses four presidential elections in the above mentioned period and subsequently applies theoretical models of the hybrid regime theory. Such an application will allow to answer questions not only about the character of the elections - whether they can be considered democratic and competitive or not - but also about the character of the Russian regime as such. In this regard the analysis of parliamentary elections has to be also included as these take place only a few months before the presidential elections thus having a significant impact on the presidential electoral process and often on the result as well.

The purpose of the study is to analyze the caretaker governments in the Czechoslovak and Czech political system. The thesis is divided into four parts. The first chapter focuses on the theory, and creation of a definition and typology of caretaker governments. The second part of the paper is dedicated to the research of Czechoslovak caretaker governments at the time of the so-called First republic (in years 1918-1926). The goal of the third chapter is to examine two Czechoslovak federal governments (1989-1992). The purpose of the last part of the thesis is to analyze two caretaker governments in the Czech republic (1993-2010). The aim of the research is to identify particular caretaker government in the context and contribute to deeper knowledge rather than generalize the findings. Author seeks to answer the question whether the caretaker governments represent negative feature of the Czech and Czechoslovak political system.

The thesis "The political transformation of Kyrgyzstan after 1991: At the crossroads between democracy and authoritarian regime" focuses on the political development of Kyrgyzstan since independence in 1991 till nowadays. The thesis analyses the key aspects of the political development of the country, with particular emphasis on the specific role of local clans in the political system of Kyrgyzstan. The other analyzed subjects are inter-ethnic and interconfessional relations, constitutional development, electoral process and the phenomenon of the fall of regimes of Askar Akayev and Kurmanbek Bakiyev as a result of the Tulip Revolution and events of 2010.

The thesis "Proposals to amend the electoral and political system in contemporary Czech public debate" examines proposals presented by different types of entities who are trying to rectify the Czech policy. The current political scene is struggling with problems such as corruption, bribery and government instability. Such a situation leads to dissatisfaction with politicians and it may ultimately lead to their alienation. The starting point is to reform the policy and restore the confidence of citizens and their interest in public affairs. The aim of this paper is to describe what proposals dominate the current debate on the amendment of the Czech electoral system and in many cases can lead to a change of the political system. The thesis is divided into four thematic sections. The first, theoretical part briefly introduces the concept of democracy, individual elements of direct democracy and the typology of political systems. In addition, there are information about the Czech constitutional order and the development of the electoral system in the Czech Republic. Other three chapters deal with those proposals, which are divided according to the type of the entity that proposed them. This is a set of proposals by entities established by power and relevant political parties; smaller political...