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The essential cornerstone of society and the state is political support. Studying political support is therefore very important in political sciences. The purpose of this study was to research political support and its interrelation with the economic indicators of unemployment and relative income inequality. The study built on previous research. Using social data from the ESS, the results from 15 European countries were in line with previous findings in the field. Decreased unemployment is at all times found interrelated and increases political support. Income inequality is likewise found interrelated to a great extent with political support. When one of the two economic conditions notably decreases while the other increases, unemployment weighs heavier on citizens’ political support. Unemployment may have more direct effects on individuals' lives, life satisfaction and personal well-being. Income inequality has solid results of interrelation to political support when looking at the longest 12 year period. This may be due to income inequality not being as directly discernible for citizens as unemployment. Income inequality may need more time to result in negative effects and eroded political support.

本論文係以立法系統(legislative system)為理論架構，探討我國中央政府預算案 之立法過程。本研究源於「系統」(system)的概念，推衍至「社會系統」(social system) 、「政治系統」(political system)及「立法系統」等相關概念。系統是 一個相對的概念，政治系統是社會系統的一種次級系統 (subsystem)，政治系統最 簡單的模型即是將各種輸入(inputs)經由政治體系的運作轉化為輸出(outputs) ； 立法系統又為政治系統之次級系統，其內涵係以立法機關為中心，結合其周圍相關 的黨政關係、利益團體、行政官員、行政機構、專家團體與選舉人團等因素，以共 同構成立法系統，本研究係將中央政府預算案視為一輸出項，而把上述立法系統中 具有影響力的各種因素視為輸入項。

緒論 第一節 文官制度之意義 文官制度者，政府為維持其組織，推行其職務，恢宏其功能，達成其目的而選擇、管理其政府人員之方法、程序與實施之體系及關係之規範也。故其內容首重考選，次及任用，任用而後則給以待遇，督以考課，績優則陞，績劣則黜，至其疲老不堪任事，則罷其職以養老，用示優恤。此即文官制度之大要。故文官制度實為政治制度中最為重要之一環。以言其區別，則政治制度者，政府組織之形態也，文官制度者，此一組織中推動力之運作程式也。 第二節 文官制度之價值 文官制度，又稱吏治制度，言涵孕，則具動靜兩態之意義，就靜態言，係著重其組織、結構與上下權責關係，就動態言，則強調其運作實況與其功能。 第三節 研究旨趣 宋之文官制度，上承漢唐之盛世，下啟明清之新機，其考選之公平，程式之嚴密，視之今日，並無遜色，其待士之仁厚，取士之寬廣，較之歷代，實具特色，且其史料留傳，至今仍稱豐富，文治之影響，亦得述之而詳，論者復稱治近代史者應從宋史著手（註四）或謂中國成為今日之現象，什之八九乃為宋人所造就。（註五）此皆指其文治之特色與影響也。至若宋之納幣和，苟且偏安，則有何佳績可言？ 宋以文治，上繼五代割據殘破之勢，下開明清專制一統之局，端賴其完密之文官制度，有以致之，故對其文官制度之研究，自有其意義焉。 第四節 研究方法 本文研究資料，首以宋史、會要為主，參之以文集、筆記，補之以長篇、要錄，證之以通書，類書，取其相融相通，去其箑迕矛盾，堆砌間架，復其故事。 故本題之研究，雖在恢復故事，亦何敢掉以輕心，因之凡史料之所存，皆加統計，然後製表，故文中繪表百幅，補以說明，俾得舉綱目理，提領毛順。

「捐納制度是朝廷為了賣官鬻爵而訂立並運行的一種政治制度。政治上的某些名和位 ，政府任由人民出資購買，無異將政治權力商品化，於諸政治制度中殊為特出。此一 制度在我國歷史上源深流長，其發展及青代而變本加厲」。惟因其為傳統政治倫理觀 念所不容，而為士大夫所不齒，馴致官書政典固乏有系統之記載，學者著作亦鮮對之 深入研究。本文就此一制度之形相，試為採討。 本文第一章就此分別敘述，並將清代捐納制度為何有待吾人予以研討之價值，併予說 明，作為緒論。 本文第二章先將捐納制度與捐納事例之關係闡明，次將其種類加以分析，然後乃將捐 納在實務上施行之範圍詳予敘述，藉明此一制度之樣態。 在時間言，損納制度幾與清政權共始終，然則此制在二百餘年之漫長時間內有何發展 ？如何演變？吾人欲明其沿革，自應依據史料，分朝敘述，本文第三章即就此試為敘 陳。 本文第四章將捐生之資格及其證明，主管捐納行政機關之組織及行政程序，與捐生捐 納所費金錢等各方面運行情況，逐一敘明。 本文第五章將捐納制度在清代運行所生現象，扼要指陳，雖未足以洞明真相，然捐納 制度在清代社會上所生影響之深，已可窺見一斑。 本文不願評斷清代捐納制度之得失，而欲探討此一制度在清代長期盛行的原因，並以 之權充結論。

軍機處名不師古，絲綸出納，掌議大政，贊襄治理，職事綦重。本文及以其設置、組織及職掌之研析為主要範疇，以明瞭清代此一機構之運作情形，及其所發生之作用與價值。 本文獲得以下幾點認識。 （一）軍機處是一先有其人其事，而後成為定制之機構。換言之，即是先有政治事實，後成政治制度。 （二）軍機處是兼議政、擬旨、傳遞王命之機構。既是政治中樞，又係行政總匯。 （三）軍機處職掌之能逐漸擴張，乃由於軍機大臣係皇帝之親近大臣。 （四）軍機處是皇帝陽示漢、滿並重，隱寄實權於滿人，以為收攬漢族人心之一有力工具。 （五）軍機大臣較諸其他臣僚自是權重，然其權是否果重，重至如何程度，則頗不固定，常因人、因事、因時而有差異。 （六）軍機處之設置既有助於增加行政效率，更有裨於皇帝集權統治。 總之，政治型態通常隨社會型態而轉移，政治制度尤須與政治環境相配合，軍機處為專制帝王制度下之產物，故□以有助於集權為其目標。

A Ciência Política no Brasil tem se preocupado, nos últimos anos, em compreender o comportamento dos partidos surgidos após o período de redemocratização. Dentre as possíveis variáveis capazes de servir para explicar o fenômeno estão as coligações eleitorais, ainda pouco exploradas nos estudos. O objetivo dessa tese é compreender a existência de uma lógica capaz de explicar o comportamento das legendas em seus acordos para a disputa de prefeituras em 2000 e 2004. O universo pesquisado compreende os cerca de 5.560 municípios brasileiros e mais de treze mil candidaturas por ano, onde serão destacados os dez principais partidos brasileiros - PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. Parte-se da hipótese central de que existem variáveis capazes de explicar parte significativa desse ordenamento. Para tanto, realizam-se duas análises cuidadosas: da bibliografia e das questões institucionais. Nessa primeira parte destacam-se os estudos brasileiros sobre as coligações, desenvolvidos a partir do período da redemocratização dos anos 80, e as considerações de dois teóricos dos partidos políticos e suas considerações sobre as alianças: Maurice Duverger e Ângelo Panebianco. Na segunda parte os esforços se concentram na análise das leis que orientam a celebração de acordos eleitorais e os estatutos dos partidos selecionados, uma vez que o quadro institucional do país torna as legendas relativamente livres para a celebração de suas coligações. As duas últimas partes do trabalho se concentram em investigar se o comportamento dos partidos nos seus acordos em eleições majoritárias municipais tem relação com aspectos ideológicos e governamentais no plano federal ou com aspectos ligados ao alinhamento das legendas em cada estado, com destaque para a relação situação x oposição em torno da forte figura do governador. A conclusão caminha no sentido de aceitar esse segundo ambiente. Os partidos se organizam nos estados, e tal questão tem reflexo sobre as eleições municipais. / Brazilian political science has occupied itself for the last few years with analyzing the behavior of political parties. One of the variables that has some explanation power, and as of yet underrated in the field, are pre-electoral coalitions. This PhD thesis aims to check if there is a logic behind the main parties behavior regarding pre-electoral coalitions for mayorships in the elections of 2000 and 2004. Over 5,560 cities and 13,000 candidacies are analyzed and the parties studied are Brazil\'s ten main political parties: PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. We depart from the notion that there are many relevant variables that can explain why certain parties enter coalitions with others. For starters, we review the sparse literature regarding pre-electoral coalitions worldwide and specifically in Brazil and the work of two great political scientists: Maurice Duverger and Angelo Panebianco. Then we analyze the ten parties statutes to see how they regard the issue, since federal electoral laws are relatively permissive. The two last chapters investigate if pre-electoral coalitions in municipal elections are related to ideological and coalitional matters at the federal level or at the state level. The data show that the parties tend to organize themselves according to the governor\'s political position.

Depuis le début des années quatre-vingt, l’économie algérienne a connu un vaste mouvement de restructurations et de réformes. Curieusement, après plus de deux décennies de mise en œuvre de mesures censées ajuster l’économie du pays en la soumettant aux règles de concurrence et de rentabilité, la réalité des performances économiques algériennes demeurent pratiquement inchangée. En effet, mis à part le rétablissement des équilibres macro financiers grâce à l’augmentation des prix internationaux du pétrole, l’économie algérienne demeure loin des dynamiques d’accumulation. Visiblement, ni les contraintes internes, ni les conditionnalités du FMI et ses recommandations, n’ont résisté à la « réalité algérienne ». La présente thèse, qui se veut une contribution à la définition des conditions de succès de la transition économique vers le marché à la lumière de l’expérience algérienne des réformes, pose dans toutes ses dimensions la question des obstacles aux réformes dans les périodes de transition. L’analyse du système politique, de ses contraintes et ses contradictions est le point de départ de toute réflexion sur les problématiques des transitions. Le poids du passé, et son influence déterminante sur le déroulement du passage d’une organisation économique à une autre est, quant à lui, un facteur que nous questionnerons dans cette perspective. / Since the beginning of the 1980s, the Algerian economy has undergone a vast programme of restructuring and reform. Curiously, after three decades of implementing measures designed to bring the economy in line with the rules of competition and profitability, the reality of Algerian economic performance has changed very little. In fact, apart from the recovery of the macrofinancial balance, due to rising international oil prices, the Algerian economy is far from the dynamics of capital accumulation. Clearly, neither internal constraints nor the conditions or recommendations of the IMF have been able to fight against the current of ‘Algerian reality’. In this thesis, I aim to define the conditions for a successful transition to a market economy based on the Algerian experience of reform. I will also consider obstacles to reform in periods of transition. My starting point for reflection on the question of transition will be an analysis of the political system, its constraints and contradictions. My purpose is also to examine the importance of Algeria’s past in terms of its determining influence on the transition from one economic system to another.

Submitted by William Justo Figueiro (williamjf) on 2015-07-15T20:46:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 17c.pdf: 1884475 bytes, checksum: d8117b65db7b99f1196c1bb8c895e302 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-15T20:46:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 17c.pdf: 1884475 bytes, checksum: d8117b65db7b99f1196c1bb8c895e302 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-07 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esse trabalho pretende analisar o contexto do surgimento do direito à saúde no Rio Grande do Sul. As demandas em saúde são crescentes, o que gerou no sistema do direito uma especialização: nota-se isso a partir do “processo de formação” do direito à saúde e do direito sanitário do Rio Grande do Sul. Esse processo passa pelo fenômeno da judicialização da saúde, bem como pela produção legislativa e executiva do direito à saúde, além do reconhecido papel do controle social. Nesse processo de gênese, reconhecimento, afirmação e concretização do direito à saúde e do direito sanitário no Estado, pode-se destacar três “frentes”: poder legislativo e executivo (sistema da política), sistema do direito e controle social. O trabalho busca contextualizar os antecedentes históricos da consolidação desse processo a partir da tríade mencionada. Analisar a consolidação histórica desse direito, na sociedade complexa, contingente e paradoxal, demanda-nos referenciais teóricos que deem conta disso; por isso, a escolha pela Teoria dos Sistemas Sociais e pela Metateoria do Direito Fraterno. / This work intends to analyze the context of the emergence of the right to health in Rio Grande do Sul. The health demands are increasing, the result was the specialization of the law system; that is observed from the "shaping process" of Rio Grande do Sul’s right to health and the sanitary law. This process involves the phenomenon of judicialization of health, as well as the legislative and executive production of the right to health, besides the acknowledged role of social control. Thus, in this process of genesis, recognition, affirmation and concretion of the right to health and sanitary law (in the state of Rio Grande do Sul), we highlight three "fronts": legislative and executive power (political system), law system and social control. This paper aims to contextualize the historical consolidation of this process based on the mentioned triad. Analyze the history of the consolidation of this right, in the complex society, contingent and paradoxical demand us theoretical references to realize it, so the choice for Social Systems Theory and Metatheory of Fraternal Law.

This thesis focuses on answering the question which factors affect a size of a non governmental sector (NGOs) in post-communist countries and how do they influence NGOs. We compare three countries: the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland. They are regionally and culturally close but they differ in the political system or in the religion. A regression analysis shows us how values as a size of a state spending influence NGOs. Many authors researched similarities of these three states already but our target is to analyze the mutual influence of development of NGOs, the political system and the religion together.