S’étant imposés comme acteurs incontournables de la transition démocratique des années 1990 et de l’instauration d’un régime démocratique consociatif post-Accord d’Arusha d’août 2000, les partis politiques du Burundi constituent toujours de principaux canaux de mobilisation pour les acteurs politiques. Cependant, les déficits de ces formations politiques dus à leurs origines même, à leur histoire jalonnée de conflits ethnopolitiques, à leur très faible niveau d’institutionnalisation, à l’absence de culture politique démocratique ainsi qu’à leur inscription dans les dynamiques du système politique marqué par les pesanteurs des pratiques clientélistes et néopatrimoniales, de violences ethnopolitiques, d’autoritarisme militaro-civil et monopartiste, les réduisent à de simples instruments pour l’obtention des gains politico-économiques parfois personnels, au lieu d’être des leviers pour le changement démocratique qualitatif. Cette étude montre également que l’existence de plusieurs partis politiques, de textes légaux et la tenue d’élections à intervalles réguliers ne signifie pas nécessairement l’existence de régime démocratique dans la mesure où la démocratie n’est pas un processus technique et linéaire applicable sur base d’une simple prescription ou injonction de nature uniquement institutionnelle. / Having asserted themselves as key players in the democratic transition of the 1990’s and the establishment of the Arusha post-Agreement consociate democratic regime in August 2000, Burundi’s political parties remain the main channels of mobilization for political actors. Nonetheless, the deficits of these political formations regarding their origin, ethnopolitical conflits that stand out their history, their very low level of institutionalization, the lack of democratic political culture and their inclusion in the dynamics of the political system marked by the weigth of practices of patronage and neo-patrimonial practices, ethno-political violence, military civilian and one-party authoritarianism, reduce them to simple instruments for obtaining politico-economic profits, sometimes personal, rather than being levers for qualitative democratic change. This study also chows that the existence of several political parties, legal texts and the holding of elections at regular intervals does not necessarly mean the existence of democratic rule because that democracy is not a technical and linear process applied on the basis of a simple prescription or only institutional order.

本篇論文主要研究的主體為俄羅斯的政治體制，希望能透過不同的研究方法及許多文獻資料，探討俄羅斯政治發展的背景。並以此背景為基礎，研究當前俄羅斯政治體制變遷的影響因素。另外，本文也將探討在一九九三年俄羅斯新憲法的架構下，俄羅斯各政治權力間的互動和相互關係和探討目前俄羅斯政治體制的運作情形。最後，探討當前俄羅斯政治發展的趨勢與其面臨的困境和解決之道，並試著研析俄羅斯政治體制未來可能的發展趨勢。 / The article's main role is the political system of Russian Federation. The author will discuss the Russian historical background of political development through some approaches and documents, and try to find out what influences evolution of present Russian political system. Besides, the author will discuss interactions and mutual relationships between these political powers to know present situation of Russian political system. At the last part, the author would like to know the tendency and dilemma of present Russian political development, and its possible development in the future.

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the police organizational culture in Sweden. Previous research on Police in Sweden has focused largely on Police Chiefs and police officers. It has ignored a major element in the organisational culture of the police – civilian employees. This thesis revisits the organisational culture of the Swedish Police Service in its entirety. The thesis reports the change, steering and management issues that arose from the introduction of ’planned change’, via quality management, into the organisational culture of the police. To clarify these issues, it focuses on a recent reform initiative – community policing in the period between 1993 and 2004. Fieldwork and other data on a quality project were collected between 1995 and 1998. The results of this initiative were uneven. It was difficult to accomplish planned change. Much time was taken up with ’muddling through’. These results are then compared earlier accounts of planned change and ’muddling through’, taken from the international literature on organisational cultures. Overall, the research suggests that the organisation of Police Chiefs, police officers, and civilian staff are not fully integrated, and boundaries between these groups are a source of internal, time-consuming discussion, all of which have an impact on the Swedish police service. In sum, organizational culture of the Swedish police service can be understood in terms of its relationships with different sub-cultures and in term of its relationship with the outside world. These features give the service a unique character.</p>

The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the police organizational culture in Sweden. Previous research on Police in Sweden has focused largely on Police Chiefs and police officers. It has ignored a major element in the organisational culture of the police – civilian employees. This thesis revisits the organisational culture of the Swedish Police Service in its entirety. The thesis reports the change, steering and management issues that arose from the introduction of ’planned change’, via quality management, into the organisational culture of the police. To clarify these issues, it focuses on a recent reform initiative – community policing in the period between 1993 and 2004. Fieldwork and other data on a quality project were collected between 1995 and 1998. The results of this initiative were uneven. It was difficult to accomplish planned change. Much time was taken up with ’muddling through’. These results are then compared earlier accounts of planned change and ’muddling through’, taken from the international literature on organisational cultures. Overall, the research suggests that the organisation of Police Chiefs, police officers, and civilian staff are not fully integrated, and boundaries between these groups are a source of internal, time-consuming discussion, all of which have an impact on the Swedish police service. In sum, organizational culture of the Swedish police service can be understood in terms of its relationships with different sub-cultures and in term of its relationship with the outside world. These features give the service a unique character.

This thesis analyses the process of women&rsquo / s legislative recruitment in Turkey by focusing on the interaction among the certain features of the Turkish political system including the attitudes of the party elite toward the enhancement of women&rsquo / s political representation. It has been demonstrated in earlier studies that one of the reasons behind women&rsquo / s low level of parliamentary representation in Turkey is the fact that the selectors in the political parties fail to support women candidates adequately in the elections. Related to that, women&rsquo / s legislative recruitment is also likely to be impeded by the unsupportive nature of the main dynamics of political system such as political culture, party system and the v electoral system. Considering the fact that these institutional and attitudinal factors are highly inter-related with each other, the insufficient number of women candidates nominated by the major social democratic party, the Republican People&rsquo / s Party in the 1990s, including the latest national elections on November 3rd, 2002 calls for an analysis of not only the attitudes of the RPP selectors toward positive discrimination mechanisms such as the quotas for women but also of the relevant party institutional factors rooted in the Turkish political system. The study contends that the RPP&rsquo / s women-friendly party culture and selectors&rsquo / positive perspectives towards women&rsquo / s political integration are not sufficient factors for the promotion of women&rsquo / s legislative recruitment within the party. The weakness of the intra-party democracy in the RPP which is particularly the result of the oligarchic structure and the problems with institutionalization significantly impede women&rsquo / s legislative recruitment within the party. The study has found that the low level of women&rsquo / s legislative recruitment in the RPP is a consequence of the interaction between the institutional and attitudinal factors within the RPP which perpetuates patriarchal elite oligarchy in the nomination process. The documented gap between the RPP&rsquo / s party rhetoric and practice in this study is found as the reflection of the party&rsquo / s problems in internalizing social democratic values.

L’Afrique subsaharienne francophone vit des phases de transition entre des «formes politiques» de parti unique ou de démocratie limitée vers des «formes politiques» de pluripartisme ou de démocratie. Il ressort de l’observation de ces transitions que les régimes politiques, entendus ici comme formes de séparation des pouvoirs, utilisés lors de ces transitions adoptent les mêmes caractéristiques. La fonction du régime de transition, qui est de permettre la libéralisation des institutions politiques de l’État, est facilitée par l’adoption d’une forme parlementaire de régime. Cependant, une analyse plus approfondie révèle que si tous ces régimes adoptent les caractéristiques «externes» du régime parlementaire, «la forme politique» n’est pas la même. Dans un cas, elle traduit une forte concentration du pouvoir dans le corps du Chef de l’État, quand dans l’autre, elle est se répartit entre les organes du régime. Aussi, il n’y a pas, de régime de transition, mais plutôt un «modèle constitutionnel» de la période qui reprend partout les mêmes éléments, sans en tirer les mêmes conséquences. / Sub-Saharan Africa has been known for going through transitional phases from one-party state dictatorship or limited democracy to a multi-party system or a real democracy. Observing these transitions highlights the fact that the same type of regimes is used during the process. At first, it can be said that transitions are made by a parliamentary system. Adopting this specific form of regime enhances the aim of the transitional regime, which lies into liberalizing the political institutions of the country. Nevertheless, a more profound study reveals that if all those regimes may have the external criteria of a parliamentary system, it's not the same regime per se. In one case, most of the power remains in the hand of the head of State while in the other, it's a shared power. Thus, there is no transitional regime but what can be described as a "constitutional model" of the transition that uses the same organs but with a different distribution of power between them.

OLIVEIRA, Bruna Karoline Vasconcelos. Da transição democrática ao Governo Lula: a trajetória e o papel político do PMDB. 2012. 133f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2012. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-25T16:44:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-BKVOLIVEIRA.pdf: 1770615 bytes, checksum: b655b1a3f3f86da4488e4b51bd200739 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-25T17:14:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-BKVOLIVEIRA.pdf: 1770615 bytes, checksum: b655b1a3f3f86da4488e4b51bd200739 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-25T17:14:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-BKVOLIVEIRA.pdf: 1770615 bytes, checksum: b655b1a3f3f86da4488e4b51bd200739 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / The Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB), created in 1980, has its origin in the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB), a political party formed in 1966 to oppose to the Military Government, which ruled the country from 1964 to 1985. Responsible for the struggle towards democracy in Brazil, PMDB is one of the most important political parties in the country, even though it hasn’t elected any President through direct elections to this date. The current research seeks to understand the trajectory and the political strategy set forth by PMDB in the period of 1985 and 2010, taking into consideration the following aspects: its origins, its electoral performances and the presence of its politicians in various federal administrations. Furthermore, it intends to comprehend the place occupied by this political party within the post-redemocratization party dynamics, considering the attitude adopted by PMDB to focus on the legislative bodies and also on positions inside the federal administration. / Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB) criado em 1980, tem suas origens no Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (MDB), legenda que surgiu em 1966, em oposição ao Regime Militar, instaurado no país no período de 1964 a 1985. Sendo o responsável pela luta em prol da redemocratização do Brasil, o PMDB é um dos mais importantes partidos políticos do país, apesar de não ter eleito nenhum Presidente da República por meio do voto direto. O presente trabalho busca a trajetória e estratégia política do PMDB entre os anos de 1982 e 2010, levando em consideração as seguintes variáveis: sua origem, desempenho eleitoral e presença de seus parlamentares nos governos. Mais especificamente, pretende compreender o lugar de tal legenda na dinâmica partidária pós-redemocratização a partir da postura adotada pelo PMDB, o maior partido em número de cadeiras no Congresso Nacional, de se concentrar no Legislativo e na conquista de cargos no Governo Federal.

This study aims to investigate and identify the democratic restrictions in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2018. The country is internationally known for its burdensome history of war in the 1990s, however, Bosnia and Herzegovina seems to be in the process of developing. In addition to having one of the world’s most complicated political systems, the country’s efforts to improve their democracy have not been recognized. Therefore, the question at issue will be operationalized by utilizing the theory of polyarchy composed by Robert Dahl. This theory establishes seven institutions; elected political officials, free and fair elections, inclusive suffrage, the right to run for public office, freedom of expression, alternative sources of information and associational autonomy. These institutions will be examined using empiricism that has been developed with textual analysis. Moreover, the institutions will be analyzed to ascertain if these rights can be found within the Bosnian society.                     The results revealed that only one of the institutions, namely, “inclusive suffrage” is maintained in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Four of the remaining institutions, which are; elected political officials, free and fair elections, the right to run for public office and associational autonomy, were recognized as partially maintained. The last two institutions; the right to run for public office and alternative sources of information did not meet the requirements. Due to these results, it can be established that Bosnia and Herzegovina does not maintain all seven requirements of Dahl’s theory. Despite the country’s efforts to improve their democracy, the democratic process of Bosnia and Herzegovina seems to have ceased.

A Ciência Política no Brasil tem se preocupado, nos últimos anos, em compreender o comportamento dos partidos surgidos após o período de redemocratização. Dentre as possíveis variáveis capazes de servir para explicar o fenômeno estão as coligações eleitorais, ainda pouco exploradas nos estudos. O objetivo dessa tese é compreender a existência de uma lógica capaz de explicar o comportamento das legendas em seus acordos para a disputa de prefeituras em 2000 e 2004. O universo pesquisado compreende os cerca de 5.560 municípios brasileiros e mais de treze mil candidaturas por ano, onde serão destacados os dez principais partidos brasileiros - PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. Parte-se da hipótese central de que existem variáveis capazes de explicar parte significativa desse ordenamento. Para tanto, realizam-se duas análises cuidadosas: da bibliografia e das questões institucionais. Nessa primeira parte destacam-se os estudos brasileiros sobre as coligações, desenvolvidos a partir do período da redemocratização dos anos 80, e as considerações de dois teóricos dos partidos políticos e suas considerações sobre as alianças: Maurice Duverger e Ângelo Panebianco. Na segunda parte os esforços se concentram na análise das leis que orientam a celebração de acordos eleitorais e os estatutos dos partidos selecionados, uma vez que o quadro institucional do país torna as legendas relativamente livres para a celebração de suas coligações. As duas últimas partes do trabalho se concentram em investigar se o comportamento dos partidos nos seus acordos em eleições majoritárias municipais tem relação com aspectos ideológicos e governamentais no plano federal ou com aspectos ligados ao alinhamento das legendas em cada estado, com destaque para a relação situação x oposição em torno da forte figura do governador. A conclusão caminha no sentido de aceitar esse segundo ambiente. Os partidos se organizam nos estados, e tal questão tem reflexo sobre as eleições municipais. / Brazilian political science has occupied itself for the last few years with analyzing the behavior of political parties. One of the variables that has some explanation power, and as of yet underrated in the field, are pre-electoral coalitions. This PhD thesis aims to check if there is a logic behind the main parties behavior regarding pre-electoral coalitions for mayorships in the elections of 2000 and 2004. Over 5,560 cities and 13,000 candidacies are analyzed and the parties studied are Brazil\'s ten main political parties: PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. We depart from the notion that there are many relevant variables that can explain why certain parties enter coalitions with others. For starters, we review the sparse literature regarding pre-electoral coalitions worldwide and specifically in Brazil and the work of two great political scientists: Maurice Duverger and Angelo Panebianco. Then we analyze the ten parties statutes to see how they regard the issue, since federal electoral laws are relatively permissive. The two last chapters investigate if pre-electoral coalitions in municipal elections are related to ideological and coalitional matters at the federal level or at the state level. The data show that the parties tend to organize themselves according to the governor\'s political position.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-06-16T14:23:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelgoncalvesdasilva.pdf: 1175433 bytes, checksum: 7983bdf26ec44872fc6f94aec147602f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-13T14:16:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelgoncalvesdasilva.pdf: 1175433 bytes, checksum: 7983bdf26ec44872fc6f94aec147602f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-13T14:16:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 raquelgoncalvesdasilva.pdf: 1175433 bytes, checksum: 7983bdf26ec44872fc6f94aec147602f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-22 / O presente trabalho objetiva compreender o comportamento dos partidos na formação das coligações eleitorais municipais. As pesquisas sobre coligações partidárias no Brasil se valem, principalmente, de técnicas de análise quantitativa com o objetivo principal de encontrar padrões, regularidades e tendências gerais nas estratégias dos partidos, combinando dois argumentos principais, o pragmatismo e a ideologia. Eles oferecem uma importante contribuição traçando um quadro geral das coligações no nível municipal. Entretanto, tais estudos não permitem compreender a fundo as motivações das elites políticas locais na realização das alianças e em que medida esse processo é afetado por atores que operam em outros níveis, visando outros objetivos. Desse modo, pretende-se nessa pesquisa, compreender um pouco mais desse tema, por meio de uma abordagem qualitativa. Assim, foram realizadas entrevistas junto a lideranças políticas nas eleições de 2012, em dois municípios mineiros, Lambari e Juiz de Fora. Buscou-se investigar três principais dimensões: atores centrais envolvidos no processo, suas percepções, estratégias e os recursos mobilizados por eles, assim como suas motivações, em dois municípios, um de pequeno e um de médio porte. Além disso, procurou-se explorar as articulações entre os diferentes níveis da federação, através da influencia da dinâmica da esfera estadual e nacional no processo de composição das alianças no nível local. Os resultados obtidos corroboram com as hipóteses e revelam que embora o componente pragmático pareça estar presente na maioria dos partidos, nos dois municípios, não se pode ignorar a importância de outros fatores que tornam a decisão dos aliados mais complexa, os quais limitam e constrangem a ação dos agentes. / This paper aims to investigate and understand the partisan behavior in the formation of the municipal electoral coalitions. Research on coalitions in Brazil rely mainly on quantitative analysis techniques with the main objective to find patterns, regularities and general trends in the strategies of parties, combining two main arguments, pragmatism and ideology. They offer an important contribution by drawing a general picture of coalitions at the municipal level. However, these studies do not allow understanding into the motivations of local political elites in the performance of alliances and to what extent this process is affected by actors operating at other levels, aiming at other goals. Thus, it is intended in this research to understand a little more of that theme, through a qualitative approach. Thus, interviews were conducted with political leaders in the 2012 elections in two municipalities of Minas Gerais, Lambari and Juiz de Fora. We sought to investigate three main dimensions: key players involved in the process, their perceptions, strategies and resources mobilized by them as well as their motivations, in two municipalities, one small and one medium size. In addition, it sought to explore the links between the different levels of the federation, through the influence of the dynamics of the state and national level in the writing process of alliances at the local level. The results corroborate the hypothesis and show that while the pragmatic component appears to be present in most parties, in both cities, one can’t ignore the importance of other factors that make the decision of the most complex allies, which limit and constrain action of the agents.