This thesis deals with legislative obstruction in the United States Senate. It presents the filibuster as one of the key procedural tools in the hands of a legislative minority during the consideration of legislative proposals, presidential nominations and international treaties. At first it presents the main theoretical approaches to the topic and the historical development of Senate procedures. A key theme of the work is the necessity to distinguish between formal and informal provisions that determine how Senate business is conducted, since the formal text of the Standing Rules of the Senate is rutinely bypassed by alternative strategies. The last part of the thesis confronts the existing theoretical approaches with the important procedural changes of the last several years and assesses whether these models are still valid in light of the new Senate procedures.

This master thesis deals with the function of the strategic planning for the tourism policy in the Austrian federal state of Tyrol. Tourism stands for a very important sector of the Tyrol's economy and there are many participants who influence its coursing on the vertical and horizontal level as well. The issue is very complex, multi-layer and cross-sectional. Strategic documents belong to the characteristic attributes of the Tyrol's tourism policy since the 1970's. Their existence is enshrined in the Tyrol's Law on the Tourism Policy. The newest strategic document is called Der Tiroler Weg 2021. The mainstay of this master thesis is based on the analysis of the attitude, that the Tyrol's political system holds on the forming of this special and non-legislative document. The strategic planning is intentionally shifted from the political system to other extern subjects, to them the following belong: the organisation Tirol Werbung GmbH, Economic Chamber of Tyrol and the Association of the Tyrol's Tourism Unions. The master thesis aims to find out, what motivations make the political system to act in this way and how can this outsourcing in the strategic planning for this multi-sectoral sector help to coordinate the different interests of many involved participants, towards the sustainable development...

This thesis examines the development of Wahhabism as an ideology into a rapidly expanding, transportable, contemporary Islamic political system. Serving as the territorial foundation, individuals maintain allegiance to Makkah, the center of the Islamic world, through symbolic Islamic prayer. Along with a central, globally financed economic distributive mechanism, and Wahhabi social and educational institutions emerging from the traditional mosque, Wahhabism serves the demand for an Islamic political system in a late capitalist world. Wahhabism is fluid within contemporary dynamic political systems and rapidly changing international relations. Wahhabism continues to expand at a global level, at times, providing a foundation for new forms of contemporary terrorism.

This paper examines the hypothesis that a change in the elite increases the probability of armed conflict onset. The paper combines the newly constructed WhoGov dataset on cabinet members, with UCDP data on armed conflicts and rebel group. It analyzes changes in the retention rate among cabinet members and average years in cabinet, and how they affect armed conflict – measured as armed conflict onset and rebel group onset. A linear regression model, with country- and year fixed effects, in addition to time-varying control variables, is applied to test the main hypothesis. In addition, three heterogeneity tests are conducted. First, the paper examines whether there are any differences between democracies and autocracies. Second, it examines the differences between changes in cabinet size (widening or shrinking). Third, it analyzes if the effects are bigger for large changes in the elite. Four main conclusions are reached in the paper. First, the results indicates that a decrease in retention rate increases the probability for both conflict and rebel onset. The magnitudes of the estimated effects seem to be sizeable. They are larger in conflict onsets than rebel onsets, in relation to their respective means. Second, for armed conflict onset, the results are driven by autocracies. Third, the probability for armed conflict is larger following a large change in the elites (retention rate). Fourth, no difference in changes to cabinet size is observed.

The master thesis "Czech presidency through the eyes of the member and non- member country" considers with the confrontation of articles from the time period of the EU-Czech Presidency which were published in the Czech newspaper Hospodarske noviny a in the Swiss newspaper Neue Zürcher Zeitung. The work concerns with that point how both newspapers constructed the reality of the Czech Republic during its EU-Presidency. The analysis will proceed through the framing method and semiotic analysis. From the framing analysis will result the quantitative data and in the semiotic analysis is included the critical discoursive analysis. The CDA will be discussed in the thesis. Media shows to the audience the secondary reality and they have impact to that what the people think about and what attitude they contain to which event. At this process participates the language. In the master thesis we would like to prove that the Swiss media Show another reality than the Czech one.

This thesis deals with the personality of prominent lawyer and a political scientist Zdenek Mlynar during his tenure at the Institute of State and Law of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences. Mlynar was one of the leading figures and ideologues of the Prague Spring; in the first half of 1968 he was a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and later he became its secretary. He was also one of the authors of the 'Action Programme' of the Communist Party, precisely of its political part. Nevertheless his ideological development was not straightforward; he started as a devoted ideologue and dogmatist in the 1950s to become a reformer in the second half of the 1960s. And during that whole time period Mlynar had been employed as a scientist at the Academy of Sciences in the field of the legal theory. For the purpose of this thesis was Mlynar's more than twelve-year long tenure at the Academy of Sciences is divided into three periods: a research assistantship between 1957 and 1959, his tenure as a head of the Department of Theory of State and Law between 1960 and 1966 and then the time of his work on the political reform in 1968, with a special attention being paid to the interdisciplinary team "Development of the political system in the socialistic society" which was initiated and...

Sous l’angle du droit international, la responsabilité de protéger est traditionnellement analysée dans le but de déterminer sa portée normative. L’attrait de la doctrine internationaliste pour la question de la normativité du principe et l’indifférence habituelle du droit international vis-à-vis du système politique des États ont fini par confiner les développements sous les prismes parfois trop réducteurs du droit international et des relations internationales. Cette recherche entend proposer une perspective différente en prenant le contre-pied de cette approche classique. Elle aborde la problématique de la responsabilité de protéger non plus seulement sous l’angle des intervenants tiers à l’État défaillant, mais également, et surtout sous celui de cet État lui-même et de sa population. Il s’agit donc de revisiter la façon d’appréhender la responsabilité de protéger afin de montrer que le droit international n’est plus indifférent face aux systèmes politiques des États — a fortiori en crise. En interrogeant le lien entre la responsabilité de protéger et le système politique de l’État, l’analyse aboutit irrémédiablement à la conclusion selon laquelle la responsabilité de protéger est « enchassée » dans de normes qui ne sont pas exclusivement juridiques et qu’il convient dorénavant d’analyser en réseau. L’étude propose donc désormais de la qualifier de norme de congruence dès lors qu’elle conduit à apprécier la valeur juridique d’une règle de droit en tenant compte des différentes influences contenues dans celle-ci / From the perspective of international law, the responsibility to protect is traditionally analyzed in order to determine its normative scope. The attractiveness of the internationalist doctrine for the question of the normativity of the principle and the habitual indifference of international law to the political system of States ended up confining developments to the sometimes overly simplistic prisms of international law and international relations.This research intends to propose a different perspective by taking a contrary view of this classic approach. It addresses the issue of the responsibility to protect not only the point of view of third parties to the failed state, but also, and above all, the State itself and its population. It is therefore a question of revisiting the approach of apprehending the responsibility to protect in order to show that international law is no longer indifferent to the political systems of the States - let alone in crisis.In questioning the link between the responsibility to protect and the state's political system, the analysis leads irreparably to the conclusion that the responsibility to protect is “enshrined” in norms that are not exclusively legal and that currently analyze in the network. The study therefore proposes to define it as an norme de congruence since it leads to the assessment of the legal value of a rule of law taking into account the different influences contained in it

Esta tese tem como objetivo o estudo e a análise da evolução dos partidos políticos de matriz socialista na política argentina durante um século (1880 e 1980). Ainda notamos a ausência no âmbito acadêmico de uma análise minuciosa e coerente de e do conjunto das organizações que formaram parte do Partido Socialista (PS). O mesmo ocorre com suas múltiplas divisões e incorporações ou com os vários aspectos políticos, sociais e culturais que sua praxis implicou. Neste sentido, esta tese tem dois objetivos, por um lado cobrir a mencionada lacuna e por outro colaborar com a reconstrução da memória histórica das classes subalternas. Relaciona os partidos socialistas argentinos com o socialismo internacional, o marxismo e seu impacto na América Latina, no marco da formação econômico-social argentina e dos processos políticos argentinos em sua interação com outras esquerdas, os dois grandes movimentos nacionais, o radicalismo e o peronismo, os conservadores e os militares. / The object of this thesis is the study and analysis of the evolution processes of the socialist political parties in argentinian politics during a century (1880 to 1980). We can even now notice the absence in the academic level of a minute and coherent analisys of the hole picture involving the organizations that took part in the formation of the Socialist Party (PS). The same happens in the multiple divisions and mergers or the various political, social and cultural aspects involved in its praxis. So, this thesis has two objectives, in a way, tends to cover the absence of academic literature about the subject and, in another sense, cooperate with the reconstruction of the working clases memory history. It draws the relation between the argentinian socialist parties, the marxism and its social and economic impacts in Latin America, and, finally, the mayor argentinian political processes like the radicals, the peronismo, the conservatives and the military.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:25:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos Jose Gomes Correa.pdf: 623933 bytes, checksum: 351b854c38a20bd38872ed276a8f4cd0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-11-20 / The present dissertation is intended to examine, from its beginnings, the concept of Constitution and to demonstrate its double significance, political and legal, as well as the means used to guarantee the prevalence of the Constitution in European and North American traditions. The vicissitudes of the defence of the Constitution in Brazil, the broad outlines of organisation and operation of the Judiciary - which, starting from the establishment of the Republican regime in Brazil, had a duty to analyse legislation by contrasting it with the Constitution, thereby confirming its validity - and the role of the Brazilian Public Prosecution Service as an active defender of the Constitution, are also examined. The dissertation confronts the issue of the judicialisation of politics and hopes to demonstrate that the increase in social, cultural and economical rights, in peripheral countries such as Brazil, compels the legal system to enter into contact with conflicts generated in other social systems (economy, health, education, religion, sport etc), the Public Prosecution Service being an important channel - at the same time as introducing discussions about social, cultural and economical rights - for the preservation of the judicial system code (lawful/unlawful) and its self-generating, or "autopoiético", character to keep the centre of the judicial system free of spurious interference from the other social systems / A presente dissertação destina-se a historiar o conceito de Constituição desde seus primórdios e demonstrar seu duplo significado, político e jurídico, bem como os meios utilizados para garantir a prevalência da Constituição nas tradições européia e norte-americana. As vicissitudes da defesa da Constituição no Brasil, as grandes linhas de organização e atuação do Poder Judiciário que, a partir da instauração do regime republicano no Brasil, teve a missão de analisar a legislação em contraste com a Constituição e verificar sua validade e o papel do Ministério Público brasileiro como defensor ativo da Constituição são também dissecadas. A dissertação enfrenta o tema da judicialização da política e pretende demonstrar que o incremento dos direitos sociais, culturais e econômicos em países periféricos como o Brasil força o sistema jurídico a entrar em contato com conflitos gerados em outros sistemas sociais (economia, saúde, educação, religião, esporte etc), sendo o Ministério Público um importante canal para, ao mesmo tempo em que introduz as discussões sobre direitos sociais, culturais e econômicos, preservar o código do sistema jurídico (lícito/ilícito) e manter o caráter autopoiético desse sistema, mantendo o centro do sistema jurídico livre de interferências espúrias dos demais sistemas sociais

La présente recherche sur l'efficacité du système international des droits de l'Homme consiste à analyser les mécanismes de suivi et de surveillance des Nations Unies en matière des droits de l’Homme. L’impacte de ce système sur le traitement des femmes démontre que les institutions de contrôle et de promotion des droits de l’Homme de l'ONU ne parviennent pas à protéger pleinement les femmes contre ces mesures discriminatoires.Il résulte de cette analyse que le système international de protection des droits des femmes joue un rôle limité dans l’éradication de la discrimination à l’encontre des femmes. Le pouvoir restreint des comités de l'ONU dans le processus de rapports, de suivi et de contrôle constitue la principale raison de son inefficacité. Les comités n'ont pas de force d’opposition ni de pouvoir d’exécution. Les descriptions faites de la situation des femmes dans les rapports des rapporteurs spéciaux de l'ONU et dans les recommandations des comités ne permettent pas d’améliorer concrètement le statut des femmes. En outre, l’incapacité de l'ONU à imposer aux pays des mesures visant à faire respecter ses obligations relatives aux droits des femmes souligne la vulnérabilité structurelle du système international de protection des droits de l’Homme.Par conséquent, le système actuel de contrôle de l'ONU doit subir des modifications. Il serait opportun d'envisager la possibilité d'instaurer de tribunaux internationaux relatifs aux droits de l’Homme pour les États membres de culture commune, de croyances similaires et géographiquement proches. La compétence d’un tribunal international rendant des décisions contraignantes serait ainsi reconnue. / The present research on the effectiveness of the international Human Rights system consists of analyzing United Nations monitoring and surveillance mechanisms in the field of Human Rights. Their impact on the treatment of women demonstrates that the UN human rights monitoring and promotion institutions fail to fully protect women against discriminatory measures.As a result, the international system for the protection of women's rights plays a limited role in eradicating discrimination against women. The limited power of UN committees in the reporting, monitoring and control process is the main reason for its ineffectiveness. Committees have no opposition or enforcement powers.Simply reporting on women’s situation in the UN special rapporteurs and in the recommendations of the committees are insufficient to significantly improve the status of women. The inability of the UN to impose the measures needed to enforce its obligations relating to women's rights. The ineffectiveness of the UN’s enforcement of the measures needed related to women’s rights underlines the structural vulnerability of the international system for the protection of Human Rights.The current system of UN control must be modified. It would be appropriate to consider the possibility of establishing international Human Rights tribunals for Member States, which share a common culture with similar beliefs and are also close geographically. The jurisdiction of an international tribunal rendering binding decisions would thus be recognized.