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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 121 to 129 of 129 (0.053 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"apolitical atemsystem."" "subject:"apolitical systsystem.""
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Dvoustranický politický systém v Českých zemích 1938 - 1939: Strana Národní jednoty a Národní strana práce / Bi-party political system in Czech lands 1938 - 1939: National Union Party and the National Labour PartyKulíšek, Vítězslav January 2017 (has links)
The diploma thesis deals with Czech political system in the second Czechoslovak Republic (1938 - 1939). In this historically short period, liberal democracy has changed into an authoritative democracy. The power of the right-wing parties prevailed in the political system. In the case of Czech countries a bi-party political system, which is unique in Czech history, has been created. The main aim of the diploma thesis is to describe the political party system in the Czech lands in the Second Republic period, and to look at the political parties that formed it. It also deals with the Second Republic in general, with the historical, economic, cultural and social context of that time. In the final part, there are summarized all the conclusions I came to. The sources were mainly archive sources, specialized literature dealing with the subject and political party periodicals but even non-political periodicals from that time. KEYWORDS Antonín Hampl, authoritarian democracy, Czech - Slovak Republic, Second Republic, Bi-party political system, Munich agreement, Nazi Germany, National Labour Party, Rudolf Beran, National Union Party
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Foreseeing Political Change. Structure, System and Agency in the Making of the Lebanese Intifadha al-IqtadQUARENGHI, ALESSANDRO 04 July 2007 (has links)
La tesi cerca di rispondere alla domanda: 'La libanese intifadha al-Iqtad poteva essere prevista?'. la tesi prima definisce l'evento politico, e. Successivamente esamina le condizioni epistemologiche in base alle quali una predizione del futuro possa essere considerata scientifica. In terzo luogo, propone uno schema di previsione organizzato in funzione del coinvolgimento degli agenti nella creazione della storia umana. Infine, analizza la intifadha al-Iqtad in base allo schema analitico proposto. / The thesis aims to answer the question 'could the Lebanese Intifadha al-Iqtad have been predicted?' In order to do so, it first of all tries to define the political event, in terms of features, dynamic, and outcome. Secondly, it outlines the epistemological assumptions on which a scientific prediction of the future could be based. Thirdly, it puts forward a framework for foreseeing the future organised on different levels and divided into macro-categories. Finally, it analyses the Lebanese Intifadha al-Iqtad according to the proposed framework.
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Appropriation of Religion: The Re-formation of the Korean Notion of Religion in Global SocietyCho, Kyuhoon 19 April 2013 (has links)
This dissertation explores the reconfiguration of religion in modern global society with a focus on Koreans’ use of the category of religion. Using textual and structural analysis, this study examines how the notion of religion is structurally and semantically contextualized in the public sphere of modern Korea. I scrutinize the operation of the differentiated communication systems that produces a variety of discourses and imaginaries on religion and religions in modern Korea. Rather than narrowly define religion in terms of the consequence of religious or scientific projects, this dissertation shows the process in which the evolving societal systems such as politics, law, education, and mass media determine and re-determine what counts as religion in the emergence of a globalized Korea.
I argue that, ever since the Western notion of religion was introduced to East Asia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, religion was, unlike in China and Japan, constructed as a positive social component in Korea, because it was considered to be instrumental in maintaining Korean identity and modernizing the Korean nation in the new global context. In twentieth century Korea, the conception of religion was manifest in the representation of the so-called world religions such as Buddhism and Christianity, which were largely re-imagined as resisting colonialism and communism as well as contributing to the integration and democratization of the nation-state. The phenomenal clout and growth of Korea’s mainstream religions can be traced to an established twofold understanding that religion is distinctive, normal, and versatile, while indigenous traditions and new religious groups are abnormal, regressive, and even harmful. I have found that, since the late 1980s, a negative re-formation of religion has been widespread in the public sphere of South Korea, with a growing concern that religion may harbor a parochial attitude against the nation’s new strategies of development. Religion has been increasingly signified as antisocial, conflictual, and sectarian in newly globalized South Korea, because structuralized religious power, in particular that of Protestantism, gets in the way of autonomous evolvement of the secular societal institutions. As such, I conclude by suggesting that the definition of religion was multiply appropriated by the differences in local particularization in contemporary global society. Insofar as religion is regarded as incompatible with the changed location of the national society in the new global society, the semantics assigned to what is called religion continues to be degraded in contemporary South Korea.
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Direito, desenvolvimento e transformações institucionais: como o Congresso Nacional regulou a Comissão Mista de Orçamento entre 1988 e 2015?Grava, Guilherme Saraiva 12 April 2017 (has links)
Submitted by Guilherme Saraiva Grava (gsgrava@gmail.com) on 2017-05-08T20:57:04Z
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Previous issue date: 2017-04-12 / When the new Brazilian Constitution of 1988 was ratified, the National Congress regained several of its prerogatives related to the budgetary process that had been limited during the previous regime (of 1969). One, in particular, was the restauration of the legislative power to modify the budget laws through the adoption of amendments on the original bill, offering congressmen the ability to increase or to create new expenditures for the Federal Government. This arrangement was similar to the system that prevailed under the Constitution of 1946, but with a series of new restrictions that did not exist at that time. The main distinctive feature was the promotion of a unicameral procedure for the approval of budgetary laws, convened through a permanent joint committee specifically dedicated to this purpose – the Joint Budget Committee (Comissão Mista de Orçamento or CMO). This body, considered one of the most powerful in the Brazilian National Congress, accumulates attributes regarding the examination of the budget laws, of the amendments presented to those bills during the approval phase, and also for the control phase of the budget cycle. However, despite its relevance, the legal literature has dedicated little attention to the study of the CMO and its regulation, which is mostly established by the congressmen themselves through internal rules. With this perception in mind, the present research aims to study the so-called Joint Resolutions of the National Congress, approved between 1988 and 2015, which, through the legal framework created for the CMO, regulated the legislative role in the approval phase of the budget laws in Brazil. In this sense, the research seeks to answer three questions: (1) What is the content of the provisions in the Federal Constitution of 1988 that determine the powers and responsibilities of the Joint Budget Committee? (2) What were the procedural provisions governing the operation of the Joint Budget Committee between 1988 and 2015? (3) Which of these regimental regulations could make the process more "rational" and in what way would they do it? In order to deal with these issues, the work intends to describe the institutional transformations of the Committee through the methodological strategy of a case study, articulating the regulation created during this period with the context that involved its elaboration. Moreover, the thesis intends to contribute to the literature that studies the relationship between Law and Development, as it seeks to provide a deeper understanding of some of the budgetary institutions in Brazil – a subject of great relevance to the national development process. / Com o advento da Constituição de 1988, o Congresso Nacional recuperou diversas prerrogativas no campo orçamentário que haviam sido limitadas no regime anterior. Em particular, restaurou-se a sua competência de modificar as leis do Orçamento através da aprovação de emendas, inclusive para aumentar e criar novas despesas – à semelhança do que ocorria sob a Constituição de 1946, porém com uma série de delimitações e restrições então inexistentes. O principal traço distintivo foi a manutenção da tramitação unicameral das leis orçamentárias, reunida por meio de uma comissão mista permanente dedicada especificamente para este fim – a Comissão Mista de Orçamento (CMO). O Órgão, considerado um dos mais poderosos do Congresso Nacional, acumula competências relativas ao exame e à emissão de pareceres sobre os projetos de leis orçamentárias, às emendas apresentadas a referidos projetos e, por fim, ao acompanhamento e fiscalização da Lei Orçamentária Anual, uma vez aprovada. Entretanto, apesar de sua relevância, são poucos os trabalhos na literatura jurídica que se dedicam ao estudo da CMO e de sua regulação específica, majoritariamente estabelecida pelos próprios congressistas através de normas internas. Diante dessa percepção, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo o estudo das denominadas Resoluções Conjuntas do Congresso Nacional, aprovadas entre os anos de 1988 e 2015, com destaque para a disciplina, através do regime jurídico criado para a CMO, da atuação dos parlamentares na fase de aprovação das leis orçamentárias da União. A pesquisa procura, assim, responder a três perguntas principais: (1) Qual é o conteúdo das disposições presentes na Constituição Federal de 1988 que determinam as competências e as atribuições para a atuação da Comissão Mista de Orçamento? (2) Quais foram e de que modo se sucederam as disposições regimentais que regularam o funcionamento da Comissão Mista de Orçamento entre os anos de 1988 e 2015? (3) Quais dessas regulações regimentais seriam aptas a tornar o processo mais 'racional' e de que maneira o fariam? Para tratar dessas questões, pretende-se descrever as transformações institucionais da Comissão através da estratégia metodológica do estudo de caso, articulando-se o regramento existente no período com o contexto que envolveu sua elaboração. O trabalho pretende, ao final, contribuir à literatura que estuda as relações entre Direito e Desenvolvimento por buscar compreender, de forma mais aprofundada, algumas das instituições orçamentárias no Brasil – tema de grande relevância ao processo de desenvolvimento nacional.
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Gendered interests in the European union : the European women's lobby and the organisation and representation of women's interestsStrid, Sofia January 2009 (has links)
Gendered Interests and the European Union. The European Women’s Lobby and the Organisation and Representation of Women's Interests. On a general level this thesis concerns the changed and changing institutional conditions for gender equality in Europe and the organisation and institutionalisation of women’s social and political interests at the EU level. I ask in what ways political structures and authorities enable and/or obstruct women to generate, sustain and control their presence in politics as women. I explore how the EU institutions structure and provide opportunities and constraints for women to mobilise and organise to act as an authorised party vis-a-vis and within the EU political system. How does it come that women, as a collective, are not only recognised as a politically relevant group but also legitimised to act and be present as women in an organised relationship with the EU system’s main authorities? The presence comes in the form of the European Women’s Lobby (EWL), an EU level and EU wide non-governmental umbrella organisation which represents some 4000 women’s organisations on multiple levels of the EU. The EWL is not the first example of women organising on the EU level, but it is the first of its kind. The EWL was initiated by women from within the European Commission and is funded mainly via a grant from the Commission. The EWL’s objectives include the endorsement of equality between women and men and to ensure that measures to promote gender equality and women’s rights are taken into account and mainstreamed in all EU policy. Using material gathered through interviews, observations and official documentation I study the structure of the European Women’s Lobby; the participation of the EWL in EU politics; the relation between the EWL and the EU institutions; the relation between the EWL’s member organisations; and the forms the representation of women’s organised social and political interests at EU level can take. I argue that in the specific political system of the EU, organised interests in civil society and the EWL perform the functions of input, and participate in output and feedback. Organised interests function as intermediaries between the national and European levels. Organised interests strive to gain influence; the Commission, as a political authority, strives to gain legitimacy of its policy-making through the input and output of representative organised interests. As a consequence of what I argue is a corporatist policymaking style of the Commission the EWL has become increasingly institutionalised. The trade off is that while the EWL has enjoyed the Commission’s support and funding to constitute an established EU level platform from which women can formulate, mobilise and pursue their interests, the EWL has must organise and take control over the interests aggregated from its member organisations and over the form of the member organisations. The very structure of the EWL can be seen as part of the price the EWL has to pay to be granted somewhat of a representative monopoly in terms of opportunities to influence EU policy-making through the various channels of consultation. In this context, I argue that the representativeness of organised interests is key. There is no electoral basis legitimising the policy-making of the Commission, instead, this basis is constituted by organised interests. Paradoxically, this holds the potential for increasing the legitimacy of the Commission, something which increasing transparency has failed to do. It is no exaggeration to claim that the EWL offers a remarkable EU level platform for women to act and pursue their interests as women. By studying the actual impact of EU level policy-making and politics on various ways, this thesis argues that the very existence of the EWL can be understood as being in the interest of women.
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Appropriation of Religion: The Re-formation of the Korean Notion of Religion in Global SocietyCho, Kyuhoon January 2013 (has links)
This dissertation explores the reconfiguration of religion in modern global society with a focus on Koreans’ use of the category of religion. Using textual and structural analysis, this study examines how the notion of religion is structurally and semantically contextualized in the public sphere of modern Korea. I scrutinize the operation of the differentiated communication systems that produces a variety of discourses and imaginaries on religion and religions in modern Korea. Rather than narrowly define religion in terms of the consequence of religious or scientific projects, this dissertation shows the process in which the evolving societal systems such as politics, law, education, and mass media determine and re-determine what counts as religion in the emergence of a globalized Korea.
I argue that, ever since the Western notion of religion was introduced to East Asia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, religion was, unlike in China and Japan, constructed as a positive social component in Korea, because it was considered to be instrumental in maintaining Korean identity and modernizing the Korean nation in the new global context. In twentieth century Korea, the conception of religion was manifest in the representation of the so-called world religions such as Buddhism and Christianity, which were largely re-imagined as resisting colonialism and communism as well as contributing to the integration and democratization of the nation-state. The phenomenal clout and growth of Korea’s mainstream religions can be traced to an established twofold understanding that religion is distinctive, normal, and versatile, while indigenous traditions and new religious groups are abnormal, regressive, and even harmful. I have found that, since the late 1980s, a negative re-formation of religion has been widespread in the public sphere of South Korea, with a growing concern that religion may harbor a parochial attitude against the nation’s new strategies of development. Religion has been increasingly signified as antisocial, conflictual, and sectarian in newly globalized South Korea, because structuralized religious power, in particular that of Protestantism, gets in the way of autonomous evolvement of the secular societal institutions. As such, I conclude by suggesting that the definition of religion was multiply appropriated by the differences in local particularization in contemporary global society. Insofar as religion is regarded as incompatible with the changed location of the national society in the new global society, the semantics assigned to what is called religion continues to be degraded in contemporary South Korea.
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[pt] COOPERAÇÃO INTERGOVERNAMENTAL ENTRE O GOVERNO FEDERAL E O GOVERNO ESTADUAL DO RIO DE JANEIRO, NO PERÍODO DE 2007 A 2016: CONTEXTO POLÍTICO, LIMITAÇÕES E APRENDIZADOS / [en] INTERGOVERNMENTAL COOPERATION BETWEEN THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT AND THE STATE GOVERNMENT OF RIO DE JANEIRO, FROM 2007 TO 2016: POLITICAL CONTEXT, LIMITATIONS AND LEARNINGGETULIO FIDELIS VIEIRA 14 September 2020 (has links)
[pt] Este trabalho buscou analisar a cooperação intergovernamental entre o governo federal e o governo estadual do Rio de Janeiro no período de 2007 a 2016. Tal cooperação foi resultado de um contexto histórico – e de condições políticas específicas - no qual foi possível uma aliança política nacional entre o PMDB e o PT. Desde a mudança da capital para Brasília, em 1960, culminando com a fusão da Guanabara-Estado do Rio de Janeiro, em 1975, foi imperioso para o novo estado se reposicionar no jogo federativo nacional, que ganhou nova dinâmica com a redemocratização e com o ambiente inaugurado pela Constituição de 1988. A ascensão do PMDB ao governo do estado do Rio de Janeiro, nos anos 2000, com o Governo Sérgio Cabral, mobilizou expectativas positivas, diante da possiblidade de tratamento diferenciado por parte do governo federal, com repercussão favorável nos investimentos em infraestrutura, nas áreas sociais e na segurança pública. Entretanto, a cooperação entre os dois níveis federativos mostrou suas limitações ao longo do tempo. No plano político, a parceria deu sinais de esgotamento a partir da eleição de 2014, com a ruptura da aliança estadual entre o PMDB e o PT, e mais efetivamente com o final do Governo Dilma Rousseff, indicando seu caráter conjuntural. Além disso, problemas de improbidade administrativa no âmbito do governo estadual, reveladas nos anos recentes, mostraram a permanência de práticas políticas antigas e condenáveis, e ausência de mecanismos de controle mais efetivos na realização de obras públicas. No plano econômico, a pesquisa mostrou evidências de que a cooperação intergovenamental não construiu, no período de 2007 a 2016, as condições necessárias para que o estado fluminense pudesse tornar sustentável o bom momento de desenvolvimento que vivenciou no início da parceria, e também pouco mudou a reduzida autonomia fiscal do estado do Rio de Janeiro, próxima dos estados mais dependentes do governo federal, o que explica em boa medida o colapso das contas públicas ocorrido em junho de 2016. / [en] This work aims to analyze the intergovernmental cooperation between the federal government and the state government of Rio de Janeiro in the period from 2007 to 2016. Such cooperation was the result of a historical context - and specific political conditions - in which a national political alliance was possible between PMDB and PT. Since the move of the capital to Brasília, in 1960, culminating in the merger of Guanabara-State of Rio de Janeiro, in 1975, it was imperative for the new state to reposition itself in the national federative game, which gained new dynamics with the redemocratization and with the environment inaugurated by the 1988 Constitution. The rise of the PMDB to the government of the state of Rio de Janeiro, in the 2000s, with the Sérgio Cabral Government, mobilized positive expectations, given the possibility of different treatment by the federal government, with favorable repercussions in the investments in infrastructure, social areas and public security. However, cooperation between the two federal levels has shown its limitations over time. On the political level, the partnership showed signs of exhaustion as of the 2014 election, with the rupture of the state alliance between the PMDB and the PT, and more effectively with the end of the Dilma Rousseff government, indicating its cyclical nature. In addition, problems of administrative impropriety within the scope of the state government, revealed in recent years, have shown the permanence of old and reprehensible political practices, and the absence of more effective control mechanisms in carrying out public works. At the economic level, the research showed evidence that intergovernmental cooperation did not build, in the period from 2007 to 2016, the necessary conditions for the state of Rio de Janeiro to make sustainable the good moment of development that it experienced at the beginning of the partnership, and also little has changed the reduced fiscal autonomy of the state of Rio de Janeiro, close to the states most dependent on the federal government, which largely explains the collapse of public accounts in June 2016.
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Investigating media’s change of attitude towards lobbyism in Sweden : A quantitative content analysis study between the years 1970-2014 and based on theories from the disciplines of politicalscience and sociologySirafi, Ziad January 2018 (has links)
The purpose of this study is to examine why the media has a more negative attitude towards lobbyism in 2014 compared to earlier years since the 1970s in Sweden. This study examines first if a change of attitude has occurred between the given years and whether the attitude is more positive, negative or neutral towards lobbyism in recent years compared to earlier years and lastly if the media are comparing different contexts in which lobbying takes place. The method of this study is based on quantitative content analysis, and on Kanol’s ideas that by implementing theories from different disciplines one can develop theories on comparative lobbying in order to increase and improve our knowledge on the phenomenon of lobbyism as the contemporary research on the subject are scars and underdeveloped. The material in this study are news articles that have been collected between 1970 to 2000 and every second year from 2000 up until 2014. This study also provides a comprehensive picture of the Swedish context in which lobbying takes place by gathering information from multiple sources and earlier studies as this information has as of yet not been gathered in a single study up until now. The conclusion is that there has been a change of attitude towards lobbyism in Sweden, however, the dominant attitude is not a negative but rather a more skeptical/cynical one which has increased since 1992. The term lobbying is controversial because it’s being mentioned in various topics that could be considered negative by the reader as the decision making whether the news article is negative or positive is subjective. Because the media has increased its negative news reporting overall and that the unconscious mind of the reader is also attracted to negative news reporting, the term lobbying can be considered “negative” overall as it is constantly being mentioned in negative contexts even when the article is not about lobbying. A reasonable explanation why the media has a more negative / skeptical attitude to lobbyism is because of previous scandals related to lobbying either in Sweden or outside the country's border, but also because the media can’t hold the elected officials responsible for their actions as transparency and accountability is absent. Because of the increased reporting in Sweden on lobbying from all over the world, the subject will most likely become more relevant on the Swedish political agenda.
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Der Stand der Demokratisierung und der Herausbildung einer Zivilgesellschaft in Ägypten am Beispiel des Diskurses über die autochthone christliche Minderheit der KoptenMacêdo, Martina Bolz de Jesus 19 October 2009 (has links)
Die Meinungen über die Chancen einer Demokratisierung im Nahen und Mittleren Osten sind geteilt. Diese Arbeit versucht für Ägypten eine Einschätzung zu geben. Als bevölkerungsreichstes und eines der politisch bedeutsamsten Länder der Region könnte es eine Vorbildfunktion einnehmen. Die Dissertation untersucht an einem Fallbeispiel, den Ausschreitungen zwischen Muslimen und Christen in einem oberägyptischen Dorf 1999/ 2000, in welcher Form und in welchem Ausmaß sich staatliche Akteure, religiöse Institutionen und die Bürger zum heiklen Thema der Gefährdung der Rechte von Minderheiten im öffentlichen Diskurs zu Wort melden und dabei das Kriterium des Pluralismus, im Sinne von Toleranz und Ablehnung von Gewalt, erfüllen. Pessimistische Stimmen versagen dem Nahen und Mittleren Osten insbesondere wegen der dort vorherrschenden Religion eine Reformierbarkeit der politischen Kultur und stigmatisieren den Islam als Demokratisierungshindernis. Diese Arbeit beobachtet jedoch, dass es empirisch bereits einige Merkmale gibt, die auf eine Zunahme von Pluralismus in der ägyptischen Gesellschaft hindeuten. Sie zeigt die Anzeichen für die Herausbildung einer freien Öffentlichkeit und einer Zivilgesellschaft auf, die langfristig auf die Konsolidierung von Demokratie und nicht auf deren Zerstörung hinarbeitet. Gleichzeitig ist diese Arbeit eine Art in Szene gesetztes, lebendiges „Who is who?“ der gegenwärtigen Minderheiten- und Menschenrechtsbewegung in Ägypten. 1 / The current status of democratization and civil society development in Egypt through the example of the discourse on the indigenous Christian minority of the Copts. Opinions regarding the chances of democratization in the Middle East are divided. The thesis attempts to give an evaluation in the case of Egypt. As the most populous and one of the politically most influencing countries of that region Egypt could take the function of a role model. The dissertation investigates, on the basis of a case study – the clashes between Muslims and Christians in an Upper Egyptian village in 1999/ 2000 - in what form and to what extent state actors, religious institutions and citizens take a stand in public discourse on the sensitive issue of endangering the rights of minorities and thereby meet the criteria of pluralism in the sense of tolerance and rejection of violence. Pessimistic voices deny the Middle East a reformability of its political culture particularly with regard to the predominating religion there and stigmatize Islam as an obstacle to democratization. This study however, shows empirically that there are already some indications that point towards an increase of pluralism in Egyptian society and towards the development of a free public sphere and a civil society that in the long term can lead to the consolidation of democracy and not to its destruction. At the same time this study is a kind of status report and “Who’s who?” of the current minority – and human rights movement in Egypt.
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