L’objectif de ce mémoire est double. D’une part, il vise à proposer un cadre d’analyse novateur permettant d’étendre le modèle du marketing politique, traditionnellement limité au cas des partis politiques, en l’appliquant aux stratégies de recrutement (en amont) et de lobbying (en aval) des groupes d’intérêt. D’autre part, il a pour but de donner un nouveau souffle à l’étude des groupes d’intérêt en tant que sous-champ de la science politique en situant leur action dans une perspective dynamique et stratégique. De façon plus spécifique, cette recherche vise à évaluer, à l’aide de deux hypothèses, le degré de déploiement global de l’approche marketing chez les groupes d’intérêt au Québec et à comparer son niveau de pénétration spécifique au sein des différentes organisations. La première hypothèse avance que le degré de déploiement global du marketing politique auprès des groupes d’intérêt québécois s’avère relativement faible en raison d’un certain nombre de facteurs contextuels qui ont historiquement limité son intégration au sein de leurs stratégies de recrutement et de lobbying. La seconde hypothèse affirme pour sa part que le niveau de pénétration spécifique de l’approche marketing est limité à certaines organisations et varie en fonction de certains facteurs qui peuvent s’avérer contradictoires. Les données recueillies lors d’entrevues menées auprès de douze des principaux groupes d’intérêt actifs à l’échelle du Québec tendent à confirmer les deux hypothèses. / The goal of this paper is twofold. On the one hand, it aims to offer an innovative analytical framework for extending the model of political marketing, traditionally limited to the case of political parties, by applying it to the recruitment (upstream) ad lobbying (downstream) strategies of interest groups. On the other hand, it aims to give new impetus to the study of interest groups as a subfield of political science by placing their actions in a dynamic and strategic perspective. In more specific terms, this research aims to assess, with two hypotheses, the overall level of deployment of the marketing approach among interest groups in Quebec and compare its specific level of penetration within the various organizations. The first hypothesis argues that the degree of penetration of global marketing policy with interest groups in Quebec is relatively low due to a number of contextual factors that have historically limited its integration within their recruitment strategies and lobbying. The second hypothesis assumes for his part that the level of deployment of specific marketing approach is limited to certain organizations and varies depending on certain factors which may be contradictory. The data gathered during interviews with twelve key interest groups active throughout the Quebec tend to confirm the two hypotheses. / Fonds québécois de recherche sur la société et la culture

This study examined the pattern of online public opinion change in China by investigating the top one hit blog and its following commentaries of every day from July 2009 to March 2012 on a famous Chinese website, and then discussed potential factors that affected the formation of online public opinion. The extent of freedom of online public opinion during this period presented regular fluctuations. Whether criticisms were registered by commentators was influenced by four factors. First and most important, the negative tone of bloggers increased criticism and the positive tone decreased criticism, which shows that the news that flows from the media to the public is amplified and interpreted by influential bloggers according to the two-step flow theory. Second, while national and local events had no effect, international news events decreased criticism because the public strongly supported the Chinese government. This was as important as the first factor. Third, the negative tone of events discussed in blogs increased criticism, which means that the mass media did have some direct influence through negative but not positive events. And fourth, when the government censored blogs and commentaries, the public shied away from criticism because their posts would probably be removed.

In 2008, President Barack Obama was named Advertising Age’s marketer of the year, the first time a politician won such an award. While presidential candidates have always employed marketing tactics in order to communicate their platform and persuade voters to support them, candidate Obama’s marketing campaign completely revolutionized the field. Through an innovative marketing strategy, candidate Barack Obama transformed himself from a mere political unknown in 2004 to a worldwide sensation by the time the general election started in 2008. His calls for “hope and change” and “post-partisanship” captured the hearts of Americans frustrated with failed Bush policy and constant gridlock in Washington. His inspirational speeches and words inspired a nation ready for a fresh and modern leader prepared to tackle twenty-first century problems. And, his innovative use of online and social media tools allowed millions of supporters to easily get involved in the campaign, igniting a movement never seen before in American elections. This paper analyzes how Barack Obama transformed political campaign marketing, utilizing both traditional and new ways to communicate and engage with the masses. This is accomplished by first illustrating a general framework for political marketing. Then, I examine the history of political campaign marketing, with a special emphasis on how technology has transformed the field over time. Lastly, I analyze how online and social media tools helped Obama win the election and how the internet has transformed the nature of political elections.

Undersökningen kartlägger innehållet på en latent och manifest nivå i de fotografier och texter som Moderaterna och Socialdemokraterna distribuerat genom Instagram som politisk kommunikationskanal under val-kampanjandet år 2014. Frågan är om avsändaren uppmanar till aktion och i så fall, hur? På vilket sätt framtonas respektive partiordförande? Och på vilket sätt innehåller kommunikationsbudskapet sakpolitiska frågor? Fyra legitima strategier för valkampanjande på Internet har använts och en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av de 143 bilder och texter som Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna distribuerat under perioden 1e januari till 13e september har legat till grund för undersökningen. I ljuset av teorin om framing och semiotik analyserades resultatet och de centrala upptäckterna är att de båda partierna till största del använder respektive Instagram-konto som en nyhetskanal i vilken dem informerar om samtida politiska aktiviteter. Instagram erbjuder de politiska partierna en möjlighet att involvera, informera, mobilisera och ansluta sina väljare utan censurering och filtrering från traditionell media. Denna uppsats redogör vidare för den potential Instagram som politisk kommunikationskanal har i svensk kontext. / This paper is mapping the content on a latent and manifest level in the pictures and texts, which have been distributed via Instagram as a political communication channel by Moderaterna and Socialdemokraterna during the Swedish election campaign in 2014. Does the sender invite the receiver to act? And in which ways are the prime minister candidates perceive in terms of salience? And in which way does the content discuss political issues in terms of salience? The theory of semiotics has been used when operationalization of the issue, on which a quantitative content analysis consisting of 143 images and text fragments that Socialdemokraterna and Moderaterna uploaded during the period 1st January to 13th September 2014 has been the basis for this research paper. In light of the framing theory the result and the key findings is that the two parties for the most part uses the respective Instagram account as a news channel, in which it inform the public about political activities. Instagram gives political parties an opportunity to both involve and mobilize voters without censoring and filtering from traditional media therefore the political parties should realize what potential Instagram has as a political communication channel.

<p>This study focused on how local politicians in Kalmar perceive journalists and their intertwined relationship. We based our study on the theoretical understanding of today’s media-centric democratic society. The ‘adversary model’ offered an understanding of the intricate relations between politicians and journalists. The relationship builds on constant trade where both parties are dependent on each other. Politicians exchange information to gain attention in the media. Journalists needs politicians as important sources of information and have the power to control the exposure that politicians get in the public eye. This study was researched and conducted through qualitative interviews with local politicians.</p><p>We found that experienced politicians have developed an understanding for journalistic work and that it is important to have a good relationship to reach out to their constituency. This professional relationship has to be kept at arm’s length as it otherwise risks to become too muddled. We learned that politicians are well aware of the need to adapt to media conditions – there were, however, examples of breakdowns in this precarious relationship.</p><p>The politicians in our study delivered several examples of how media adaptation is managed, e g how press conferences are scheduled according to media deadlines and are held at suitable locations so that photographers can get good pictures. Trust appeared to be the crucial condition for a rewarding relationship. Every politician in our study agreed that it is all a question of trust.</p>

Previous research has been done in the field of Political Communication, aimed to show a deeper understanding of how social media affects the public opinion. Less studies have been made aimed to understand how youth federation communicates with potential voters. We are therefore interested in gaining a deeper understanding of what three Swedish youth federations publish on their Instagram accounts to attract potential voters during the early stages of the election year 2018. The aim of this report is to examine and analyze how three of the biggest youth federations in Sweden communicates with potential voters though the social media platform Instagram during the first three months of 2018. Through a qualitative image analysis supplemented by informant interviews, we have been able to study which communication strategies the youth federations used when they published pictures on Instagram during the limited period of January 1 until March 3, 2018. Our findings suggest that the variation of the published material depends on what political marketing orientation the federation belongs to. We hope that our study can contribute with useful understandings into further research.

Esta dissertação descreve e analisa o debate público sobre o projeto do Pontal do Estaleiro entre as esferas pública, política e midiática. O terreno referente ao Pontal do Estaleiro se tornou uma polêmica durante a revisão do Plano Diretor de Desenvolvimento Urbano e Ambiental de Porto Alegre. Este projeto monopolizou um debate entre novembro de 2008 e agosto de 2009, ao sair do escopo da revisão do plano diretor e solicitar alteração da Lei Complementar 470 de 02/01/2002 (LC 470/2002) para permitir edificações residenciais em espaço de orla às margens do Guaíba. A polêmica rendeu duas aprovações do projeto, veto do prefeito e audiências públicas na Câmara de Vereadores. Acabou resultando em deliberação pública através da realização de uma consulta à população. O trabalho aborda a circularidade das questões nas cinco principais fases do debate, a partir das especificidades de cada instância. Na esfera política, analisaram-se os movimentos de accountability (prestação de contas) em notícias publicadas pela Câmara de Vereadores e Prefeitura Municipal nos respectivos sites. Na esfera pública, foram identificados os argumentos da arena de interlocução através da observação participante de uma audiência pública, duas reuniões do Fórum de Entidades e de entrevistas realizadas no dia da consulta pública. Na esfera midiática, foram examinadas as questões enquadradas nas principais coberturas jornalísticas sobre o Pontal, realizadas pelos jornais Zero Hora, Correio do Povo e Jornal do Comércio. Concluiu-se que as esferas realizam diferentes tipos de comunicação no debate. A esfera pública substanciou os principais argumentos que foram discutidos no debate público. Juntamente com a esfera política, foi mais permeável à circulação de questões em debate, mas ambas não conseguiram agendar a esfera midiática na exposição argumentativa. Assim, a mídia se mostrou menos permeável aos argumentos reduzindo a amplitude do debate público. / This thesis describes and analyzes the public debate on the development proposal for Pontal do Estaleiro between the public, politics and media spheres. Pontal do Estaleiro’s property became controversial during the revision of the Master Plan for Urban and Environmental Development of Porto Alegre. This project was the main focus of a debate between the months of November 2008 and August 2009, when it left the scope of the Master Plan review and a change of the Complementary Law 470 of 01/02/2002 (LC 470/2002) was requested in order to allow residential buildings to be built on the coast of Guaíba Lake. The controversy was such that the project had two approvals, the mayor's veto and public hearings at the City Council. It eventually was resolved through public deliberation by a query within the population. This work addresses the issues of circularity in the five main stages of the debate considering the specificities of each instance. In the public sphere, the arguments of the arena for dialogue were identified through participant observation of a public hearing, two meetings of the Forum of Entities and interviews done during the public consultation. In the political sphere, the movements of accountability were analyzed in reports published by the City Council and City Hall on their websites. In the media sphere, issues framed in the main news coverage on the Pontal made by Zero Hora, Correio do Povo and Jornal do Comércio were examined. It was concluded that the spheres carry different types of communication throughout the debate. The public sphere has substantiated the main arguments that have been discussed in public debate. Along with the political sphere, it was more open to the circulation of issues under discussion, but both failed to influence the media sphere's agenda towards the explanatory argument. Thus, the media showed itself less susceptible to arguments, reducing the extent of public debate.

Michel Rocard (1930-2016) apparaît comme un des premiers à s'être saisi des moyens de communication « modernes », dès la fin des années 1960, puis de manière plus systématique à partir de 1974 autour de groupes dédiés à son image (Groupe « image » et groupe Prospol). Il fait un large usage des techniques de marketing politique s'appuyant notamment sur des conseillers spécialistes du domaine, l'utilisation des sondages et du videotraining. Cela lui permet de se bâtir une légitimité médiatico-sondagière alors qu'il se trouve en marge du jeu politique. Toutefois, il ne parvient pas par ce biais à fragiliser le pouvoir de François Mitterrand sur le Parti. Il doit ainsi renoncer en faveur du Premier secrétaire à être candidat pour l'élection présidentielle de 1981. Déçu par les limites de cette ressource médiatico-sondagière il en devient l'un des principaux critiques et se forge un « complexe » à son égard. Il accuse les médias de simplifier à outrance et de rendre impossible l'exercice du pouvoir. Cela l'amène à délaisser la communication audiovisuelle, et à devenir de plus hostile aux journalistes, au point d'apparaître comme l'un des Premiers ministres (1988-1991) les moins communicants. L'absence de pédagogie autour de ses actions laissera toute la place aux critiques. Ainsi, après avoir quitté Matignon, il ne pourra pas s'appuyer sur un bilan ayant marqué les esprits et sera rapidement rattrapé par l'impopularité du PS d'alors. Dès lors, il ne parviendra pas à inverser la tendance et à conserver ses chances pour la présidentielle de 1995. / Michel Rocard (1930-2016) appears as one of the pioneers in french political communication. From the 1960's he adopted the new techniques of political marketing. In 1974, this preparation of his communication becomes organized systematically. Two main groups were created around political scientists, pollsters and journalists in order to shape his image, using opinion polls, video training and marketing methods. He used opinion polls and good media coverage in order to make up his marginality inside the French Socialist Party (directed by François Mitterrand). However, he failed to threaten the power of François Mitterrand on the Socialist Party. For the first time he had to renounce in favor of the Prime Secretary of the party. After this defeat he became progressively one of the main critics of the political communication. He accused the media for threatening the exercise of power. More and more he renounced Tv shows and became aggressive with journalists. Prime minister between 1988 and 1991 he avoided media coverage. Forced to resign in 1991 his appraisal was largely unknown. Even if he tried to reinforce his position becoming the leader of the French socialist Party in 1993, Michel Rocard was rapidly reached by the unpopularity affecting the Socialist Party.After a severe defeat during the European elections in 1994 he renounced to become the candidate for the presidential election in 1995.

The purpose of this paper is to describe the current communication techniques and strategies used by political parties resulting in these parties achieving significant growth, understand the components of those communication techniques in order to isolate the factors attributing to this achieved success and develop a model that can be replicated from a business organization in order to achieve similar beneficial results.The study revealed that there is a clear connection between political parties and business organizations, broadening the research fields of both entities respectively. Furthermore, the findings were categorized based on potential value, with practices such as “thriving on dissatisfaction”, “taking advantage of emotions”, “showing visible structures as an organization / political party”, “intentional use of weak signals”, “leader’s direct connection to audience” and “formulating receiver interpretation of signals” appearing to have high potential in achieving success if implemented correctly in the communication strategy.

Esta pesquisa analisa o projeto Pacto Pelo Rio Grande, fórum de discussões criado pela Assembléia Legislativa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul em 2006, com o propósito de buscar soluções consensuais para a crise financeira do Estado. Partindo da compreensão sobre a importância da visibilidade e da produção de imagem para a obtenção do apoio, do consentimento e da legitimidade da opinião pública na contemporaneidade, essa dissertação mostra como o projeto serve para configurar mecanismos de exposição de atores políticos em busca de visibilidade e produção de imagem em nome da convergência de interesses. Os objetivos foram atingidos por meio do estudo histórico-descritivo e do exame sobre as estratégias de comunicação e do discurso utilizados em três esferas distintas de visibilidade pública: a comunicação institucional (Assembléia Legislativa), a propaganda institucional (Pacto pelo Rio Grande) e a repercussão jornalística (jornal Zero Hora). / The present survey analyzes a project called 'Pacto pelo Rio Grande', a discussion forum created by the Legislative Authority of the estate of Rio Grande do Sul, in 2006, with the purpose of building consensual solutions for the economic crisis in the Estate. Starting from the understanding about the importance of visibility and construction of a certain image in order to obtain support, and of the consensus and legitimacy of public opinion nowadays, this thesis shows how the mentioned project serve as a mechanism to expose the political actors searching for visibility and as a way to produce a certain image that could influence public interests. The outcomes of the present work were reached throughout a historical study as well as an exam of the communication strategies and speeches found in three different spectrums of public visibility: the institutional communication (Legislative Authority), the institutional marketing (Pacto pelo Rio Grande) and the repercussion on the News (Zero Hora).