Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karen Lima Vieira.pdf: 1157511 bytes, checksum: a122c87fc4e009a799b968bc9e8f40ba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-14 / Institute recently inserted into the Brazilian legal system, the Clean Record Law, which emerged within the movement for greater transparency and ethics in politics, have contributed to a change in behavior and the Political Culture of the country. In this line, this thesis has in order to promote an approach on the impacts of this law in political frameworks, as well as how to act and interact in society and their representatives. Therefore, analyzes the Clean Record Law Municipal from the preparation process, their dissemination to public servants and popular participation and non-governmental entities as agents of change in the Political Culture in the political environment and the collective imagination, looking it from the context of the differential composition of powers / Instituto recentemente inserido no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, a Lei da Ficha Limpa, que surgiu no seio dos movimentos por maior ética e transparência nos meios políticos, têm contribuído para uma mudança nos costumes e na Cultura Política do País. Nessa linha, a presente dissertação tem o intuito de promover uma abordagem sobre os impactos causados por esta lei nos quadros da política, bem como na forma de agir e de interagir da sociedade e de seus representantes. Para tanto, analisa-se a Lei da Ficha Limpa municipal a partir de seu processo de elaboração, sua difusão aos servidores públicos e a participação popular e de entidades não governamentais como agentes de mudança na Cultura Política, no ambiente político e no imaginário coletivo, olhando-o a partir do contexto dos diferenciais da composição dos poderes

A Política Nacional de Juventude tem proposto a criação de políticas públicas calcadas nas concepções alternativas de democracia. Dessa forma, o problema posto para investigação é: as políticas públicas de juventude devem ser respostas eficientes para resolução ou amenização de demandas sócio-políticas determinadas que promovam governabilidade, ou devem contemplar uma visão mais ampla da política e promover o exercício cidadão intrínseco à própria políticademocrática? O objetivo da tese é analisar a participação política juvenil na construção da cultura política e sua percepção sobre a Política Nacional de Juventude no Brasil. Em uma perspectiva democrática, a pesquisa centra-se na juventude brasileira contemporânea e se caracteriza por um estudo de cultura política, que se alia aos estudos sobre política de juventude – instituições, ações, comportamentos e demandas da categoria em relação ao Estado e reciprocamente. A investigação pretende alcançar os seguintes objetivosespecíficos, 1) Perceber quais valores culturais e concepções da política têm se estimulado no Brasil; 2) Analisar os tipos e níveis de participação política dos/as jovens brasileiros/as; 3) Verificar a associação entre participação, cultura política e percepção de políticas públicas de Juventude no Brasil. Dessa maneira, através da metodologia quantitativa, foram analisados dados oriundos de surveys aplicados junto a jovens brasileiros/as de 18 a 29 anos, que compõe o banco de dados sobre juventude do IBASE-2008. Tais dados forma analisados através do cruzamento de variáveis, que foram submetidas ao teste qui-quadrado (ᵡ²), a analise de coeficiente de contingência e análisefatorial. As conclusões demonstram a tendência dos/as jovens a aprovarem a participação política não convencional. Os resultados obtidos apontam para associação entre participação e tolerância frente às diferenças em três casos de variáveis; nos outros casos testados os resultado obtidos apontam para inexistência de associação. Já os resultados obtidos nos cruzamentos sobre participação política dos/as jovens com a demonstração do conhecimento sobre a existência de projeto do governo direcionado para o/a jovem no país, exibem uma associação significativa entre essas variáveis. Os dados demonstraram, também, que a participação em qualquer instituição, não obrigatoriamente as de conotação política, proporciona maior conhecimento de projetos do governo. Os dados puderam ser separados em dois componentes de fatores, aqueles que se aproximam de uma participação mais institucional, ligada à noção de participação política, e uma participação mais cultural vinculada à noção de lazer e esporte. Entre esses dois componentes a percepção do/a jovem sobre o governo melhora dentre aqueles que participam em entidades ligadas a recreação e a religião, ou seja, a participação cultural. O somatório dos fatores observados aponta para confirmação da tese de que: a Política Nacional de Juventude não tem reforçado a ação da sociedade civil na construção de uma política com a juventude, mas sim aperfeiçoado mecanismos que permitem o Estado melhorar as repostas dadas aos/as jovens cidadãos/ãs para, assim, melhorar as condições de governabilidade no Brasil. / The National Youth Policy has been proposing the creation of public policies based on the alternative conceptions of democracy. That way, the research problem to the investigation is: the public policies for youth must be efficient responses to resolution or ease the appointed social-political demands that promote governability, or must contemplate a broader vision of politics and promote the citizen‘s exercise intrinsic to one‘s own democratic politics? The purpose of this thesis is to analyze youth political participation in the construction of political culture and its perception on the National Youth Policy in Brazil. Ina democratic perspective, the research focuses on contemporary Brazilian youth and is characterized by a study of political culture, which joins studies on youth policy- institutions, actions, behaviors and demands of the category in relation to the State and reciprocally. The research aims to achieve the following specific objectives: 1) To understand what cultural values and conceptions of politics have been stimulated in Brazil; 2) Analyze the types and levels of political participation of Brazilian youth; 3) to verify the association between participation, political culture and perception of public policies of Youth in Brazil. Thus, through the quantitative methodology, data from surveys applied to Brazilian youth from 18 to 29 years old, which compose the IBASE-2008 youth database, were analyzed. These data were analyzed through the crossing of variables, which were submitted to the chi-square test (ᵡ²), the contingency coefficient analysis and factoranalysis. The findings demonstrate the tendency of young people to approve unconventional political participation. The results obtained point to an association between participation and tolerance to differences in three cases of variables; in the other cases tested the results obtained point to no association. On the other hand, the results obtained in the crossings on the political participation of the young people with the demonstration of the knowledge about the political participation of the young people with the demonstration of the knowledge about the existence of a government project directed to the young person in the country, show a significant association between thesevariables. The data also showed that participation in any institution, not necessarily those of political connotation, provides greater knowledge of government projects. The data could be separated into two components of factors, those that approach a more institutional participation in any institution, not necessarily those of political connotation, provides greater knowledge of government projects. The data could be separated into two components of factor, those that approach more institutional participation, liked to the notion of political participation, and a more cultural participation linked to the notion of leisure and sport. Between these two components the youth‘s perception of the government improves among those who participate in entities liked to recreation and religion, that is, cultural participation. The sum of the observed factors points to confirmation of the thesis that: the National Youth Policy has not reinforced the action of civil society in the construction of a policy with youth, but rather improved mechanisms that allow the State to improve the responses given to the Young citizens to improve the conditions of governability in Brazil.

Este trabalho trata de analisar a Greve de Inquilinos de 1907 em Buenos Aires, movimento grevista de cunho anarquista que obteve grande repercussão. Organizado por moradores dos Conventillos (cortiços), o movimento reivindicava melhores condições de moradias, além da redução do preço dos aluguéis. Ao nos aprofundarmos nesse contexto percebemos que por trás de um verniz glamourizado de cidade rica e européia Buenos Aires escondia uma face em ebulição, repleta de pobreza e conflitos políticos. De modo que as condições adversas desse meio excludente e seus implicadores acabaram por dar origem à uma cultura política de caráter marginal junto à população mais pobre. Passando pela análise de periódicos, documentos oficiais, da verificação das transformações urbanas de Buenos Aires, enxergamos na mobilização dos inquilinos, e no surgimento dos conventillos, o ponto de partida para uma percepção mais profunda daquele projeto de sociedade, que privilegiava, sobretudo, a manutenção de um status quo. Nosso referencial teórico abrange três eixos principais, que passam pelas teorias da marginalidade de Aníbal. Quijano, José. Nun e Lucio Kowarick, pela análise dos discursos políticos de J. G. A. Pocock, e chegando aos estudos culturais urbanos, de Angel Rama e Beatriz Sarlo. / This work analyzes the Huelga de Inquilinos of 1907 in Buenos Aires, an anarchist strike movement of great repercussion. Organized by residents of the conventillos (tenement houses), the movement demanded better housing conditions, besides the reduction of rents price. When we delve deeper into this context we realize that behind a glamourized varnish of rich and European city Buenos Aires hid a boiling face, full of poverty and political conflicts. Thus, the adverse conditions of this exclusionary medium and its implicators eventually gave rise to a marginal political culture among the poorer population. Going through the analysis of periodicals, official documents, the verification of the urban transformations of Buenos Aires, we see the mobilization of the tenants, and the emergence of the conventillos, the tip of an iceberg that allows us to have a deeper perception of that project of society, which privileged , Above all, the maintenance of a status quo. Our theoretical reference encompasses three main axes, which pass through the marginality theories of Anibal Quijano, José Nun and Lucio Kowarick, by the analysis of political discourses of J. G. A. Pocock, and arriving at the urban cultural studies, of Angel Rama and Beatriz Sarlo.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karen Lima Vieira.pdf: 1157511 bytes, checksum: a122c87fc4e009a799b968bc9e8f40ba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-14 / Institute recently inserted into the Brazilian legal system, the Clean Record Law, which emerged within the movement for greater transparency and ethics in politics, have contributed to a change in behavior and the Political Culture of the country. In this line, this thesis has in order to promote an approach on the impacts of this law in political frameworks, as well as how to act and interact in society and their representatives. Therefore, analyzes the Clean Record Law Municipal from the preparation process, their dissemination to public servants and popular participation and non-governmental entities as agents of change in the Political Culture in the political environment and the collective imagination, looking it from the context of the differential composition of powers / Instituto recentemente inserido no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, a Lei da Ficha Limpa, que surgiu no seio dos movimentos por maior ética e transparência nos meios políticos, têm contribuído para uma mudança nos costumes e na Cultura Política do País. Nessa linha, a presente dissertação tem o intuito de promover uma abordagem sobre os impactos causados por esta lei nos quadros da política, bem como na forma de agir e de interagir da sociedade e de seus representantes. Para tanto, analisa-se a Lei da Ficha Limpa municipal a partir de seu processo de elaboração, sua difusão aos servidores públicos e a participação popular e de entidades não governamentais como agentes de mudança na Cultura Política, no ambiente político e no imaginário coletivo, olhando-o a partir do contexto dos diferenciais da composição dos poderes

In this thesis I discuss three normative claims that I take to be central elements of Charles Taylor’s political thought. The first of these is Taylor’s contention that, in contemporary pluralistic societies, justifying socially prevailing norms by appealing to universally binding moral values is unlikely to promote social solidarity. Because this approach tends to downplay the goods that people realise through membership in particular associations, Taylor believes we must adopt a model of justification that does not prioritise universal over particular goods if we are to further social co-operation. A second claim Taylor defends is that commitment to the liberal value of collective self-rule implies treating patriotically motivated public service as a non-instrumental good. We should not, Taylor argues, regard collective association as nothing more than a means to satisfying private goals. Taylor advances a third claim, that is, he maintains that liberal toleration for diverse ways of life may require a perfectionist state that supports particularistic ways of life when they are threatened by decline. I offer a qualified defence of the first two claims, but suggest that the third is less compelling. I attempt to do this by evaluating Taylor’s claims against the standards of lucid argumentation that he himself lays down. In discussing social and political norms, which he describes as “advocacy” issues, Taylor argues that our normative commitments necessarily rely on an underlying social ontology. More specifically, Taylor argues that the political values we defend are those that enable us to secure the interests we have as the bearers of an identity possessing both individual and collective dimensions. In setting out the conditions that favour integrated and free identity formation we may thereby reach a clearer understanding of the political norms that we wish to endorse. I argue that, while Taylor’s ontological reflections might well incline us to accept his model of justification and his account of patriotic social commitment, they do not of themselves dispose us to accept state perfectionism.

Contrairement à ce que plusieurs académiciens ont traditionnellement envisagé, la question principale qui a animé cette recherche s’est axée à indiquer comment les secteurs subalternes ont-ils exprimé leurs défis politiques pendant la période de 1770 à 1830 dans l’ancienne Gobernación de Popayán et comment ces actions ont marqué les relations entre les secteurs subalternes et les autres secteurs de la société de l’époque (composés principalement des criollos et péninsulaires). Alors, le propos principal de cette recherche a été celui de caractériser la culture politique des secteurs subalternes, exprimée à travers des actions collectives contentieuses pendant la période de 1770 à 1830 dans la Gobernación de Popayán, tenant en compte la transition politique qui s’est passé avec le processus d’indépendance qui eut lieu au début du XIXème siècle. Le but principal de cette recherche a donc été de comprendre les échangés, les tensions entre les secteurs subalternes et les groupes sociaux représentés par les élites créoles et péninsulaires, et comment au travers les actions collectives, les subalternes purent exprimer notions ou valeurs comme justice, liberté, et procurèrent aussi d’établir des mécanismes de solidarité d´action conjointe et mobilisation collective tout au long de ces années troubles / Contrary to what many scholars have traditionally contemplated, the main question that prompted this research centered on how the subordinate sectors expressed their political challenges during the period 1770 to 1830 in the former Gobernación de Popayán and how these actions marked the relations between the subordinate sectors and the other sectors of the society of the time (mainly composed of Criollo and Peninsular). The main purpose of this research was to characterize the political culture of the subordinate sectors, expressed through contentious collective actions during the period from 1770 to 1830 in the Gobernación de Popayán, taking into account the political transition that took place passed with the process of independence that took place at the beginning of the XIXth century. The main aim of this research was to understand exchanges, tensions between the subaltern sectors and the social groups represented by the Creole and Peninsular elites, and how through collective actions the subordinates could express notions or values as justice, freedom, and also to establish mechanisms of solidarity for joint action and collective mobilization throughout these turbulent years.

En analysant les almanachs illustrés et les autres publications associatives [1880-1918], on tente de cerner la culture politique propre au milieu national-allemand d'Autriche. On étudie tout d'abord les lieux de mémoire mis en avant par les intellectuels et les leaders nationalistes, tels qu'ils se manifestent dans la liturgie politique et dans les grandes narrations historiques. On s'emploie à montrer que suivant leur degré de radicalité, les militants ne leur donnent pas le même éclairage et n'établissent pas la même hiérarchie entre les référents historiques. On montre également que les activistes observent très attentivement les organisations rivales [tchèques, slovènes, italiennes] et s'approprient leurs lieux de mémoire, tout en leur donnant une interprétation radicalement di é- rente. On montre ensuite que les leaders associatifs cherchent à mettre le sentiment d'appartenance locale au service du sentiment national. Pour ce faire, la jeune discipline de la Volkskunde [ethnologie nationaliste] leur apparaît comme un instrument adéquat, parce qu'elle théorise l'insertion des individus dans des cercles concentriques [famille, lignée, communauté linguistique, etc.]. On s'intéresse donc aux collections des petits musées locaux créés par les antennes locales des associations, au catalogue de leurs bibliothèques, qui ont toujours pour mission de sensibiliser les visiteurs aux spécificités de leur environnement géographique immédiat, et de leur montrer que ce dernier s'insère harmonieusement dans la grande nation allemande. / Working from an analysis of illustrated almanacs and other publications by nationalist organizations established in Austria between 1880 and 1918, this study attempts to outline the political culture of the German-national milieu in Austria. It focuses first on the significant landmarks of historical memory which nationalist intellectuals and leaders called attention to and which were highlighted in the political commemorations and the grand historical narratives which they upheld. Our work shows that depending on their degree of radicalization, activists did not regard these landmarks in the same way, and they didn't establish the same hierarchy between them. It also reveals that activists observed rival [czech, solvene or italian] organizations very closely, and that they appropriated their signi cant "realms of memory", albeit with radically different interpretations. This study then attempts to explore how organization leaders sought to make the sentiment of local belonging serve the feeling of national belonging. With this aim in view, the new discipline known as Volkskunde [nationalist ethnology] was perceived as an adequate tool, because it provided a theoretical frame inserting individuals into a series of concentric circles [family, genealogical line, linguistic community, etc.]. This work looks at the collections of small local museums created by local branches of organizations, and at their library catalogues, whose mission was always to make visitors aware of the specificities of their immediate geographical surroundings and to show them how these surroundings were a part of the overall harmony of the great German nation.

This study examines the political attitudes of seven educated Egyptians from Alexandria, Egypt. It seeks to understand their interpretations of the U.S. democratization policy in the Middle East, the Greater Middle East Initiative. The goal is to understand if these Egyptians are receptive to the suggestion of democratic reforms and Egypt. Personal interviews with open-ended questions allowed for individual insights and rich depth of information. Interviews were conducted in Alexandria, Egypt as a traditionally liberal city with a long history of exposure to Western ideas. The respondents are a part of a small elite subgroup of Egyptian society. As typically more liberal and open to Western ideas, educated members of Egyptian society have a distinct political culture and have been examined separately from the mass population. Aside from one anti-Islamic respondent, the respondents express an overall negative view of the U.S. government, of which three cite positive feelings toward American people. Six of the seven respondents had very similar political attitudes including a belief that that the U.S. invaded Iraq as a quest for oil and to control of the Middle East, not for genuine democratic reforms. Every participant expressed considerable pessimism about the prospects for democratization in the region. The majority do not welcome America’s call for reform in Egypt because of mistrust of the U.S. or the belief that American values are illsuited for Egyptian society. The results show that the personal narratives of these seven Egyptian individuals are very similar to the perspectives found in public opinion surveys previously conducted among the masses in Egypt. Qualitative interviewing showed their strong belief that there is an all-powerful U.S.-Jewish conspiracy that enacts policies to target the Arab world. This neo-colonial worldview interprets and perceives all negative political events as an example of the repeated injustices against Arabs and Muslims by Western powers.

This thesis aims to study obstacles which Turkey faces regarding EU accession. The main focus will be at the historical context and background information to clarify Turkey-EU relationship and institutional aspects such as; the Copenhagen criteria will be analyzed. Interaction between identity politics and Turkeys Europeanization project will be examined by analyzing arguments regarding this issue. The historical context is important for realizing in how Turkey's negotiation process is affected and how the process is evolved. By examining this, a more transparent understanding is going to develop in the issue of why Turkey never will be able to identify itself with the EU. Analysis regarding why Turkey as a secular state develops into an increasingly Islamized state is highlighted. Answers must be given to whether Turkey can be interpreted as a "bridge" between East and West and where we can place Turkey in the spatial context.In relation to this process, it`s important to notice that changes in Turkey from the Euro-friendly attitude it once had has gradually turned to the more Euro-skeptic position. One of the several reasons to Euro-skepticism may be the ongoing economic growth. This, as many other factors contribute to the self-confidence, which in turn affects internal arguments about a new era of the so-called neo-ottomanization. By presenting arguments related to the process, it will be made clear how Turkey increasingly clarifies its position within the civilizations. The thesis will present that there is a trend towards Islamization which the AKP government gives impetus for. The intention is to see if the era with the AKP government will push Turkey to democracy or even more of an Islamization. This paper will point out the actual intentions of AKP and its politicians. It will clarify their ideas about a possible EU membership, Europeanization and integration. This process will be illustrated by using Samuel Huntington’s theoretical perspective by the "Clashes of civilizations" as inspiration throughout the thesis. In the part of empirical analysis, debates and arguments is cited and examined, with a critical idea analysis and also structured with argumentation analysis.

The &ldquo / German Question&rdquo / was on the agenda of the international community from the last quarter of the nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth century. Following the end of the World War II, due to the existence of a Soviet threat, the incorporation of West Germany into the liberal-democratic institutions of the western world was the principal issue to be dealt with. Following the reunification of Germany and the end of the bipolar international structure, the &ldquo / German Question&rdquo / was revisited. The German insistence on the early recognition of Croatia and Slovenia and German participation in the Kosovo War brought questions whether Germany has become more assertive and on the way to return to the power politics. This dissertation will analyze German foreign and security policy in the post-Cold War era in order to understand whether Germany has shifted from its civilian and multilateral orientation or has made small adjustments in its policies to adapt to the new international structure. In approaching the issue, the study attempts to link the theoretical and practical aspects under the guidance of a conceptual framework provided by realist, neorealist and constructivist approaches. Through contextualizing the coexistence of realist, neorealist and constructivist factors in German foreign and security policy, the dissertation argues that although Germany has made some small policy adjustments to adapt to the new international structure, German foreign and security policy has not shifted from its civilian and multilateral orientation.