This study looks at political culture and socialisation responses to Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM). It identifies political culture and socialisation as part of a process, the development of a political culture with specific attitudes, cognitions, and feelings towards the political system. Political culture and socialisation impart the knowledge of how to act politically, i.e. how to apply values in formulating demands and making claims on the political system. They form a connecting link between micro- and macro-politics. The study maintains that political orientations are handed down from one generation to another, through the process of political socialisation. Top-down and bottom-up influences come into play to augment a discourse on the global nature of political socialisation and the political culture of international societies with regard to IWRM and governance ideologies. It is argued that these international ideas become relevant in the national political agenda, civil society organisations and trans-national networks. The IWRM aspects of water as an economic good and a basic human right have become a two-edged sword in the South African context. The study reveals that politics stand at the epicentre of water problems, and that IWRM is a political-ethical issue which challenges power bases in many communities. The IWRM global norms of equitable, efficient and sustainable use of water resources have become a major problem in a water-scarce country burdened with economic inequalities and abject poverty. This is a pressing issue because there is an increasing demand for water to sustain the development necessary to redress the draconian ills of the apartheid past. This becomes evident in the fundamental legislative overhaul that has taken place since 1994, embracing a transformation culture that glorifies the norm of water not only as a fundamental human right, but also as a commodity that is necessary to sustain human dignity. It is here that water is politicised. Violent protests have erupted in reaction to perceived neo-liberal attempts to deny the poor their access to this resource. The political culture and socialisation responses as far as IWRM is concerned appear within fragmented lines, i.e. mainly black and poor communities embrace a culture of non-payment for services and resort to violent protests as a viable method to raise their concerns. In contrast, the white and middle-class communities manifest a tendency to form parallel local government structures; they then withhold rate payments and provide services for themselves through ratepayer associations. Finally, the study considers the South African context with regard to the manifestations of political culture, and how this influences water resources. It is evident that there is too much emphasis on politics at the expense of discussions on IWRM. Civil society organisations make very little attempt to encourage public participation in water management structures. It also appears that political elites who are disillusioned with civil society organisations tend to derail their efforts to educate the public on water management structures. / MA, Political Studies, North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2011

Politische Kultur hat politischer Kultiviertheit wenig zu tun. Sie erfasst vielmehr die „subjektive Dimension von Politik“ – Meinungen, Einstellungen und Werte der Bevölkerung gegenüber Politikern, dem Parlament, den Institutionen uvm. Mehr als ein Vierteljahrhundert nach der Deutschen Wiedervereinigung fragt dieses, aus einem Forschungsseminar an der TU Chemnitz hervorgegangene Umfrageprojekt nach ausgewählten Aspekten der lokalen politischen Kultur in Chemnitz. Dazu zählen die Wahrnehmung der politischen Institutionen, die Einschätzung der demokratischen Teilhabechancen, das Sozialkapital sowie schließlich die Nutzung digitaler Medien. / Political Culture has nothing to do with a civilized mode of political behaviour, Instead, it embraces the “subject dimension of politics” – opinions, attitudes and value orientations of society toward politicians, parliament, and other institutions of political life. More than 25 years after German re-unification this project – a product of a research seminar conducted at TU Chemnitz in 2016 – illuminates selected aspects of local political culture in “Saxony’s Manchester”, including the societal perception of political institutions, the evaluation of democratic participatory opportunities, social capital as well as the relevance of social media for political participation.

This thesis aims to explain how politics in 14th century Scandinavia were structured by a set of rules or norms of conduct – rules which were neither codified nor enforced by any outside agency, yet had a very real impact on the patterns by which political action was conducted. Taking inspiration from historical anthropology, the study sets out to analyze the ways in which political tensions and relationships, primarily within the royal elite, were negotiated in various situations. The source material – mainly letters of treaties, but also contemporary literary sources – are treated as remains of political communication within a common discursive framework. The findings of the study go against some established notions about politics in the 14th century that are prevalent in current Scandinavian research. On the whole, patterns of political behaviour during the period show great similarities to those of the earlier Middle Ages, despite the discontinuity implied by the idea of the 13th century as the era of "state formation" in Scandinavia. Rather, the kings and princes of the 14th century appear to have been ruled by quite similar norms of behaviour to those of their predecessors, albeit on a more complex scale. The concepts of peace and justice are shown to have been central to the way that political action was legitimized. No functional difference can be shown to have been made between "feudal" or personal relations, and those of the state. Peace was conceived as a state of harmony, which could only be achieved through the establishment of mutual positive bonds, and an active striving for justice. The latter was achieved, both with the aid of mediators and negotiators, and through the demonstration of force, in patterns largely similar to the practice of feuding. Likewise, acts of supplication and reconciliation are shown to have played an active part in the way that political relations were reified during the process of ending an armed conflict.

Considerando que a qualidade de uma democracia depende não apenas de níveis altos de participação, mas de uma participação equilibrada entre diferentes grupos, o presente trabalho realiza uma investigação sobre os determinantes da participação e o perfil das pessoas que participam de atividades políticas diversas no regime democrático brasileiro. Foram realizadas regressões logísticas e ordinais com a participação em: petições, protestos, boicotes, voto; atividades de partidos políticos, Conselhos e Orçamento Participativo, e discussões. Os resultados demonstram que o interesse por política é importante para todos os tipos de participação, exceto a participação eleitoral. A educação só demonstrou relações estatisticamente significantes com protesto, petição e discussão, contrariando as tendências frequentemente achadas na literatura nacional e internacional. A participação em Conselhos demonstrou uma correlação robusta com variáveis relacionadas ao capital social. Destaca-se também a correlação negativa entre apoio à democracia e participação em alguns modelos estimados. / Given that the quality of democracy depends not only on high levels of political participation, but also on the equality of participation among different groups, this dissertation aims to investigate the determinants of participation and the profile of people who engage in several political activities in the Brazilian democratic regime. In order to attain that goal, we carried out logistic and ordered regressions on the participation in petitions, protests, boycotts, vote, party activities, Social Councils and Participatory Budget and political discussion. Results show that political interest is important for all kinds of participation, except for turnout. Education has shown statistical significance only with protest, petition and discussion, going against trends frequently found in both national and international literature. Engagement in Councils and Participatory Budget has shown a robust correlation with independent variables related to social capital. It is also worth to emphasize the negative correlation found between support for democratic regime and some kinds of participation.

As políticas públicas de cultura no Brasil bem como o surgimento de leis de incentivo fiscal geraram, nos últimos anos, novas possibilidades de viabilização da produção cultural, tornando-se assunto de grande relevância na construção social brasileira. Atualmente o principal enunciado utilizado para viabilizar ações culturais no Brasil é o projeto cultural, aliado às leis de incentivo à cultura, razão pela qual elaboramos a questão principal desta pesquisa: de que forma o gênero discursivo projeto cultural se constitui na esfera político-cultural brasileira? Para responder essa pergunta, defendemos a perspectiva de que os projetos culturais são constituídos e constituem a esfera político-cultural no Brasil. O corpus principal da pesquisa é formado por nove projetos culturais aprovados nas leis de incentivo nos últimos anos. Observaremos ainda as leis de incentivo à cultura e os editais de cultura em três âmbitos públicos: o federal, o estadual e o municipal. Por meio de uma análise metalinguística bakhtiniana, observaremos como estes enunciados operam na esfera político-cultural brasileira e como o gênero do discurso projeto cultural se relaciona a outros enunciados, inclusive aqueles de outras esferas ideológicas. O fundamento da pesquisa está nos conceitos teóricos do Círculo de Bakhtin - relações dialógicas, esfera, forma arquitetônica, autoria, signo ideológico, cultura e principalmente gênero do discurso auxiliados pela reflexão de Bourdieu, Geertz, Gramsci, Hobsbawm, Ortiz, Chauí e Coelho a respeito da relação entre Estado e cultura. A análise dos aspectos composicionais, temáticos e estilísticos comprovou a relativa estabilidade do gênero projeto cultural que reflete e refrata as influências dos discursos das esferas cultural, política, econômica, estatal, legislativa, corporativa, publicitária, midiática e artística, que, em seu conjunto, formam a esfera político-cultural brasileira na atualidade / In recent years, Brazilian public cultural policies and the emergence of fiscal incentive laws generated new alternatives for cultural production, becoming a subject of great relevance in Brazilian social construct. The main utterance currently used to facilitate cultural activities in Brazil is the cultural project which, combined with cultural incentive laws, is the reason why we elaborate the main issue for this research: in what ways does the \"cultural project\" speech genre constitute the Brazilian political culture sphere? To answer this question, we uphold the perspective of cultural projects as constituting and being constituted by the political and cultural sphere in Brazil. The main research corpus is composed of nine projects approved by cultural incentive laws in recent years; we will also investigate the cultural incentive laws and cultural public edicts at three levels: federal, state and municipal. Using Bakhtin\'s metalinguistic analysis, we look into how these utterances operate in the Brazilian political cultural sphere and how the cultural project discourse genre relates to other utterances, those of other ideological spheres included. The theoretical concepts of Bakhtin\'s Circle act as philosophical basis for this research: dialogical relations, sphere, architectural form, authorship, ideological sign, culture, and especially genre of discourse, supported by the thoughts of Bourdieu, Geertz, Gramsci, Hobsbawm, Ortiz, Chauí, and Coelho on the relationship of state and culture. The analysis of compositional, thematic, and stylistic aspects proved the relative stability of the \"cultural project\" genre, reflecting and refracting the influences of discourses of other spheres: cultural, political, economic, state, legislative, corporate, advertising, mediatic, and artistic, all of which form, together, the Brazilian political cultural sphere today

Cette thèse a pour but de comprendre pourquoi et comment les rébellions touarègues du Niger se forment, se pérennisent et réapparaissent malgré une efficacité marginale dans l’accomplissement de leurs buts politiques. L’analyse des mobilisations est fondée sur une approche sociohistorique qui en montre les tendances longues et permet de resituer les facteurs de déclenchement des mouvements récents. On voit apparaître une porosité entre les temps de guerre et de paix qui permet au rebelle de conserver un statut et à la rébellion d’évoluer sous l’effet conjugué des influences extérieures et de la créativité politique de ses acteurs. Au-delà de la temporalité du conflit s’est développé un répertoire culturel qu’on peut définir comme une culture politique rebelle. On montre d’abord qu’il existe depuis les premières rencontres avec la France une histoire de résistance qui s’inscrit dans un cadre politique plus complexe que généralement décrit et installe durablement une représentation du combattant. On voit ensuite que ces processus se réalisent dans la rébellion des années 1990, qui a mobilisé des combattants aux parcours sociologiques divers favorisant l’émergence de son influence après les accords de paix. Enfin, la rébellion et les rebelles en tant qu’acteurs politiques se pérennisent dans une culture politique, qui est renforcée par la voix de la diaspora et enfin par le monde occidental, dans un jeu de miroir constant et éminemment productif. Ce travail privilégie une « approche par le bas » qui situe les rebelles au centre des analyses. Au-delà du cas nigérien, cette approche critique les analyses unidimensionnelles des conflits dominantes dans le monde académique et les institutions du développement. / This work aims at understanding why and how Tuareg rebellions in Niger form, last and reappear although they have proven only marginally efficient at reaching their political goals. The analysis of the mobilizations is based on a sociohistorical approach, which shows their trends in the long-term and allows us to reconsider the start factors of the most recent movements. One can see a porosity appear between times of war and peace, which allows the Rebel to retain his status and lets the rebellion evolve under the influence of both outsiders and the political creativity of its actors. Beyond the conflict’s timeframe, a cultural repertoire has developed, that might be defined as a political culture. I show first that since their first encounter with the French the Tuaregs have had a history of resistance included in a political frame much more complex than usually described. This history has also contributed to establish a representation of the combatant. Then one will see that those processes find a realization in the rebellion of the 1990’s. By mobilizing combatants with very diverse backgrounds, this rebellion has built a sustainable influence after the peace agreements. Lastly, the rebellion and the rebels as political actors last as a political culture reinforced by the voices of the diaspora as well as the Western World, through a highly productive mirror effect. This work favors an approach “from below”, putting the rebels at the center of the analysis. Beyond the case of Niger, this approach criticizes the one-dimensional analysis that dominates academic research as well as the institutions of economic development.

[pt] Esta tese propõe uma reflexão sobre a implementação da Política Nacional de Assistência Social (PNAS) e, por conseguinte, do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS) em Duque de Caxias/RJ, levando em consideração a história e as expressões da cultura política local. Para tanto, parte do pressuposto de que, a partir da promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988, as políticas sociais brasileiras foram, paulatinamente, sendo fundamentadas em uma perspectiva democrática, na condição de garantidoras de direitos sociais. Apesar de administrativamente descentralizadas em sua execução, essas políticas ainda se encontram submetidas a uma espécie de centralidade federal, uma vez que o Poder Executivo Federal determina as diretrizes nacionais a serem seguidas em sua execução pelos municípios. Por outro lado, o presente estudo considera que a autonomia constitucional dada aos municípios permite que as diretrizes nacionais sejam reestruturadas de forma a garantir que a implementação das mesmas ocorra de acordo com as realidades locais. Nesse sentido, o cumprimento dessas diretrizes nacionais é frequentemente influenciado pela trajetória histórica local e seu modo de fazer política, configurados, no caso do município de Duque de Caixas, na permanência de práticas que tornam visíveis os traços da cultura política conservadora, pautada numa lógica de mando e subserviência. O município de Duque de Caxias foi eleito, como campo de estudo e pesquisa, tendo em vista as suas características contraditórias pautadas, de um lado, no elevado padrão de arrecadação tributária, por reflexo da industrialização local, e de outro, pelos elevados índices de desigualdade social, refletidos na significativa precariedade do padrão de vida de sua população. O estudo abordou essas contradições, que decorrem do processo histórico de formação do município e são explicitadas por intermédio de práticas permeadas pelo autoritarismo, assistencialismo, clientelismo e pela cultura do medo, que se perpetuam e agem sob novas configurações na atual execução da política de Assistência Social, ainda que esta esteja pautada em uma perspectiva democrática. / [en] This thesis proposes a reflection on the implementation of the Brazilian National Social Assistance Policy (PNAS) and therefore of the Unified Social Services (SUAS) in the city of Duque de Caxias (Rio de Janeiro State, Brazil), considering the history and expressions of the local political culture. For this purpose it assumed that after the promulgation of the Constitution of 1988 the Brazilian social policies were gradually being treated in a democratic perspective in order to guarantee social rights. Although administratively decentralized these policies are still subject to a kind of federal centralization as the federal government determines national guidelines to be followed by the municipalities. On the other hand the study considers that the autonomy given to municipalities by the 1988 Constitution allows them to proceed an adaptation of national guidelines in order to ensure that they are implemented in accordance with local realities. The fulfillment of these national guidelines is often influenced by the local history and its way of performing politics. In the case of Duque de Caxias, it is possible to identify some traces of a conservative political culture based on the logic of power and subservience. The municipality of Duque de Caxias was selected as field of study because of its contradictory features: high tax collection and industrialization rates in opposite to low standards of living and high social disparity. The study addressed these contradictions and tries to explain them through the analysis of the national and local history identifying some practices as permeated by authoritarianism, paternalism, clientelism and influenced by the culture. It also points out that these practices perpetuate themselves under a democratic disguise.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:42:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Benato Zanoni.pdf: 1533121 bytes, checksum: 0a098208502d2477e85ef90763956869 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-14 / The conquering of democracy in Brazil legitimated through the Constitution of 1988, signified the growth of commom autonomy related to political questions and the selection of leaders through election, and was, without a doubt a huge step which effects commom sovereignty and liberty. However, our highly acclaimed democratization was implemented in a country where political culture is deep-rooted in proslavery, patrimonialism, coronelism, that is, we have a framework of a disturbed political history, where to circunvent the law, norms, defraud elections, buy votes, is something which has always occurred with a certain naturalness. The time of election is still seen by some as a time where you have the opportunity to obtain favours or goods in exchange for your vote. Besides, we can still observe that many people vote without even knowing the inherent function of each cargo in office, for example, the function of a Federal Representative or of a Senator. The choice of a voter to vote in a particular candidate or not, can be influenced by the church, school, media, family, though campaign promises, through the candidate s carisma or even the lifestyle in which the voter finds himself in. There are multiples determinants that are capable of guiding a vote, and our study deals exactly with these aspects, which starts recapitulating a little of our political culture and the democratization of the country, that is, the basis where our present day Brazil is resting and ends with a field research, which portraies the behavior of the voters of the city of Ponta Grossa. / A conquista da democracia no Brasil, legitimada através da Constituição de 1988, significou o crescimento da autonomia popular no que se refere a questões políticas e à escolha dos governantes através do voto direto, e foi sem dúvida um grande passo no que tange a soberania e liberdade popular. No entanto, a nossa tão aclamada democratização foi implementada em um país cuja cultura política é arraigada no escravismo, no patrimonialismo, no coronelismo, ou seja, temos um arcabouço histórico-político bastante conturbado, onde burlar leis, normas, fraudar eleições, comprar votos foi algo que sempre ocorreu com uma certa naturalidade. O período de eleição ainda é visto por alguns como o momento em que se tem a oportunidade de obter favores ou algo material em troca do voto. Além disso, ainda podemos observar que muitos eleitores votam sem ao menos ter conhecimento sobre a função inerente a cada cargo público, como por exemplo, a função de um Deputado Federal ou de um Senador. A escolha de um eleitor em votar em um determinado candidato ou não, pode ser influenciada pela igreja, escola, mídia, família, por promessas de campanha, pelo carisma do candidato ou ainda pelas condições de vida em que se encontra esse eleitor. São múltiplos os determinantes capazes de nortear o voto, e trata justamente desses aspectos o nosso estudo neste trabalho, que começa recapitulando um pouco da nossa cultura política e da democratização do país, ou seja, a base onde está repousando o nosso Brasil de hoje e se encerra com uma pesquisa de campo, a qual retrata o comportamento dos eleitores da cidade de Ponta Grossa.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2017-10-11T14:08:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Lindomal dos Santos Ferreira_.pdf: 4435765 bytes, checksum: e0f73f39dc98a4bff8bec912cf1ea152 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-11T14:08:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lindomal dos Santos Ferreira_.pdf: 4435765 bytes, checksum: e0f73f39dc98a4bff8bec912cf1ea152 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-29 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese trata da dinâmica da participação nos/dos Conselhos Municipais de Educação/CME’s: um no município de Castanhal no Estado do Pará, e; outro no Município de Novo Hamburgo no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. A pesquisa que deu base a este relato orientou-se por uma perspectiva participante e, sua análise, se deu à moda comparada. No trabalho de campo foram realizadas, entrevistas semiestruturadas com o apoio de gravador de onde se produziu diário de campo bem como se reuniu um conjunto de fontes primárias, das quais destacam-se, os documentos dos CME’s e o conteúdo das entrevistas dos seus conselheiros. O total dos trinta depoimentos revelou o contexto da participação, o que se constituiu da identificação das individuais experiências de socialização, das vivências políticas e da atuação desses conselheiros nos CME’s, revelando a participação política como um fenômeno presidido por dinâmicas culturais resultantes de pretéritas experiências de socialização que tem moldurado as opções políticas do presente. No seu conjunto, este trabalho revelou que a cultura ou performance dos conselheiros nos seus respectivos CME’s, debitaria de suas experiências individuais de participação, tende a se constituir mais participativa na medida em que são mais recorrentes, o que significa dizer que quanto mais experiências políticas, conselheiros e seus próprios CME’s detém mais possibilidades de consolidação de participação. / This thesis deals with the dynamics of participation in the Municipal Councils of Education (CMEs, in Portuguese): one in the city of Castanhal, in the State of Pará, and another in the city of Novo Hamburgo, in the State of Rio Grande do Sul. The research in which this report was based was focused on a participant perspective and its analysis was made through a comparison methodology. In the field work, semi-structured interviews were carried out with the support of a voice recorder, from which the field diary was produced, as well as a set of primary sources, highlighting the CME documents and the content of interviews of their Counselors. The total of the thirty statements revealed the context of participation, which consisted of the identification of the individual experiences of socialization, of the political experiences and of the work of these Councilors in the CMEs, revealing the political participation as a phenomenon presided by cultural dynamics resulting from previous experiences that have shaped the political choices of the present. Taken together, this paper revealed that the culture or performance of Counselors in their respective CMEs depend on their individual experiences of participation, and it tends to become more participatory as they get more recurrent, which means that the more political experiences, Counselors and their own CMEs have more possibilities of consolidation of participation.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-05-08T18:40:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 espelho_enganos.pdf: 1391806 bytes, checksum: b3680154bb9e47a99441e1407ea3c7a7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-08T18:40:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 espelho_enganos.pdf: 1391806 bytes, checksum: b3680154bb9e47a99441e1407ea3c7a7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-28 / Nenhuma / Esta dissertação se detém na análise da dinâmica das relações de poder que caracterizaram a Monarquia portuguesa no contexto da Restauração ocorrida em 1640. Pretende-se perceber até que ponto a condução da res publica e as relações de poder mantidas entre o Rei - a cabeça do corpo político português - e seus súditos - dentro e fora do Reino - estiveram de acordo com as premissas teológicas e filosóficas que fundamentavam e legitimavam o pensamento político católico e cuja inteligibilidade era garantida pelas preceptivas retóricas que ordenavam o discurso político português seiscentista. Para tanto, analisamos três textos que se ocuparam de questões políticas dos Seiscentos, debruçando-se, especialmente, sobre a articulação entre práxis e discurso político: a carta escrita pelo Padre Antônio Vieira ao Bispo do Japão, intitulada Esperanças de Portugal, Quinto Império do Mundo, primeira e segunda vida de el-rei D. João o quarto, escritas por Gonçaliannes Bandarra,de 1659; a História do Futuro - Livro Anteprimeiro, do mesmo autor, de 1667, e, ainda, Arte de Furtar, de autoria do Padre Manuel da Costa, de 1652. / This thesis aims at discussing the dynamics of power relations that characterized the Portuguese monarchy in the context of the Restoration, which took place in 1640. Our purpose is to understand to what extent the bearings of public life and the power relations maintained between the King - the head of the Portuguese political body -, and his vassals - both inside and outside the kingdom - were in line with the theological and philosophical assumptions underpinning and legitimizing the Catholic political thought, whose intelligibility was guaranteed by the precepts of rhetoric that ordered the seventeenth century Portuguese political discourse. For this, we use three embossed political texts of political issues from that period of time. One of the texts is a letter written by Father Antonio Vieira to the Bishop of Japan, entitled Hope of Portugal, Fifth Empire of the World, first and second life of King D. João the Fourth, written by Gonçaliannes Bandarra, in 1659; the second is the History of the Future - Book Before the First, from the same author, in 1667, and the latter is the Art of Stealing, written by Father Manuel da Costa, in 1652.