O presente trabalho tem como proposta estudar os efeitos de sentido produzidos pelo emprego de metáforas discursivas, enquanto escolhas linguísticas contextualizadas culturalmente e transmissoras de ideologia, como estratégia argumentativa construtora de significado. Além de constituírem estratégia argumentativa de eficácia já comprovada por estudiosos como Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (2005 [1958]), as metáforas podem também revelar valores e ideologias, pois, como dizem Lakoff e Johnson (2002[1980]), nosso sistema conceptual é basicamente metafórico, portanto, nosso pensamento é metaforicamente estruturado e sua manifestação através da enunciação é reveladora da relação que temos com o mundo. Neste estudo, em que se procede à análise de pronunciamentos e entrevistas de Fernando Collor de Mello, por se tratar de análise do discurso político, optou-se ainda por utilizar como abordagem teórico-metodológica a Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD), conforme proposta de Fairclough (1997), instrumento de estudo da linguagem como prática social, forma de ação sobre o mundo. O objetivo é fazer um estudo crítico no intuito de desvendar a maneira pela qual alguém exerce o controle sobre uma ocasião social através das formas linguísticas que emprega (WODAK, 2004). As Teorias da Metáfora e a Análise Crítica do Discurso encontram seu ponto de convergência na proposta teórica de Charteris-Black (2004), a Análise Crítica da Metáfora. Definida por seu autor como uma abordagem semânticocognitiva que analisa criticamente metáforas presentes em discursos e manifestos políticos para evidenciar sua importância como veículo da ideologia no discurso de áreas em que influenciar julgamentos é um objetivo central, a ACM (Análise Crítica da Metáfora) foi incluída nessa pesquisa dada a sua pertinência no estudo das escolhas metafóricas de Fernando Collor de Mello. Foram selecionadas algumas formulações discursivas atribuídas ao referido político, ex-presidente da República do Brasil e atual senador pelo estado de Alagoas, amostras que, acredita-se, retratam momentos diversos de sua atribulada trajetória política, ilustrando o teor de sua relação com o poder. A hipótese é que as metáforas nelas utilizadas sejam reveladoras de aspectos cognitivos, culturais e ideológicos da visão de mundo de Fernando Collor, constituam sua identidade e sejam eficientes estratégias argumentativas, visto que se estabelecem como forma de ação e interação persuasiva em um meio social. A análise do corpus permitiu observar que Collor, por meio da linguagem metafórica que emprega em seus discursos, frequentemente apela à emoção e ao imaginário de seus interlocutores na tentativa de construir uma identidade de força e combatividade e de fazê-los aderirem às suas ideias; torna, assim, suas manifestações discursivas em fértil campo de estudo sobre transmissão de ideologia e habilidade argumentativa. / This work proposes to study the effects of meaning produced by the use of discursive metaphors, while culturally contextualized linguistic choices and ideology transmitters, as an argumentative strategy of meaning construction. In addition to being an argumentative strategy whose effectiveness was already proven by scholars such as Perelman and Olbrechts- Tyteca (2005 [1958]), metaphors can also reveal values and ideologies, because, according to Lakoff and Johnson (2002 [1980]), our conceptual system is basically metaphorical, so our thought is metaphorically structured and its manifestation through language use may reveal our relationship with the world. In this political discourse study, which carries out the analysis of some of Fernando Collor de Mellos speeches and interviews, the option was to use Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as a theoretical and methodological approach proposed by Fairclough (1997), an instrument for language study as social practice, action over the world, therefore. The goal is to make a critical study in order to reveal how one exerts control over a social occasion through linguistic forms he employs. (Wodak, 2004). Metaphor Theories and Critical Discourse Analysis find their point of convergence in Charteris-Black (2004) theoretical proposal, Critical Metaphor Analysis. Defined by its author as a semanticcognitive approach that critically examines metaphors in political speeches and manifestos to highlight its importance as a vehicle of ideology in areas where influencing judgments is a central discourse goal, CMA (Critical Metaphor Analysis) was included in this research given its relevance in the study of Fernando Collor de Mello metaphorical choices. Some discursive formulations assigned to that politician, former Brazils president and current senator for the state of Alagoas, were selected, samples believed to depict different moments of his eventful political career, illustrating the content of his relationship with power. The hypothesis is that metaphors used in them are indicative of Fernando Collors cognitive, cultural and ideological worldview, constitute his identity and work as efficient argumentative strategies, since they set themselves as ways of persuasive action and interaction in a social environment. Corpus analysis helped identify that Collor, by employing metaphorical language in his speeches, often appeals to his counterparts emotion and imagination, in an attempt to build an identity of force and toughness and to make them adhere to his ideas, thus turning his discursive manifestations into a fertile field of study on ideology transmission and argumentative skills.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T18:22:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alice Pasqualina Vitorino Ribeiro.pdf: 619376 bytes, checksum: 0599de92976490379ead687927e4c28b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-07-19 / Based on the problematic Brazilian political relations, I analyze the political discourse during electoral campaign. The analyzed corpus constituted of spots exhibited on the TV during dispute of the São Paulo s town hall, in 2008, by Marta Suplicy (PT) and Gilberto Kassab (DEM) candidates. From procedure lecture based on French Discourse Analysis, as proposed by Maingueneau, and based in the relation between different discourse plans, with focuses on the ethos and cenography notions, the work aims to perceive the sense effects built in political discourses. The corpus constitution and analysis, use evidential paradigm (GINZBURG, 1991), whose proposal is like discourse analyst activity, which characterize fundamentally evidential description which become possible understand different discourse plans. Analyses realized perceive different cenographies. The ethos of candidates might be composed of several traces. DEM enterprise ethos meets traces as competence, informally and humor. PT ethos is more maternal , conservative and aggressive. The research possibility concluding which spots of electoral campaign tend an infantilization process of political discourse, campaign trivialization, with traces of humor, tendency that seeming confirm in the Republic presidential electoral campaign in 2010 / No âmbito de reflexões sobre a problemática das relações políticas no Brasil contemporâneo, analiso o discurso político em época de campanha eleitoral. O corpus analisado é constituído de spots veiculados na televisão por ocasião da disputa à Prefeitura de São Paulo, em 2008, pelas candidaturas de Marta Suplicy e Gilberto Kassab, dos partidos PT e DEM, respectivamente. A partir de procedimentos de leitura ancorados nos princípios da Análise do Discurso francesa (AD), sob a perspectiva de Dominique Maingueneau (1997, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2010), e com base na relação entre os diferentes planos do discurso, com ênfase nas noções de cenografia e ethos, o trabalho procura depreender os efeitos de sentido criados em discursos políticos. Para a constituição e análise do corpus, utilizo o método indiciário (GINZBURG, 1991), cuja proposta se assemelha à atividade do analista do discurso que se caracteriza fundamentalmente pela descrição de indícios que tornam possível a interpretação dos diversos planos do discurso. As análises realizadas permitem depreender diversas cenografias. O ethos de uma candidatura parece se compor de vários traços. O ethos empreendedor do DEM reúne traços como a competência, descontração e humor. O do PT apresenta um tom mais maternal , conservador e agressivo. A pesquisa permite concluir que os spots das campanhas eleitorais tendem a um processo de infantilização do discurso político, de banalização das campanhas, com traços de espetacularização pelo humor, tendência que talvez se possa confirmar na campanha eleitoral de 2010 à presidência da República

The present study considers the diachronic changes that took place in Soviet political discourse as reflected in six selections of Pravda editorials from the 1920s through the 1950s, as well as slogans and headlines in that newspaper from 1917 through 1933. The principal goal of analyses conducted on various levels is to identify and investigate a number of tendencies demonstrating the gradual transformation of the language of revolution into totalitarian language. A quantitative analysis of the vocabulary of slogans and headlines in Chapter 2 focuses on chronological changes in words and addresses the contexts in which they were used. The same material is used in a review of the polarization of vocabulary in positive and negative contexts. Chapters 3-6 are devoted to a qualitative analysis of editorial texts on three levels: lexical rhetorical means (Chapter 3), semantically charged elements of argumentation (Chapter 4), and the overall composition of the text (Chapter 5). Chapter 6 concludes the study with an illustration of the devices considered in Chapters 3-5 based on two editorials, one each from the revolutionary and totalitarian periods. The analysis identifies a number of stable elements present throughout the period under study, such as the self – other opposition and references to the classics of Marxism-Leninism. At the same time, noted on all levels are changes illustrating the process by which the language of revolution was gradually transformed into totalitarian language. These include the disappearance from rhetoric of emotionality, imagery, and elements of logic, as well as stylistic leveling and an increase in the frequent repetition of the same conclusions and clichés.

The relationship between the state and the people is a central theme in political theory. Discussions in this field have often centered on how a people can come to constitute a state. Less attention, however, has been directed toward the state’s role in constituting and recreating its people. This book examines the Swedish state’s role in forming the people by regulating the use of reproductive techniques: insemination, in vitro fertilization (IVF), and donations of sperm and eggs. The study focuses on how the issue of assisted reproduction was handled and problematized in Swedish policymaking between 1981 and 2005. What problem representations dominated the political debates and decision-making processes surrounding assisted reproduction? How was conflict expressed within the field of reproductive politics (i.e., what aspects caused conflict or political disagreement)? How did collective fantasies play into the political treatment of reproductive technologies? Using historical government and Riksdag material, four major policy debates have been analyzed, from the first legal regulation of assisted reproduction in Sweden in the 1980s up until the inclusion of lesbian couples as beneficiaries of gamete donation. Theoretically, the study is inspired by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s political discourse theory, Lacanian psychoanalysis, and the “logics approach” developed by Jason Glynos and David Howarth. This combination of perspectives allows for a dual focus on both the form of political articulations and their affective force. Thus, the analysis tries to capture what was taken for granted within the discourse on reproduction (social logics), what arose as points of political conflict or contention (political logics), as well as the affective underpinnings of these social constructions and struggles (fantasmatic logics). The main result of the study is that even though the period saw a quite revolutionary development of new reproductive technologies, the reproduction policies under study took on much more moderate and hesitant character. Throughout the analyzed period there was a more or less consensual view that new reproductive technologies should only be allowed if they did not go against the “child’s best interest.” At the same time, there was significant political conflict over what constituted this interest. Moreover, the reforms that were made never fully embraced the radical implications of the new technologies. Rather, they clung on to previously established patterns of what a “real” family looked like. Thus, every move to allow a new technology or include another category of people as legitimate users of that technology was contingent upon the articulation of a discursive equivalence with previously naturalized methods of reproduction, ultimately taking the heterosexual, nuclear family as an implicit model. Finally, I argue that the production of “sense” in this terrain of radical undecidability was dependent on the mobilization of a series of collective fantasies about “natural life processes,” “nature’s imperfections,” “a humanist view of mankind,” “the stable, original nuclear family”, and so on.

Целью диссертации являлось представить особенности техники аргументации в российском и литовском политических дискурсах 2000-2007 гг. Для достижения цели исследования были поставлены задачи установить, каковы в избранном для анализа материале: а) когнитивные структуры используемой аргументации, б) реализации элементов аргументативного дискурса: способы введения тезиса в текст и содержание и объем аргументов в поддержку тезиса. Предмет исследования – ежегодные выступления президентов России и Литвы В. Путина и В. Адамкуса с 2000 г. по 2007 г. Выбор президентских посланий в качестве предмета исследования мотивирован особой репрезентативностью этих текстов, играющих исключительную роль в политической жизни. Для анализа использовались следующие методы: когнитивный анализ – для установления структур сознания производителя идеологизированного текста; логико-риторический анализ – для исследования логической и нелогической сторон убеждения, сопоставительный метод – для сравнения полученных результатов. Каждая из перечисленных методик на первом этапе носила дескриптивный характер, в процессе интерпретации – критический характер. Внимание уделялось качественным признакам исследуемого объекта. Новизна исследования заключается в неразработанности поставленной проблемы: как в отношении предмета исследования (вопросам аргументации в литовском политическом дискурсе до сих пор не уделено достаточного внимания), так и в отношении разработки методов анализа аргументации (до сих пор не... [полный текст, см. далее] / Šio tyrimo tikslas buvo aprašyti argumentavimo technikos ypatumus metiniuose Rusijos prezidento Vladimiro Putino ir Lietuvos prezidento Valdo Adamkaus kreipimųsi tekstuose nuo 2000 iki 2007 m. Tyrimo tikslui pasiekti buvo iškelti šie uždaviniai: a) remiantis tyrimo medžiaga nustatyti kognityvines argumentacijos struktūras, b) aprašyti argumentacinio diskurso elementų realizacijas (tezės pateikimo tekste būdus, argumentų, kuriais grindžiama tezė, turinį ir apimtį). Darbe naudoti šie tyrimo metodai: kognityvinė analizė − ideologinio teksto kūrėjo sąmonės struktūroms nustatyti; loginė ir retorinė analizė − įtikinimo loginiam ir neloginiam aspektams ištirti; lyginamasis metodas − gautiems rezultatams palyginti. Tyrimo naujumas argumentuojamas tuo, jog darbe iškelta problema nėra išsamiai nagrinėta: tai pasakytina ir apie tyrimo medžiagą (argumentacijos klausimams lietuvių politiniame diskurse iki šiol nebuvo skiriama pakankamai dėmesio), ir apie argumentacijos analizės metodus (vis dar nėra sukurta išsami politinio diskurso argumentacijos analizės metodika). Disertacijai ginti teikiami šie teiginiai: 1. Prezidento kreipimasis yra hibridinio tipo kalbėjimo aktas, kuriame dera aprašomojo, vertinamojo bei argumentacinio kalbėjimo aktų savybės. 2. Tezė prezidento kreipimesi neeksplikuojama; klausytojas turi ją suprasti loginės indukcijos būdu, apibendrindamas pavyzdžius, kurie atlieka argumentų vaidmenį. 3. Kognityvinių struktūrų realizacija yra prezidentų kreipimųsi argumentacijos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The goal of the present research was to describe the peculiarities of argumentation technique in Russian and Lithuanian Presidents’ (Vladimir Putin and Valdas Adamkus, respectively) annual speeches covering the period of 2000-2007. In attempt to achieve the goal of the research, the following objectives have been pursued: a) what cognitive structures operate in particular argumentation, b) how the elements of argumentative discourse are realized (i.e. the ways of introducing a thesis statement into the text; the content and volume of arguments supporting the thesis). The methods employed are cognitive analysis (to distinguish the speaker’s structures of the conscious in attempt to generate an ideological text), logical-rhetorical analysis (to imply logical and illogical ways of persuading) and contrastive method (to examine and compare the findings). The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the research question has not been analysed in depth so far, i.e. neither the research subject (the issue of argumentation in Lithuanian political discourse has not received much attention yet), nor working out the methods of argumentation analysis (effective methods of argumentation analysis in political discourse have not been fully developed so far) were much of linguists interest. The claims of the dissertation: 1. Presidential annual speeches seem to be a hybrid type of a speech act which incorporates the qualities of descriptive, evaluative and argumentative speech acts. 2... [to full text]

The purpose of this research was to investigate how political leaders of the United Kingdom and Lithuania, David Cameron and Andrius Kubilius legitimize themselves and delegitimize their opponents through metaphors. To achieve this aim Critical Metaphor Analysis was employed and the following objectives were set: to identify metaphorical expressions used in political speeches; to interpret them and to classify them according to their underlying conceptual metaphor; finally, to explain the way conceptual metaphors and metaphorical expressions convey how political leaders legitimize themselves and delegitimize the opponents. The results of the study demonstrated that the conceptual metaphors used for legitimization and delegitimization are the same in both political leaders’ speeches. However, metaphorical expression used for legitimization and delegitimization displays different characteristics. It also demonstrated that politicians tend to use more metaphorical expressions to convey legitimization than delegitimization. / Magistro darbo tema „Konceptualios metaforos raiška legitimizacijos ir delegitimizacijos procesuose“. Šio tiriamojo darbo tikslas yra išsiaiškinti kokiomis konceptualiosiomis metaforomis Davidas Cameronas ir Andrius Kubilius legitimizuoja save ir delegitimizuoja savo oponentus. Buvo iškelti šie tiriamojo darbo uždaviniai: pirmiausia, surasti metaforinius pasakymus politinėse kalbose, tuomet suklasifikuoti šiuos pasakymus pagal priklausymą konceptualiąjai metaforai ir, galiausiai, paaiškinti kaip metaforiniai pasakymai atskleidžia būdus, kuriais politikai legitimizuoja save ir delegitimizuoja savo oponentus. Tyrime buvo naudojamas Kritinis metaforos analizės metodas pasiūlytas Charterio-Blacko, kuris susideda iš trijų dalių, tai: metaforinių pasakynų suradimas, jų priskyrimas konceptualiąjai metaforai ir galiausiai, paaiškinimas. Pagrindinis tyrimo klausimas buvo išsiaiškinti, kuo skiriasi konceptualiųjų metaforų naudojimas legitimizacijai ir delegitimizacijai Davidas Cameronas ir Andriaus Kubiliaus politinėse kalbose. Tyrimas parodė, kad tiek legitimizacijai tiek delegitimizacijai abu politikai naudoja tas pačias konceptualiąsias metaforas: POLITIKA YRA KARAS, POLITIKA YRA KELIONĖ, ir POLITIKA YRA PASTATAS. Taip pat tyrimas parodė, kad Davidas Cameronas ir Andrius Kubilius naudoja daugiau metaforinių pasakymų išreikšti legitimizacijai nei delegitimizacijai. Tai buvo pastebėta, kai delegitimizuodami savo oponentus politikai nenaudojo kai kurių konceptualiųjų atitikmenų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

The MA paper analyzes the conceptual metaphors which were used in pre- and post-elective speeches of presidents Bill Clinton and Valdas Adamkus and how the choice of metaphorical expressions influenced the voters' choice. / Darbas analizuoja konceptualias metaforas Bilo Klintono ir Valdo Adamkaus prieš ir po rinkiminėse politinėse kalbose ir kaip metaforų naudojimas įtakojo rinkėjų pasirinkimą.

This thesis analyses the change of the Albanian national identity and ideology during its contemporary history, beginning from the national awakening period up to post-communism. The break with the dictatorial Enver Hoxha regime marked the begining of a new era for the Albanian ideology and politics. To this regard, the political elite, played a prominent role in the process of transition and the opening of Albania to the world.The prospect for the EU membership became the major motivation of the Albanian political class for the break with the past authoritarian regime and change. The European integration process has notably affected political elite&#039 / s imagination of Albanian culture and history and Albania&#039 / s place in Europe. The desire for a rapid integration urged Albanian political elite to re-establish the relations with the neighbouring countries by re-designing the foreign policy in compliance with the new imperatives of geopolitics.

Submitted by Maria Medeiros (maria.dilva1@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-08-07T12:26:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LEANDRO JOSÉ SANTOS - TESE (PPGCS) 2018.pdf: 1647220 bytes, checksum: 082ed52f44810a3a8daa3ff50c7c95f7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T12:26:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LEANDRO JOSÉ SANTOS - TESE (PPGCS) 2018.pdf: 1647220 bytes, checksum: 082ed52f44810a3a8daa3ff50c7c95f7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02 / Apresentamos uma análise do personagem Lula no programa radiofônico Café com o presidente e a sua relação com o tipo de liderança que povoou o imaginário social brasileiro no primeiro mandato do governo petista. Para o atingimento dos objetivos, utilizam-se as noções de imagem pública e de mitologia política. Do ponto de vista metodológico, a arena política foi tomada como espaço dramatizado, propício a atuações cênicas. Acreditou-se que como acontece nas narrativas míticas e nas encenações teatrais, os participantes do jogo político se comportam em público como estivessem interpretando papéis. Na metodologia também são utilizados os conceitos da Nova Retórica, através dos quais foram analisados os acordos e estratégias discursivas que permitiram apreender o caráter da personalidade pública de Lula no programa radiofônico Café com o presidente. Aqui, o discurso se configurou como lugar onde as formas simbólicas e as disputas por elas realizadas tomam corpo e se concretizam. A partir de uma abordagem microscópica, o estudo pautou-se apenas nas edições produzidas no primeiro mandato dos governos Lula. O argumento básico da Tese é que apesar de sua materialidade como sujeito empírico, como um ser de carne e osso que existe no mundo real, no Café com o presidente Lula se comportou arquetipicamente como um homem comum, uma figura dramática concernente ao campo do imaginário social e das mitologias políticas. Partindo do contexto daquele programa de rádio, afirma-se que a liderança que ali se apresentou não foi o “Lula real”, mas uma imagem, um fenômeno simbólico produzido no imaginário e que se manifestou através da enunciação de uma forte argumentação política, objetivando a manutenção, o controle e o exercício eficaz do poder político. Apesar da estrutura e aparência, defende-se que Café com o presidente não foi um “autêntico” programa de radiojornalismo, mas o lugar estratégica e racionalmente escolhido para que Lula pudesse fortalecer e legitimar a imagem de homem simples e de líder preocupado com as demandas de “seu povo”. Argumenta-se que Lula é um comunicador inigualável, que vê o mundo a partir de sua experiência sensível, e de uma história de vida que subjetivamente o aproxima do eleitorado brasileiro, que o autoriza a se comunicar com os segmentos mais pobres utilizando a linguagem do homem comum. Percebe-se que naquele programa de rádio, o enunciatário do discurso presidencial não era uma instância abstrata e universal, mas uma imagem concreta a quem se destinava uma narrativa específica. No Café com o presidente, o discurso político lulista, apesar de emotivo, era minuciosamente calculado e consciente, ou seja, racionalizado. No rádio, o enunciador do discurso presidencial não encontrou dificuldades para mobilizar o imaginário dos segmentos pobres da população brasileira. Isso aconteceu não somente pelo fato de “o Lula real” ter vivenciado a pobreza, nem de ter atuado como sindicalista ou de ter conhecido de perto as mazelas brasileiras, mas por o personagem Lula ser um exímio conhecedor daquilo que move e comove os seus interlocutores, o que o autorizou a assumir o papel temático de homem comum e se colocar como o legítimo representante dos setores mais pobres da sociedade brasileira. Nesta Tese, compreende-se que em seu programa de rádio, Lula não apenas se pôs no lugar do pobre, ele se igualou ao seu interlocutor e velou os seus dramas. Ao procedermos a uma análise argumentativa dos discursos ali pronunciados, percebe-se que ao relatar as suas experiências, o ex-presidente estabeleceu uma identidade discursiva com os batalhadores e com a ralé que, tomados como protagonistas da ação governamental aderiram à máscara ritual que se lhes apresentava. No Café com o presidente, a identidade e reciprocidade entre Lula e seu público ocorreu através do reconhecimento e compartilhamento de subjetividades relativas às formas de ser, pensar e agir dos batalhadores e da ralé. Identidade e reciprocidade advindas da carência material e cultural e que passam pelo reconhecimento do drama e dor da fome, se estabelecem pelo sofrimento e estigma do trabalho diário e pesado e, no caso da ralé, também passam pela ausência de condições que permita aos indivíduos se apropriarem de elementos que possam dar às suas vidas algum sentido. / It presents an analysis of the character Lula in the Brazilian radio program Café com o presidente and its relationship with the type of leadership that populated the Brazilian social imaginary in the first term of the president’s party government. To achieve the objectives, the notions of public image and political mythology are used. From the methodological point of view, the political arena was taken as dramatized space, conducive to scenic performances. It was believed that as in mythical narratives and theatrical plays, participants in the political game behave in public as they were playing roles. In the methodology also the concepts of the New Rhetoric are used, which made possible to analyze discursive strategies that allowed apprehending the character of the public personality of Lula in the radio program Café com o presidente. Here, the discourse has been configured as a place where the symbolic forms and the disputes that they held take shape and materialize. From a microscopic approach, the study was based only on issues produced in the first term of Lula’s governments. The basic argument of the Dissertation is that despite its materiality as an empirical subject, as a flesh-and-blood being that exists in the real world, in the radio program Café com presidente, Lula behaved archetypically as an ordinary man, a dramatic figure concerning the field of social imaginary and political mythologies. From the context of that radio program, it is affirmed that the leadership presented there was not the "real Lula", but an image, a symbolic phenomenon produced in the imaginary and that was manifested by means of the enunciation of a strong political argumentation, aiming the maintenance, control and effective exercise of political power. Despite the structure and appearance, it is defended that Café com o presidente was not an "authentic" radio journalism program, but the place strategically and rationally chosen so that Lula could strengthen and legitimize the image of a simple man and a concerned leader of the demands of "his people". It is argued that Lula is an unequalled communicator, who sees the world from his sensitive experience, and a life story that subjectively brings him closer to the Brazilian electorate, which authorizes him to communicate with the poorer segments using the language of the ordinary man. It is noticed that in that radio program, the enunciator of the presidential speech was not an abstract and universal instance, but a concrete image to who a specific narrative was destined. In the Café com o presidente, Lula’s political discourse, although emotional, was meticulously calculated and conscious, that is, rationalized. In radio, the enunciator of the presidential discourse did not find difficulties to mobilize the imaginary of the poor segments of the Brazilian population. This happened not only because "the real Lula" had experienced poverty, or had acted as a syndicalist or has known the Brazilian maladies closely, but because the character Lula is a knowledgeable exponent of what moves and moves deeply his interlocutors, which allowed him to assume the thematic role of an common man and to place himself as the legitimate representative of the poorer sectors of the Brazilian society. In this dissertation, it is understood that in his radio program, Lula not only put himself in the place of the poor, he matched to his interlocutors and veiled sincerely their dramas. When we proceed to an argumentative analysis of the speeches pronounced there, it is noticed that in reporting his experiences, the former president established a discursive identity with the battlers and the rabble that, taken as protagonists of the governmental action, adhered to the ritual mask that presented them. In the Café com o presidente, the identity and reciprocity between Lula and his audience occurred through the recognition and sharing of subjectivities related to the ways of being, thinking and acting of the strugglers and the rabble. Identity and reciprocity arising from material and cultural deprivation which recognize the tragedy and pain of hunger, establishing by the suffering and stigma of daily and heavy work and, in the case of the rabble, also go through the absence of conditions that allow individuals to elements that can make their lives meaningful.

This study investigates the use of two communicative strategies in particular, namely self- repair and repetition, in political interviews with Jean-Claude Juncker where English is used as a lingua franca (ELF). While ELF has received increasing attention throughout the past years, with a variety of researched genres ranging from higher education (e.g. Björkman 2011; Kaur 2011; Mauranen 2006) and business (Bjørge 2010; Firth 1996; Ehrenreich 2009; Pullin Stark 2009) to domestic settings (e.g. Klötzl 2014; Pietikäinen 2014), the genre of political interviews remains largely under-researched – despite it being such a highly international and high-stakes domain. Therefore, the aim of the present research is to include this domain to the list of researched genres, and thereby to gain a better understanding of how a politician uses ELF in his official role. The data comprises four interviews with the president of the EU-commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, with a total interview-time of 35 minutes. The interviews have been transcribed in their entirety for the purpose of the present study, and the data was analysed drawing on conversation analytic approaches. Both self-repair and repetition were frequently identified as clarification strategies in the data and their functions comply to a large extent with previous findings from ELF research (e.g. Kaur 2011; Lichtkoppler 2007; Mauranen 2006). Repetition was found to be used as a strategy to specify utterances and ensure understanding and self-repair to either right the wrongs or raise explicitness. In addition to that, the use of repetition showed some interview-genre related functions as well, such as the use of repetition to influence and interrupt the regular turn-taking structure of interviews. This study shows that the use of ELF is in fact to a certain extent different in political interviews than in other researched genres, and therefore suggests that further studies within this genre would significantly contribute to the field of research into ELF.