Notre projet de recherche se situe dans le cadre de l’analyse du discours en tant que discipline qui traite le fonctionnement du discours en situation. Notre propos s’inscrit donc dans la relation entre événement et discours, en particulier au sein du débat institutionnel français lors du remplacement monétaire du franc opéré par la monnaie unique, autrement dit lors du « passage à l’euro ». Ce sujeta demandé aux locuteurs de notre corpus de rechercher de façon continue l’adhésion de leurauditoire. Pour cette raison, une approche argumentative s’est tout de suite imposée à notrerecherche : nous avons ainsi mis l’accent sur l’utilisation de formes et structures intra-discursivesfinalisées à créer un climat de confiance ou de méfiance envers la monnaie unique.Notre attention s’est concentré sur l’étude des stratégies argumentatives en relation avec les positionnements et les thèses politiques et économiques défendues à l’intérieur de ce débat.Quelles stratégies de persuasion ont été employées en France pour argumenter ce passage ? À travers quels types d’arguments les locuteurs ont-ils organisé l’objectif de leur discours? Finalement, existe-il un discours sur l’euro associable à des argumentations spécifiques selon les places argumentatives occupées par ses partisans et ses opposants ? / Our research project belongs to discourse analysis as a discipline that deals with the operation of thespeech in situation. Our aim is therefore in the relationship between event and discourse,particularly in the institutional French debate when franc has been replaced by a unique currency,the Euro. The speakers of our corpus had to build confidence in Public audience. For this reason, anargumentative approach was necessary for our research. So, we have focused on the use of formsand structures intra-discursive finalized to create a climate of trust or distrust towards the uniquecurrency. Our attention is focused on the study of different forms of argument in relation to thepolitics positions and economic theses defended within this debate.What persuasive strategies were used in France to argue this passage? Through what kind ofarguments the speakers have organized the objective of their speech? Finally, is there a speech onthe euro associable with specific arguments according to the argumentative places occupied by itssupporters and opponents?

The purpose of this research was to investigate how political leaders of the United Kingdom and Lithuania, David Cameron and Andrius Kubilius legitimize themselves and delegitimize their opponents through metaphors. To achieve this aim Critical Metaphor Analysis was employed and the following objectives were set: to identify metaphorical expressions used in political speeches; to interpret them and to classify them according to their underlying conceptual metaphor; finally, to explain the way conceptual metaphors and metaphorical expressions convey how political leaders legitimize themselves and delegitimize the opponents. The results of the study demonstrated that the conceptual metaphors used for legitimization and delegitimization are the same in both political leaders’ speeches. However, metaphorical expression used for legitimization and delegitimization displays different characteristics. It also demonstrated that politicians tend to use more metaphorical expressions to convey legitimization than delegitimization. / Magistro darbo tema „Konceptualios metaforos raiška legitimizacijos ir delegitimizacijos procesuose“. Šio tiriamojo darbo tikslas yra išsiaiškinti kokiomis konceptualiosiomis metaforomis Davidas Cameronas ir Andrius Kubilius legitimizuoja save ir delegitimizuoja savo oponentus. Buvo iškelti šie tiriamojo darbo uždaviniai: pirmiausia, surasti metaforinius pasakymus politinėse kalbose, tuomet suklasifikuoti šiuos pasakymus pagal priklausymą konceptualiąjai metaforai ir, galiausiai, paaiškinti kaip metaforiniai pasakymai atskleidžia būdus, kuriais politikai legitimizuoja save ir delegitimizuoja savo oponentus. Tyrime buvo naudojamas Kritinis metaforos analizės metodas pasiūlytas Charterio-Blacko, kuris susideda iš trijų dalių, tai: metaforinių pasakynų suradimas, jų priskyrimas konceptualiąjai metaforai ir galiausiai, paaiškinimas. Pagrindinis tyrimo klausimas buvo išsiaiškinti, kuo skiriasi konceptualiųjų metaforų naudojimas legitimizacijai ir delegitimizacijai Davidas Cameronas ir Andriaus Kubiliaus politinėse kalbose. Tyrimas parodė, kad tiek legitimizacijai tiek delegitimizacijai abu politikai naudoja tas pačias konceptualiąsias metaforas: POLITIKA YRA KARAS, POLITIKA YRA KELIONĖ, ir POLITIKA YRA PASTATAS. Taip pat tyrimas parodė, kad Davidas Cameronas ir Andrius Kubilius naudoja daugiau metaforinių pasakymų išreikšti legitimizacijai nei delegitimizacijai. Tai buvo pastebėta, kai delegitimizuodami savo oponentus politikai nenaudojo kai kurių konceptualiųjų atitikmenų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Bearing in mind the big role media plays in shaping public opinion and the importance of understanding how ideologies can be conveyed to the public through language, this study uses qualitative analysis to investigate the discursive representation changes around the existence of the Taliban or what they call themselves now, the Islamic Emirate, in the Afghan media before and after the power shift. In specific, it illustrates how linguistic devices are used to transmit the discourse changes through the used language in the Afghani newspaper to legitimize or delegitimize having the Taliban in Afghanistan. The primary data of this study consists of articles published in English from a digitalized newspaper published in Afghanistan. This study uses Corpus Linguistics to organize the findings around the representation of the Taliban in the gathered data. Findings results were analyzed through CDA and Fairclough, the three-dimensional model, to reveal the alteration that occurred to the discourse, which can, in turn, show the way how language devices are used to circulate the Taliban’s various images among the recipients.

The diploma thesis "Some Features of Persuasive Language in Selected Presidential Campaign Speeches of Two Candidates" aims to investigate how the rhetorical device of conceptual metaphor is employed in the election campaign speeches of Barack Obama and Mitt Romney addressed mainly to the Hispanic voters to develop the myth of the American Dream. The political speeches were analyzed under the theoretical framework of the critical metaphor analysis and critical discourse analysis. Besides the analysis of the metaphorical concepts that support the myth creation, other rhetorical devices were examined in the selected corpus of the both speeches for their persuasive function.

In their book, Fairclough and Fairclough (2013) claim that political leaders’ main role is to make choices in difficult situations. Due to the coronavirus outbreak worldwide, every political leader was called to make difficult decisions and to announce them to their respective public. As a result, there is plenty of new data to be analyzed from a linguistic perspective. The goal of this study is to explore and analyze Boris Johnson’s ten first speeches on Covid-19 addressed to the nation between the 3rd and 23rd March 2020 (from herd immunity policy to strict lockdown). The corpus was examined in terms of lexicon structures (personal pronouns and verbs) and syntax structures (modal verbs), which, according to van Dijk (1997), are persuasive techniques. The findings suggest that the extensive use by Boris Johnson of the personal pronoun ‘we’ (exclusive) as well as the use of the personal pronoun ‘I’ show his active involvement in the fight against Covid-19. This involvement is also corroborated through (a) his use of event verbs, which indicate a continuous action; and (b) his selection of modal verbs of obligation, which mostly follow the personal pronouns that refer to the Prime Minister and/or the decision makers. This paper concludes that syntax and lexicon structures were used in Boris Johnson’s speeches as tools of persuasive techniques.

New media and mobile technologies have opened up numerous 'unregulated spaces' (Sebba, 2009b) and public spheres for self expression, interpersonal interactions as well as the transnational transcultural flow and fusion of ideologies (Pennycook, 2007). The discursive and interactive possibilities of mobile and Web 2.0 technologies make computer-mediated communication (CMC) platforms techno-linguistic environments for virtual deliberation and discussions. Online multilingualism and contact phenomena easily flourish in such contexts. Many Nigerians at home and abroad are embracing the CMC technologies to interact with one another, to negotiate profitable ideas for the betterment of Nigeria and to redress endemic socio-political issues. This study examines the linguistic construction of textual messages by Nigerians and the sociocultural manifestations of 'Nigerianness' (Chiluwa, 2008) and Nigerianisms in digital discourse. The dissertation is divided into four parts, each comprising two chapters. Part I introduces the subject matter and research focus, with an examination of language and identity in the typographical representations of Nigerianness by theoretically using relevant aspects of discursive work (e.g. Benwell & Stokoe, 2006; Bucholtz & Hall, 2005; De Fina, Schiffrin & Bamberg, 2006; Le Page & Tabouret-Keller, 1985; Llamas & Watt, 2010); Part II is concerned with the theme of Internet code switching and language crossing; Part III addresses the dialectical connection of language, new media technologies and politics; while Part IV presents the questionnaire survey results and research findings. The study innovatively examines language contact features in Nigerian CMC in terms of Bourdieu's (1977) economics of linguistic exchanges and the Faircloughian (1992) application of intertextuality in the Bakhtinian spirit. By linguistic marketing is meant discourse as a vehicle for 'promotional acts' and for 'selling' particular cultures and ideologies to multicultural and multilingual readers/audiences. One interpretation of this is in terms of asserting language rights and linguistic equality. Therefore, the use of Nigerian languages with Nigerian Pidgin online is promotional and for existential negotiation. This results in language mixture which is an instantiation of freedom of speech, freedom of switch and the freedom to switch. The underlying pragmatic motivation for top-down language mixture and alternation in Nigerian virtual discourse is attention-getting with the aim of inducing an interdiscursive writer-reader cognitive as well as communicative interactions. Other pragmatic functions of code switching discussed in the study include allusive textuality, amusing phaticity, anticipated interactivity, affective expressivity, and audience affiliation or alienation. Thus, intertextuality is an explanatory technique for investigating previously unexplored phenomena in digital code switching. Rampton's (1995) conceptualisation of language crossing is used to explicate the graphemic representations of variation in Nigerian English phonology. Additionally, for the sake of explanatory exigency, relevant aspects of speech acts theory (SAT) (Austin, 1962; Searle, 1969) are fused with critical discourse analysis (CDA) for the construction of our data-derived, election-oriented, politico-pragmatic tweet acts, in terms of what we call Good Governance Maxims (GGM). Finally, there are two types of data employed in the study: (i) corpus (INEC i.e. Informal Nigerian Electronic Communication with PLANET - Purposeful Language Alternation in Nigerian Electronic Texts) and (ii) questionnaire survey. The random sampling of 1,154 Nigerian undergraduates offline illustrates how computer-mediated discourse analysis (CMDA) can be supplemented by a sociolinguistic survey in what Androutsopoulos (2006:424) calls “the observation of Internet use in offline social spaces” through a blend of on- and offline ethnography.

This paper uses a discourse analysis approach to analyze the political road to the Supreme Courts’ overturning of Roe v Wade and Casey. By using the theoretical framework by Fairclough and Fairclough (2012), the analysis is able to study the arguments which founded the historic decision, and its possible impact on women’s reproductive rights in the U.S. today.

In 2022 Spain recorded its highest suicide rates in history. Spanish politicians acknowledge the need for solutions but fail to agree on adequate ones that could help decrease the current upward trend in suicides. The study aims to analyse practical argumentations advanced by politicians during the 2022 Parliamentary debate where the issue of suicide was addressed, to explore the place suicide has in the decision-making process, to investigate the reasons for and against concrete ways of acting regarding the issue, and to understand how these arguments align with current political ideologies. This will deepen the understanding of the political response to the suicide crisis. To achieve this aim, the research applies Isabela and Norman Fairclough’s Political Discourse Analysis framework. The findings show that suicide is not addressed as the public health crisis it constitutes, and it is overshadowed by political power dynamics where regional nationalistic ideologies play a big role.

This research will analyze the impact of bipartisan politics and the media's conflicting role in influencing public perceptions regarding national security issues. The central focus is on popular media narratives, critically examined as an impediment to fostering unified public solidarity or opposition regarding the enactment of controversial legislation. In light of the increase in geopolitical conflict and the pervasive nature of terrorism, this study attempts to analyze the media's public role versus the privacy of clandestine agencies whose policies, albeit controversial address critical national security concerns. As a result, the conflict inherent between institutional and public spheres provides the groundwork for discursive and objective analysis.Empirical data collection and critical analysis of relevant materials; academic journals, online archives and published works by individuals active in media and national security, provide the primary source of qualitative data. Research was primarily inductive. Analysis effectively combined data from various qualitative sources in an effort to justify the central hypothesis. Contemporary tragic events also provided a supplemental source of relevant content. It is important to note, such events resonate with the rationalization arrived at in the conclusion.The principle aim of this research was to address the question: Does the media's promotion of the bipartisan political agenda impede or enhance national security policies? In addition, is the role of the media reflective of state subservience or does the media actively challenge national security initiatives, e.g. curtailing of civil liberties, human rights violations and loss of constitutional freedoms? The analysis further subjected by cross-disciplinary inquiry and academic theories pertinent to achieving the principle aims of this research.The theoretical framework and methodology utilized was consistent with political discourse analysis (PDA), specifically textual, as all discursive elements were present within the collected source materials. Additional analysis utilizing mediatization and audience theories provides the proper contextualization within communicative and media studies. Contemporary events surrounding geopolitical conflict, race relations and terrorism in relation to the institutional and international response, provides further demonstrable results, which is commensurate with the overall conclusions of this study.The outcome and results of this research indicate that mainstream media provides both a support role, emphasizing status quo narratives concerning national and international political perspectives and policy, and also a contradictory role impeding domestic solidarity by exacerbating political division along the usual bipartisan lines. The specific focus on legislation that results in expanding judicial powers surrounding national security concerns. Such policies often interpreted as contrary to the preservation of domestic freedoms. These findings correlate with Couldry and Hepp's notions of institutionalist mediatization theory regarding the media as innately powerful agents of change, imparting influence on audiences and non-media actors.

Discourse pervades all areas of human activity. Beyond the use of verbal communication, discourse also extends to non-verbal elements such as body language, facial expressions, intonation and laughter. Despite the wide range of studies that examine the structures and nature of political discourse, very few have looked at the ways in which politicians use non-verbal elements and, in particular, laughter as part of their discourse strategies. This study looks at the use of laughter in the German Bundestag by analysing 16,000 observations of laughter taken from the transcripts of 847 plenary sessions spanning four electoral terms. The study finds that laughter can be used by politicians as a non-verbal means of expressing opinion and making a statement without breaking the stringent rules of conduct. The use of laughter in parliament can provide information on party alliances, both current and traditional, as well as the general ‘mood’ of the electoral period. Due to the changing nature of political debates and the increasing rejection of ‘traditional’ means of doing politics, fascinating changes are taking place in the political landscape.:1 Introduction 2 Discourse analysis 2.1 Political discourse analysis 2.2 Parliamentary debates 2.2.1 According to Klein 2.2.2 Parliamentary discourse as monologue, dialogue or trialogue? 2.2.3 Interjections as parliamentary discourse 2.3 Non-verbal communication 3 Humour 3.1 Humour in politics 3.2 The study of humour in politics 4 Background 4.1 The German Bundestag 4.2 Stenographic reports 4.2.1 Written or spoken language? 4.2.2 The difference between Lachen and Heiterkeit 4.3 Electoral term specifics 5 Data 5.1 Hypotheses 5.2 Description of the analysis 6 Results 7 Discussion 7.1 Reflections 7.2 Outlook 8 Conclusion References