Orientador: Josúe Pereira da Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T04:00:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DiasJunior_AntonioCarlos_D.pdf: 13575411 bytes, checksum: 325e5af2ad35e15c19289638d09c3c67 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: A tese trata da obra do filósofo e sociólogo francês Raymond Aron (1905-1983), de seu percurso intelectual e, especificamente, da sociologia política presente no conjunto de sua produção intelectual, com especial ênfase em suas obras acadêmicas e cursos proferidos em diversas instituições de ensino, como a Sorbonne e o Collège de France. Filósofo de formação, mas sociólogo, professor e jornalista por ofício, Aron produziu extensa obra sobre diversos temas: da filosofia à sociologia, passando pela economia, história, guerra, política francesa, marxismo, relações internacionais e história das ideias, dentre outros assuntos. A percepção política presente na sociologia aroniana é discutida em quatro momentos: formação filosófica; publicação da trilogia sobre a sociedade industrial e de As etapas do pensamento sociológico; crítica a K. Marx e ao regime soviético; e crítica dos mitos da esquerda e dos marxismos imaginários. O trabalho oferece ainda uma análise biobibliográfica de Raymond Aron, além de um levantamento completo dos trabalhos (livros e teses acadêmicas) a seu respeito / Abstract: The thesis treats about the work of french philosopher and sociologist Raymond Aron (1905-1983), of his intellectual course and, specifically, about political sociology present in the whole of his intellectual production, with special emphasis in his academical works and university studies pronounced in several institutions of teaching, like Sorbonne and Collège de France. Graduated philosopher, but sociologist, master and journalist by charge, Aron produced a vast work about several themes: from philosophy to sociology, through the economy, history, war, french politics, marxism, diplomacy and history of ideas, among other matters. The political perception present in aronian sociology is debated in four moments: philosophical development, publication of trilogy about the industrial society and Main Currents in Sociological Thought; critique to K. Marx and the soviet regime; and critique of the left myths and imaginary marxisms. The work offers yet a biobliographical analysis of Raymond Aron, yonder a complete survey of works (books and academical thesis) to concern him / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutor em Sociologia

This master's thesis is dedicated to the issue of populism in politics. It has been designed as an exploration of the discourse of this phenomenon during the 2020 United States presidential elections. The goal of the thesis was to identify, describe and compare usage of populist elements by both main presidential candidates. Theory of Cas Mudde was chosen as the foundation. Theoretical part is split into two chapters which are devoted to the topics of populism and context of the American society. These segments introduce and define core concepts that will be subsequently used. Practical part is divided into two chapters as well. Initially, we present various aspects of the methodology of our qualitative research. It is based on the analysis of two presidential debates conducted through discursive-historical approach of critical discursive analysis. Henceforth, the following section is focused on the analysis and interpretation of acquired data. The output of this process is the exploration of the discourse as well as description and contrasting of populist tendencies of Joe Biden and Donald Trump. The analysis has shown presence of populist elements in both campaigns. Specifically, Biden's conception of the people is predominantly populist, whereas his approach towards elites and the will of the...

The ideological divide in contemporary American politics is at a historic high. In this regard, many social scientists have documented the recent trends of political polarization in American politics and found robust evidence that political polarization has far-reaching consequences. While this kind of work is immensely important and revealing, significant lacunae still remain in our understanding of where political polarization comes from and how it could be lessened with what mechanisms. Prior studies of political polarization also have been largely concerned with numerically measuring ideology and polarization using voting records or survey instruments, but how deeply this polarization has filtered into political discourse with what kind of historically specific textual structure is less well known as well. In this dissertation, I bring the theory of cognitive schema and other micro-and-macro sociological accounts as sensitizing guides, and the tools of the natural language processing models to identify the mechanisms and origins of political polarization in America. I leverage the newly digitized Congressional Record for exploring the modern political landscapes and discourse emergence dynamics and examining policy implications for how our results relate to broader pragmatic issues concerning interpersonal conflict and opinion compromise. In addition, I also aim to contribute to the sociological literature on shared cognitive schema, co-evolutionary dynamics of languages and structures, and political agency, respectively. Based on the textual details traced in raw congressional speech records along with the deep-learning-based word embeddings models of language, I extract the pairwise similarity of relational schematic configurations among the U.S. Senators from the texts and propose that the dyadic schematic similarity has direct positive consequences on ideological convergence. I also aim to shed new light on the co-constitutive nature of social ties and political languages and argue that interaction patterns within and across political parties are contingent on the structure of the social ties and on the language patterns that a pair of legislators have produced over time. Finally, through a short case study, I develop measures of political agency in conversational texts. To our knowledge, this is one of the first comprehensive sociological studies that examines relational and discursive dynamics from the crucial modern moments of American politics. Because expressing conflict and making coordination in political domains are present in virtually all human contexts and constitute one of the fundamental bases of macro-level phenomena, a close understanding of the mechanisms behind intensified partisanship will also help policymakers understand the ramifications that merely micro-level political actions have on our social life during the very periods of "polarized America."

This dissertation examines the emergence of neoliberalism through an historical analysis of the evolution of the U.S airline industry. In 1938 the basic economic activities of U.S. airlines were placed under the regulatory oversight and control of the Civil Aeronautics Board. This institution of "regulated competition" persisted largely unquestioned until the economic crisis of the 1970s. Out of this crisis the Airline Deregulation Act was passed in 1978, eliminating most of these economic controls. Based on analysis of Congressional hearings, a key industry trade press (Air Transport World), the general business press, and financial and labor market data on the airline industry I explain the stable reproduction of "regulated competition" from 1938-1973, the mobilization against regulated competition that began in 1973 that led to the reorganization of the industry in 1978, and the transformation of the market for air travel in the 1980s following the 1978 Airline Deregulation Act. Through analyzing this case of the transition from state interventionism to neoliberalism I make three interrelated historical and theoretical arguments. First, as an historical object neoliberalism is a contextual and often incoherent political project that to fully understand requires fine-grained analyses of the social spaces in which neoliberalism is inserted and adapted. Second, neoliberal deregulations such as occurred in the airline industry do not translate into a simple self-regulating market. Instead, what we observe in this case is that market actors rebuild institutions and reorganize social relations in order to protect themselves from market competition. Finally, at a theoretical level I argue that while analytically distinct networks and institutions are mutually constitutive of markets and interact with each other in the evolution of a market. This case demonstrates the back and forth dynamics of actors building social relations to transform institutions that then transform existing social relations that is the hallmark of market dynamics. Thus, at a theoretical level I draw out the importance of understanding the relationship between networks and institutions in understanding the evolution of markets as social fields, while at a historical level I argue that focusing on concrete cases of neoliberalism will help us understand the multiplex politics behind producing a neoliberal political economy and the unexpected consequences of it.

This research builds on the social movements theory of networks and coalition building, the theory of digital activism, and the social networks theory of organizations to study the rich case of online mobilization for the 2011 Egyptian revolution. I use the analytical tools of social network analysis to study Twitter networks of activists of the Egyptian revolution in early 2011, when solidarity characterized the movement, and late 2014, when schism spread it apart. In this, I investigate how the repertoire of online activism relates to the on-the-ground movement. The social movements theory of networks states that activists’ ideological congruence, the presence of bridge builders who bring the movement together, and the presence of previous ties among the activists are all factors of coalition building and movement solidarity. This dissertation tested the role of these factors in the Twitter networks of Egyptian activists. The results suggest that digital activism complements rather than mirrors on-the-ground activism. While all three factors influence the network, they manifest somewhat differently than research has suggested they do in offline networks. This dissertation contributes to social movements theory of coalition building through adding validity to its application to digital activism, and suggests modifications to be made while applying this theory to the repertoire of online mobilization. The research has a methodological contribution through using cutting edge techniques of social network analysis to study Twitter networks of activists. Unlike earlier studies on the Egyptian revolution, this methodological approach revealed new findings that could not have been studied through other methods of research. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This dissertation is an intellectual history of the language of political economy in Mexico. It examines a period from the late eighteenth to the middle of the nineteenth century, through the writings of six individuals. I refer to political economy as a “political language” in the sense established by the Cambridge School of intellectual history, as a set of “idioms, rhetorics, forms of speaking about politics, distinctive language games, each one of which has its own vocabulary, rules, language, preconditions and implications as well as tone, and style.” My project is not a history of the Mexican economy or economic policy. Rather, it explores the persistent preoccupations, assumptions, and repertoires of image and metaphor that consciously or unconsciously informed debate, shaped political struggle, and drew the boundaries of the thinkable and sayable in the still-emerging sphere of the economy, while also drawing attention to the ways that political economy remained tightly interwoven with political and moral programs and values. Following the Polanyian premise that the economy is as much a cultural field as politics is, and that as culture, political and economic discourse are inseparable at the root, the dissertation as a whole makes a contribution to expanding Latin America’s “new political history” and “new intellectual history” into the realm of the economic. It also broadens the Cambridge School’s history of political thought and political economy to include Mexican interlocutors, who confronted the key political, economic, and philosophical questions of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in a different setting in historical space and time. Mexican thinkers creatively engaged the foundational issues of European political economy: commerce and monopoly, luxury and political virtue, industrial development and the role of institutions. But they also challenged established dogma and raised new questions: the significance of conquest and ongoing violence to the social order and national development; the woes of excessive inequality; the problem of latecomer development; and the questionable applicability of universalized theory. At a crucial moment in the transformation of Atlantic society, the language of political economy in Mexico was a vibrant site of creativity and contention that remains relevant today.

En décembre 2010, l'Espagne est devenue le pays avec le réseau à grande vitesse (GV) le plus étendu en Europe. Et au cours des années suivantes, les réalisations en cours augurent une mise en service progressive de nouvelles lignes. La question qui se pose est donc de savoir comment cette situation a été atteinte. Nous faisons l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'évolution de la GV espagnole est la conséquence directe de la façon dont cette politique publique a existé au niveau politique. En nous intéressant aux dynamiques de politisation d'une politique publique et en mobilisant deux traditions sociologiques différentes (la sociologie des champs et la sociologie des régimes d'énonciations), nous analysons la façon dont la GV est présente dans les différents lieux du politique (arènes) et est énoncée politiquement. L'analyse de ces dynamiques de politisation a été effectuée en trois temps. La première partie de notre recherche montre la façon dont le mythe politique de la GV s'est construit en Espagne à partir de la fin des années 1980 à la suite de la réalisation du premier projet de ligne à GV entre Madrid et Séville. Dans une deuxième partie, nous identifions trois cycles de politique publique au cours des années 1990 et 2000 qui ont abouti, à travers la production d'un consensus politique, à un fort développement de la GV. La dernière partie de notre thèse s'intéresse à l'émergence d'une controverse autour de la GV à travers le renforcement des forums de politiques publiques alternatifs et le déclenchement d'une dynamique de politisation divergente / In December 2010, Spain became the country with the largest high-speed rail (HSR) network in Europe. New lines under construction will be put into operation in the short term. In these circumstances the question is: how has this situation been reached? Our hypothesis is that the evolution of the HSR in Spain is a direct consequence of how this policy exists at the political level. By focusing on the politics of policy-making and bringing together two different sociological traditions (sociology of fields and sociology of enunciation regimes), we analyse how HSR issue exists within political arenas and how HSR is politically enounced. Our study is conducted in three stages. Firstly, we show how a political myth was constructed from the late of 1980s around the first Spanish HSR line project between Madrid and Sevilla. Secondly, we identify three public policy cycles between 1990 and 2010 producing a large political consensus and a strong development of the HSR. In the last part of our thesis, we analyse the emergency of a controversy about HSR policy through the strengthening of alternative policy forums and the generation of a divergent political dynamic

Discute o autoritarismo na América Latina entre as décadas de 1950 e 1970, por meio das histórias em quadrinhos do roteirista argentino Héctor Germán Oesterheld. O objetivo é refletir sobre as possibilidades de comunicação para uma conscientização social e política e um maior desenvolvimento moral dos leitores com o uso dos quadrinhos, em função de seus vários recursos de linguagem. A técnica de investigação é a interpretação de bibliografias que enfocam as diferentes perspectivas sobre as histórias em quadrinhos e acerca do autoritarismo do Poder Público, o que inclui o fato histórico e político das ditaduras militares, que favoreceram relações sociais autoritárias, e também a resistência das sociedades civis latino-americanas em relação a esses governos. / Discusses authoritarianism in Latin America between the 1950s and 1970s, through the comic books of argentine writer Héctor Germán Oesterheld. The objective is to reflect on the possibilities of communication for a social and political awareness and a greater moral development of the readers with the use of comics, due to its various language resources. The research technique is the interpretation of bibliographies that focus on the different perspectives on comics and on the authoritarianism of the Public Power, which includes the historical and political fact of the military dictatorships, which favored authoritarian social relations, as well as the resistance of Latin American civil societies in relation to these governments.

A presente tese analisa a formação de uma questão racial na França contemporânea. A hipótese do trabalho é que o tema tornou-se um problema social, adotando a definição de Lenoir, após os protestos urbanos violentos de jovens em 2005. A partir do estudo da cobertura da imprensa norte-americana e britânica, observou-se que a visibilidade internacional das revoltas, assim como uma leitura dos analistas estrangeiros dos eventos em uma chave racial, impulsionou a emergência da questão no debate público francês. Por outro lado, no trabalho foram também analisados outros fatores internos e externos que levaram à criação na academia francesa de um campo de estudos das relações raciais e à formação de ações coletivas fundamentadas em uma valorização positiva das identidades raciais. Finalmente, a análise do debate midiático, acadêmico, das mobilizações sociais e da controvérsia sobre as estatísticas étnicas confirmou o reconhecimento da existência de uma questão racial na França, porém, deixando margens de dúvidas acerca de sua consolidação. / This dissertation analyzes the configuration of a racial question in contemporary France, intended as a social problem in accordance with Lenoirs definition. The research stresses the role of violent urban protests in 2005 as a turning point. The investigation of American and British press coverage of the events reveals that the international visibility of the riots and the explanation of those events in terms of race protests spurred the emergence of a racial question in the French public debate. The research also shows the influence of other internal and external factors that led to two developments. First, the creation of an academic area on race relations studies in France. Second, the formation of collective actions and social movements based on racial identities. Finally, the discussion on French ethnic statistics suggests the recognition of a racial question in France, even if its consolidation is still not confirmed.

Cette thèse est le résultat d’une enquête documentaire et ethnographique prenant pour objet les acteurs du système de l’aide internationale en Haïti entre 2010 et 2016 ainsi que leurs interactions structurées dans l’objectif de faire une sociologie politique de la gestion des crises dans ce pays. L’enquête montre notamment que la multiplication et l’enchevêtrement des domaines de spécialisation de ces acteurs a produit une « bureaucratie de l’urgence » parallèle à l’État haïtien, ce qui entraîne des superpositions et des incohérences dans la gestion et la prévention des crises. Je présente le travail de cette bureaucratie pour gouverner l’humanitaire comme un art de gouvernement. L’apport principal de cette thèse est de montrer que cet art de gouvernement s’exerce tant sur les humanitaires eux-mêmes que sur les bénéficiaires de l’aide, bien que de manières différentes. / This PhD-thesis is an ethnographic study of the actors of the aid system and of their interactions within the humanitarian system in Haïti between 2010 and 2016. It is also a work based on the documentary review of the more global humanitarian reform dynamics, Haïti being a test zone for these dynamics. The objective of this dissertation is to make a political sociology of crisis management in this country. My study especially shows that the emergence of many juxtaposed sectors of specialization among these actors has led to the creation of a “bureaucracy of emergency management”, which works as a parallel governing force, away from the Haitian state, and thus leads to inconsistencies in crisis management and prevention. I analyze the work done by this bureaucracy to govern the humanitarian world as an art of government. My major argument here is to show that this art of government weighs on humanitarian actors as much as on aid beneficiaries, although in differing ways.