Esta dissertação tem como objetivo investigar o processo de criação e os modos de funcionamento do Comitê Municipal de Mortalidade por AIDS de Porto Alegre. Por se tratar do primeiro comitê desse tipo a ser criado no Brasil e de estar situado na cidade que apresenta as maiores taxas de incidência, prevalência e mortalidade por AIDS no país, o mesmo apresenta-se como uma importante iniciativa na resposta à epidemia em âmbito local. O Comitê objetiva, a partir da análise dos óbitos por AIDS, pensar em medidas que possam impactar na melhoria da qualidade do atendimento dos serviços de saúde que atendem as pessoas que vivem com HIV/AIDS. Dessa forma, o estudo aqui empreendido, dentro do campo da Sociologia, preocupou-se em pensar esse universo empírico a partir de discussões já consolidadas nas Ciências Sociais sobre produção de Legibilidade, Permeabilidade do Estado, Políticas Públicas e Instituições Participativas. Os resultados deste trabalho mostram que um grupo de pessoas que possuíam expertises muito específicas foi responsável pela criação do Comitê na cidade; com apoio político, foi possível recrutar representantes dos serviços de saúde da cidade que atendem a população que vive com HIV/AIDS. Em relação à dinâmica das reuniões, há inúmeros conflitos, no que concerne à discussão dos casos de óbito por AIDS. Há diferentes entendimentos por parte dos membros do Comitê em relação à linha de cuidado que deveria ser adotada no tratamento dos pacientes. O Comitê é capaz de diagnosticar inúmeros problemas no sistema de saúde da cidade e apontar as fragilidades dos serviços de atendimento. Todavia, ainda não consegue garantir que as propostas por ele sugeridas sejam implementadas nos serviços a fim de resolver os problemas identificados e, por conseguinte, melhorar a qualidade dos serviços de atendimento às pessoas que vivem com HIV/AIDS. / The dissertation aims to investigate the process of creating and operationalizing the AIDS Mortality Committee in Porto Alegre. Being the first committee of its kind in Brazil, and being located in the city that possess the highest incidence, prevalence and mortality rates by AIDS in the country, the Committee presents itself as an important initiative in response to the epidemic at local level. The Committee aims, based on analysis of reported deaths from AIDS, to investigate these deaths and improve care services. This study is developed in sociology field, seek to think the empirical universe of discussions already consolidated in the Social Sciences, on production Legibility, Permeability of State, Public Policy and Participatory Institutions. The results show that a group of people who had very specific expertise was responsible for the creation of the Committee, with political support, has been possible to recruit representatives of health services responsible by people living with HIV / AIDS care system of the city. Regarding the dynamics of meetings, there are numerous conflicts, mostly on discussion of death by AIDS cases, there are different understandings by committee members in relation to the kind of care that should be adopted to patients treatment. The Committee is able to diagnose many problems and failures on the city care services. However, still cannot develop, in a systematic way, suggestions to solve the identified problems and improve the quality of care services for people living with HIV/AIDS.

A presente tese analisa a formação de uma questão racial na França contemporânea. A hipótese do trabalho é que o tema tornou-se um problema social, adotando a definição de Lenoir, após os protestos urbanos violentos de jovens em 2005. A partir do estudo da cobertura da imprensa norte-americana e britânica, observou-se que a visibilidade internacional das revoltas, assim como uma leitura dos analistas estrangeiros dos eventos em uma chave racial, impulsionou a emergência da questão no debate público francês. Por outro lado, no trabalho foram também analisados outros fatores internos e externos que levaram à criação na academia francesa de um campo de estudos das relações raciais e à formação de ações coletivas fundamentadas em uma valorização positiva das identidades raciais. Finalmente, a análise do debate midiático, acadêmico, das mobilizações sociais e da controvérsia sobre as estatísticas étnicas confirmou o reconhecimento da existência de uma questão racial na França, porém, deixando margens de dúvidas acerca de sua consolidação. / This dissertation analyzes the configuration of a racial question in contemporary France, intended as a social problem in accordance with Lenoirs definition. The research stresses the role of violent urban protests in 2005 as a turning point. The investigation of American and British press coverage of the events reveals that the international visibility of the riots and the explanation of those events in terms of race protests spurred the emergence of a racial question in the French public debate. The research also shows the influence of other internal and external factors that led to two developments. First, the creation of an academic area on race relations studies in France. Second, the formation of collective actions and social movements based on racial identities. Finally, the discussion on French ethnic statistics suggests the recognition of a racial question in France, even if its consolidation is still not confirmed.

Comment se fabriquent les vocations agrobiologiques ? Si l’émergence, l’institutionnalisation et la transformation de l’agriculture biologique en objet d’action publique laissent à penser qu’un segment professionnel s’autonomise, notre enquête montre que les agriculteurs biologiques ne peuvent entièrement échapper à l’action de la profession et de l’encadrement agricoles ainsi qu’aux systèmes de classement produits par leurs pairs. Derrière l’enjeu technique qui consiste à produire sans intrants de synthèse se jouent en effet des luttes pour définir et contrôler le titre d’agriculteur. Ces luttes se jouent à un niveau institutionnel et interpersonnel et ont pour effet de délimiter les frontières du territoire professionnel. De ce point de vue, la figure de « l’agriculteur professionnel » (pratiquant une agriculture à temps complet, intensive et spécialisée) continue à structurer l’économie morale du groupe professionnel et son segment agrobiologique : la sélection et la hiérarchisation des représentants, des encadrants et des producteurs s’opèrent alors en fonction de leur plus ou moins grand ajustement à cette forme d’agriculture. Dès les années 1950, la sélection des dirigeants agrobiologiques s’opère sur leur acceptation de la division de plus en plus réglée des tâches de représentation, de conception, d’encadrement et de production. C’est ce que nous montrons dans un premier temps à partir de l’analyse des archives de la société Lemaire-Boucher et des archives personnelles de Raoul Lemaire, à la fois producteur, boulanger, entrepreneur, sélectionneur et homme politique. L’homme échoue dans sa croisade morale en faveur de l’agriculture biologique précisément parce qu’il se situe à l’intersection d’espaces occupés par des agents de plus en plus spécialisés. À partir d’entretiens semi-directifs, d’observations directes et d’un questionnaire auprès du personnel scientifique et technique participant au contrôle des vocations agrobiologiques, nous analysons ensuite ce contrôle, qui s’opère à bas bruit et de manière indirecte depuis les années 1980. La focale portée sur le processus d’institutionnalisation du segment et sur les logiques de recrutement et de travail des agents d’encadrement permet de montrer que la sélection des agriculteurs biologiques s’opère d’abord par la sélection de ceux qui les sélectionnent. De ce point de vue, l’émergence d’une nouvelle forme d’agriculture n’entraîne pas mécaniquement l’émergence d’un espace d’encadrement autonome : d’un côté, la construction de l’agriculture biologique comme objet de recherche légitime contribue à isoler les chercheurs des agriculteurs — et donc à renforcer les effets du processus de professionnalisation — ; d’un autre côté, l’institutionnalisation de l’agriculture biologique contribue à la naissance d’un appareil d’encadrement dual reposant sur une division morale du travail, entre des organisations et agents d’encadrement favorisant la reproduction de la figure de l’agriculteur professionnel et d’autres dont l’action consiste à ménager des espaces où l’hétérodoxie reste possible.Le contrôle des vocations agrobiologiques s’opère aussi entre agriculteurs, comme l’analyse la troisième partie, basée sur une enquête à dominante ethnographique en Midi-Pyrénées. Nous y montrons que les coûts d’entrée, de sortie et de maintien en agriculture biologique sont différenciés selon l’origine et la trajectoire sociales des agriculteurs, mais également selon la valeur de leur patrimoine de ressources au sein du groupe professionnel agricole. Tant leurs choix professionnels que leur style de vie sont évalués à l’aune de l’idéal modernisateur et professionnel de l’après-guerre. Dès lors, l’origine agricole, le capital symbolique procuré par le diplôme d’agronome, les ressources d’autochtonie, le capital économique et le patrimoine sont autant de ressources qui permettent à certains agriculteurs biologiques d’être considérés comme de « bons professionnels ». / How does one get into organic farming? Even though it has gained its autonomy as a segment, organic farming is not free from the structural constraints imposed to farmers as an occupational group. To produce food without any pesticides is not only a technical matter. Behind that lies a struggle to define and control who is licensed to be a farmer. This struggle takes place both at an institutional and interpersonal level and revolves around the definition of farming. In that matter, the definition inherited from the “modernisation” period (from the 1950s onwards) still has consequences on the way farmers are selected, on the way extension services work and on the way farmers are represented by professional organisations. Our main aim is therefore to understand the effects of “professional farming” on the way people come to organic farming, practice it and talk about it, and on how it creates social and professional differentiation between organic farmers. First, we consider the effects of this new moral economy on the way organic farmers are represented. By analysing the archives of Raoul Lemaire, one of the first advocate of organic farming in France, we show that his moral crusade to represent small scale farmers – and organic farmers in particular – doesn’t succeed because the personal domination he wants to build his power on tends to be replaced by a less personal and more bureaucratic domination embodied by “la profession” : therefore, organic farming lacks visibility from the very beginning of its existence in France in the end of the 1950s. Then, relying on semi-structured interviews and on a survey, we emphasize that the institutional control of who is allowed to be an organic farmer doesn’t depend entirely on organic organisations. By focusing on the way people are recruited and work in specialised and non-specialised research and extension organisations, we show that the selection of the people who select farmers is paramount in reproducing the definition of the occupational territory inherited from the “modernisers”. Finally, relying on qualitative material (observations and semi-structured interviews mainly), we show that there are multiple ways to get into organic farming but also unequal means to resist to the modernisers’ moral economy: thus, being from a farmer’s background and/or being trained as an agronomist and/or having local social capital tend to differentiate some organic farmers form others. Therefore, the technical and symbolic unification of the farming occupational group that took place after 1945, still has important effects on the way the group, the organic segment and rural areas more generally are socially stratified.

Comment les citoyens reçoivent-ils et interprètent-ils les informations politiques auxquelles ils sont exposés quotidiennement ? Cette thèse s’intéresse au contexte d’exposition aux informations et met en évidence la diversité des interprétations dont celles-ci font l’objet. Elle porte une attention aux usages et en explore les implications politiques. Les résultats sont énoncés à partir d’un regard croisé entre une démarche d’analyses quantitative et qualitative. L’approche qualitative met en place un protocole d’enquête original, qui s’appuie sur des entretiens de couple réalisés en France. Les résultats portent sur l’exposition aux informations, l’attention qui leur est accordée et enfin leur interprétation. L’exposition aux informations s’inscrit, pour l’ensemble des citoyens, dans une routine quotidienne et s’imbrique dans leurs emplois du temps familiaux et professionnels. Les citoyens, quel que soit leur niveau de politisation ou leur origine sociale, ne font pas état d’une démarche intentionnelle de recherche d’informations. En conséquence, leur attention est variable car dépendante de ce contexte. Elle est tributaire des intérêts qu’ils déploient vis-à-vis du champ politique et de l’action publique mais aussi des caractéristiques de l’offre médiatique. Quatre processus d’interprétation sont identifiés. Leur diversité s’appuie sur l’existence de convictions politiques ancrées, qui guident l’interprétation, et sur les modalités de combinaison des expériences personnelle et médiatique. La thèse met ainsi en évidence les grilles de lecture que les citoyens mobilisent pour donner sens au monde qui les entoure et témoigne du rôle des informations dans leur construction. / How do citizens receive and interpret political news to which they are daily exposed? This PhD thesis deals with the context in which people are exposed to news and sheds light on the diversity of their interpretation. Emphasis is put on media uses and on the investigation of their political implications. The results are based on a mixed method approach (quantitative and qualitative). The qualitative approach offers an inventive interview protocol with French couples, in Paris region and in the North of France. The results focus on exposure to news, attention to news and interpretation. All citizens are exposed to news in daily routine, within their work and family lives. They do not seek for information, regardless of their level of political interest or their social background. Consequently, their attention to news is variable because it is dependent on this context. Not only is attention reliant on citizens’ interests in the political scene and public action but also on the way the media present and construct news. I identify four types of interpretation. Their diversity relies on deeply rooted political convictions, which guide the interpretation, and on the way personal and media experiences are combined. This PhD thesis also singles out the frameworks of interpretation used by citizens to make sense of the world around them and how information contributes to their construction.

O objetivo principal do trabalho é investigar como defensores públicos de São Paulo compreendem o papel da Defensoria Pública e de que forma eles têm conduzido as demandas sociais de caráter político advindas da sociedade civil. A pesquisa se enquadra no campo da Sociologia Política do Direito, pois pretende analisar dentro do contexto jurídico-político brasileiro a dinâmica e atuação da Defensoria Pública frente as demandas apresentadas pelos usuários, a partir das explicações sobre a relação entre Direito e Política oferecidas pela ideia de responsividade do direito. O estudo parte desses referenciais para verificar como a atuação da defensoria afeta o fenômeno de judicialização da política e a crença de que o Poder Judiciário é capaz de promover significativas transformações sociais. Para essa análise, a metodologia contou com duas partes de base empírica. A primeira levantou dados referentes a ações judiciais propostas pelos defensores públicos de São Paulo no período de 2007 a 2017, bem como dados referentes às propostas aprovadas em três ciclos de conferências estaduais da instituição, ambos em bases informatizadas da Defensoria Pública. Esse levantamento, ainda em etapas exploratórias da pesquisa, constatou um aumento considerável de ações judiciais propostas pelos defensores nos últimos anos e identificou que grande parte do conteúdo das propostas aprovadas pela sociedade civil nos ciclos de conferências demanda intervenção no campo político. Após a coleta inicial desses dados, na segunda parte, foram realizadas dez entrevistas semiestruturadas em oito unidades da defensoria paulista, posteriormente organizadas em cinco categorias analíticas: a) visão dos defensores sobre o Direito; b) percepção acerca do Poder Judiciário; c) compreensão do papel da defensoria Pública; d) a atuação ordinária dos defensores públicos; e, e) o impacto das conferências estaduais e do plano anual de atuação. As três primeiras categorias observaram como defensores públicos atribuem sentido ao papel institucional a partir de suas distintas percepções acerca do direito e do Poder Judiciário. O exame das demais categorias verificou como a atuação desses defensores tem sido desempenhada e se as propostas advindas da sociedade civil influenciam a atuação no campo político. O estudo empírico permitiu concluir que: embora tenham dedicado, quase exclusivamente, suas atividades ao campo judicial, os defensores não enxergam o Poder Judiciário como capaz de responder efetivamente às demandas sociais de ampla repercussão; os defensores reproduzem um discurso que visa reafirmar a Defensoria Pública como um instrumento de transformação social no campo político; e, há um descompasso entre essas narrativas acerca do papel institucional e as atribuições ordinárias. / The main objective of this study is to investigate how public defenders in São Paulo understand the role of public defence and in what ways they have dealt with the social demands of a political nature coming from civil society. The research falls within the field of Political Sociology of Law, since it intends to analyze within the Brazilian legal-political context the dynamics and action of the public defender against the demands presented by the users, starting from explanations of the relation between Law and Politics offered by the idea of responsive law. The study begins from these references to verify how the actions of the defence affects the phenomenon of judicial control of politics and the belief that the Judiciary Power is capable of promoting significant social transformations. For this analysis, the methodology had two empirical parts. The first examines data on lawsuits filed by public defenders in São Paulo from 2007 to 2017, as well as data regarding the proposals approved in three cycles of state conferences of the institution, both found on the computerized databases of the Public Defender\'s Office. This survey, still in the exploratory stages of the research, has seen a considerable increase in lawsuits filed by defenders in recent years and has identified that much of the content of the proposals approved by the civil society in cycles of conferences demands intervention in the political arena. Following the initial collection of these data, in the second part, ten semi-structured interviews were carried out in eight units of São Paulo public defenders, subsequently organized into five analytical categories: a) the defenders\' view of the Law; b) perception about the Judiciary Power; c) understanding the role of the Public Defender; d) the ordinary performance of public defenders; and, e) the impact of the state conferences and the annual action plan. The first three categories observed how public defenders attribute meaning to the institutional role from their different perceptions about the law and the Judiciary. The examination of the other categories verified how the actions of these defenders has been performed and if the proposals from civil society influence the performance in the political field. This empirical study allowed us to conclude that: although they have almost exclusively dedicated their activities to the judicial field, defenders do not see the Judiciary as capable of responding effectively to social demands that have a wide repercussion; the defenders reproduce a discourse that aims to reaffirm public defence as an instrument of social transformation in the political field; and there is incongruity between these narratives about the institutional role and the ordinary tasks.

From angry torch-swinging Parisians attacking the Bastille and Russian workers rising up against the Tsar to outraged Chinese peasants exacting revenge on their landlords and Cuban guerrillas battling Batista’s army, revolutions without violence have in the past been near inconceivable. But when unarmed Iranians after an extended popular struggle forced Muhammad Reza Pahlavi, the last king of Iran, to flee Tehran on January 16, 1979, they had gifted the world a new and seemingly paradoxical phenomenon: a nonviolent revolution. Far from a historical oddity, such revolutions have since occurred on almost every continent. Over the past thirty years the function of guerrilla tactics, military coups, and civil war has increasingly been replaced by demonstrations, boycotts, and strikes. How can social scientists account for this “evolution of revolution” that have so altered the appearance of the phenomenon that by Arendt’s definition events in places like Iran, the Philippines, Chile, Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine may not even qualify as revolutions? Yet, the popular overthrows of authoritarian regimes in each and every one of those countries were nothing less than revolutionary. The dissertation seeks to understand this recent development in the nature of revolutions by historically examining the phenomenon’s signal case, the Iranian Revolution. The core question asked is: what are the structural and historical forces that caused the Iranian Revolution to be the world’s first nonviolent revolution? The central argument is that both the emergence and success of the nonviolent Iranian Revolution can be explained by its internationalization. In other words, the Iranian Revolution turned out to be successfully nonviolent because, unlike previous revolutions, it was a global affair in which the revolutionaries intentionally and strategically sought to bring the world into their struggle against the state. Indirectly, the aim of this study is to generate the genesis of a theoretical framework that can explain more broadly the emergence and success of nonviolent revolutions in the late 1970s and beyond. / text

This dissertation offers an explanation of cross national incarceration rate variation for 17 industrialized countries for the second half of the 20th century. Both historical case studies and time-series cross-section analyses are used to provide an institutional explanation of incarceration rate differences. Borrowing from Weber’s Sociology of Law and comparative legal scholarship, it is suggested that three types of legal thinking exist among western democracies—Common, Romano-Germanic, and Nordic law. A regime approach commonly applied in political economic explanations of welfare state development is used to quantify the legal and criminal justice institutional differences between 1960 and 2002 to assert that there are ‘three worlds of western punishment’ in the post-War period. The countries used in this analysis are similar in numerous ways, but historically embedded legal differences have resulted in different trial structures, judge-attorney relationships, rules of criminal evidence, and lay participation that influence the amount of incarceration in each country. The historical case studies demonstrate how important events set countries on particular developmental paths such as the power of defense attorneys in common law, despite their original exclusion from trials; the choice of scientific legal principles as a basis for an objective law blending Roman and Germanic legal principles; and the Nordic’s amalgamation of common and Romano-Germanic legal principles. These legal institutions are complimented by political economic variables that suggest that the presence of more left leaning political parties, centralization of wage bargaining, and labor organization provide a further break on the drive to incarcerate. The quantitative findings support the legal regime approach as well as political economic variables while controlling for crime and homicide rates.

Üblicherweise vermeiden deutsche Parteien Kampfkandidaturen um den Vorsitz. Dennoch kam es auf dem Mannheimer SPD-Parteitag 1995 zu einer unerwarteten offenen Konkurrenz um das Spitzenamt. Das unbeabsichtigte Scheitern der Inszenierung der „Geschlossenheit“ der Partei führte zum Ausbruch der bis dahin unterdrückten Kämpfe um den Parteivorsitz. Der Mannheimer Parteitag steht exemplarisch für den Zusammenhang zwischen Inszenierung, Disziplin und den informellen Regeln innerparteilicher Machtkonstruktion. Am Beispiel dieses Parteitages zeigt die vorliegende Arbeit, wie umstrittenen Parteivorsitzenden sich gegen Widerstände im Amt behaupten können bzw. woran diese Strategie scheitern kann. Aus figurationstheoretischer Perspektive wird die Inszenierung als Notwendigkeit medienvermittelter Parteienkonkurrenz um Wählerstimmen gefasst. Inszenierung erfordert Selbstdisziplin und das koordinierte Handeln der Parteimitglieder. Innerparteilich wird so wechselseitige Abhängigkeit erzeugt. Diese wird gesteigert durch die Medien-Konzentration auf wenige Spitzenpolitiker. Die Mehrheit der Mandatsträger und Funktionäre ist angewiesen auf das medienwirksame Auftreten der Führung. Für den Medienerfolg braucht die Führung ihrerseits die Unterstützung der Mitglieder. Diese wechselseitige Abhängigkeit erzeugt sowohl typische Relevanzen als auch Möglichkeiten, die jeweils andere Interessengruppe unter Zugzwang zu setzen. Imageprobleme des Vorsitzenden sind als verletzte Erwartungen Anlass für innerparteiliche Machtkämpfe, in denen die Parteiführung insbesondere die Inszenierung der „Geschlossenheit“ nutzen kann, um offene Personaldiskussionen zu verhindern. Da Handlungsoptionen und -grenzen durch das Handeln der Akteure immer wieder neu geschaffen werden, besteht stets das Risiko des Scheiterns innerparteilicher Disziplinierung. Mit dem Nachvollzug von Disziplinierung und den Gründen ihrer Kontingenz versteht sich die vorliegende Arbeit als Beitrag zu einer Theorie informeller Machtregeln in Organisationen mit schwach ausgeprägten Herrschaftsstrukturen. Im ersten Teil der Arbeit wird der Zusammenhang zwischen Inszenierung und Macht durch die Konzepte Theatralität und Figuration entwickelt. Im zweiten Teil werden typische Konstellationen der gegenwärtigen parlamentarischen Demokratie auf typische beziehungsvermittelte Situationsdeutungen, Handlungsmöglichkeiten und -grenzen untersucht. Im dritten Teil wird der kontingente Prozess des innerparteilichen Machtkampfes am Beispiel des Mannheimer Parteitages 1995 nachvollzogen. / Usually german parties avoid crucial votes for chairmanship. Nevertheless 1995 on the Mannheim SPD party convention an unexpected open competition for leading position has happened. Because of unintended failure of the staging “cohesion” and “harmony” of the party repressed fights for the party leadership broke out suddenly. The Mannheim party convention is an example for the connection of staging, discipline and unexpressed rules of construction of power within the party. On the example of this party convention this doctoral thesis shows how contested party leaders maintain their position against the resistance of critics. This thesis also shows why this strategy could fail. In the perspective of figurational sociology staging is necessary for political parties because parties compete with others for electors votes and their campaigns depend from the media. Staging needs self-discipline and a coordinated acting of party members. This causes a mutual dependence of party members which increases through the concentration of media on a few top-ranking politicians. So the majority of members of parliament and officials depends on the public acting of these small group of leaders and their reception in the media. On the other hands side for a successful medial self staging leaders need support of their members. This mutual dependence generates typical relevance as well as posibilities to force the respective opponents hand. Problems of public image of the chairman cause internal power struggles, in this struggles the party leadership uses the staging of “cohesion” and “harmony” to avoid open personnel discussions.This strategy of keeping discipline of members acting can fail because in relations of mutual dependence protagonists create options and restrictions of acting for each other. By comprehending the disciplinary action and the reasons of their contingency this doctoral thesis is a contribution to a theory of informal rules of power in organisations with weak distinct structures of authority.The first part of this work developes the connection of staging and power through concepts of theatricality and figuration.The second part analyzes the typical constellations of present parliamentary democracy and the way these relations cause specific perceptions of situation, options and restriction of acting. The third part comprehends the kontingental prozess of the party infighting using the example of the 1995 Mannheim party convention.

Orientador: Marcia Teixeira de Souza / Banca: Bernardo Ricúpero / Banca: Vera Alves Cepêda / Banca: Maria Teresa Miceli Kerbauy / Banca: Milton Lahuerta / Resumo: O presente trabalho trata de um período da história intelectual do Brasil, voltando-se para um momento importante da produção sociológica estilizada sob a forma de ensaio histórico do político, mas trazendo também contribuições substantivas à pesquisa acadêmica. Este período que ata as duas possibilidades: sob forma ensaística, mas com conteúdo "cientìfico", recobre as décadas de 1910 e de 1920 com os primeiros estudos de Alberto Torres e de Oliveira Vianna, prossegue na década de 1930 com a obra de Gilberto Freyre e de Nestor Duarte e adentra a década de 1950 com a primeira publicação de Raymundo Faoro. Esses autores têm em comum o mesmo objeto, a formação social e política do Brasil em suas raízes mais profundas e, a partir da análise de suas obras mais importantes, é possível perceber, por um lado, como o tema da herança portuguesa e ibérica evoluiu entre nós e, por outro lado, notar também como o próprio pensamento brasileiro também evolui preservando esta temática, quando cai em desuso a partir da década de 1960. O desenvolvimento da presente tese privilegiou a análise fundamentalmente conceitual da obra dos autores, em detrimento dos contextos, sustentando que a abordagem das temáticas mais históricas do mundo ibérico e sua influência, especialmente no campo dos valores, operou uma mudança disciplinar que em última instância formou uma tradição de estudos perfeitamente identificável com a sociologia política / Abstract: This paper analyses the period of the intellectual history of Brazil that includes an important moment of stylized sociological production in the form of historical essay of the politics that also brought substantial contributions to the academic research. This period binds two possibilities: the essay form, but with "scientific" content, and it covers the 1910s and 1920s decades with the first studies of Alberto Torres and Oliveira Vianna and continues in the 1930s with the work of Gilberto Freyre and Nestor Duarte and enters the 1950s with the first publication of Raymundo Faoro. These authors have in common the same object, the social and political education of Brazil in its deepest roots. From the analysis of their most important works, it's possible to verify, in one hand, how the theme of the Portuguese and Iberian heritage has evolved among us and, on the other hand, notice how the Brazilian thought also evolved preserving this issue before it falls into disuse in the 1960s. The development of this thesis mainly focused on the analysis of the conceptual work of the authors above, despite of their contexts, sustaining that the approach of the historic thematic of the Iberian world and its influence, especially in the field of values, ran a disciplinary move that ultimately formed a tradition of studies identifiable with the political sociology / Doutor

Cette thèse analyse l’institutionnalisation du Haut représentant de l’UE dans les négociations sur le programme nucléaire iranien entre 2003 et 2015. Si au départ le rôle qu’occupe le Haut représentant dans le dossier iranien est codifié dans les traités européens, à partir de 2006, ce sont notamment les résolutions du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU qui le définissent. Ainsi mandaté par deux groupes d’acteurs distincts – les acteurs institutionnels de l’UE et les six puissances impliquées dans les négociations avec l’Iran – le diplomate en chef de l’UE est amené à endosser deux rôles contradictoires, celui du Haut représentant de l’UE et celui du Haut représentant des E3+3.En combinant la sociologie de l’UE avec la sociologie des RI, cette thèse interroge les dynamiques qui ont amené le Haut représentant à être reconnu comme légitime par l’ensemble des acteurs de la configuration du dossier nucléaire iranien. À partir de ce questionnement, ce travail propose un cadre d’analyse pour étudier l’institutionnalisation de l’Europe de la politique étrangère.La littérature sur l’institutionnalisation de l’action extérieure commune est divisée entre des travaux qui s’intéressent aux interactions entre des acteurs européens, d’un côté, et des travaux qui étudient l’institutionnalisation de l’UE sur la scène internationale, de l’autre. Ainsi, ils omettent que la construction de l’action extérieure commune est le produit de l’enchevêtrement des dynamiques globales et européennes. Cette thèse surmonte ce clivage en ce qu’elle met l’enjeu des dimensions interne et externe de l’institutionnalisation de l’UE au cœur de l’analyse. En m’appuyant sur l’hypothèse de la différenciation des espaces sociaux, je prendrai en compte les logiques distinctes structurant l’arène globale de la négociation nucléaire et l’arène de la PESC, tout en les appréhendant comme des arènes enchevêtrées. L’enquête empirique qui s’appuie sur des entretiens et des archives, met en exergue que le Haut représentant s’autonomise davantage de ses obligations du Haut représentant de l’UE pour endosser exclusivement le rôle de Haut représentant des E3+3. En outre, l’institutionnalisation de ces rôles est le produit d’une multitude d’interactions individuelles au sein et à l’intersection des espaces sociaux européens et globaux.À partir de l’analyse de l’institutionnalisation du rôle du Haut représentant dans le dossier nucléaire et en s’inspirant de la sociologie de Michel Dobry, ce travail permet de concevoir la variation de l’emprise des différents espaces sociaux sur l’institutionnalisation de l’action extérieure commune. Plutôt que de privilégier l’analyse d’une dimension sur l’autre, il est nécessaire de saisir la trajectoire de leur rapport afin d’appréhender le caractère aléatoire de la construction de l’Europe de la politique étrangère dans toute sa complexité. Au-delà de cela, l’étude de cas questionne l’idée de l’institutionnalisation de l’UE en tant que processus d’intégration. En effet, l’inscription de l’UE dans l’espace global de la diplomatie internationale nous permet de voir qu’il s’agit aussi bien d’une dynamique d’autonomisation, de différenciation et d’exclusion. / This thesis analyses the institutionalisation of the EU High Representative in the negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme between 2003 and 2015. Although initially the role of the High Representative in the Iranian dossier was codified in the European treaties, from 2006 onwards, it was notably the UN Security Council resolutions that defined it. Thus mandated by two distinct groups of actors - the EU's institutional actors and the six powers involved in the negotiations with Iran - the EU's chief diplomat is led to assume two contradictory roles, that of the EU High Representative and that of the E3+3 High Representative.By combining sociology of the EU with sociology of IR, this thesis examines the dynamics that led the High Representative to be recognised as legitimate by all those involved in the configuration of the Iranian nuclear dossier. Based on this guiding question, this work proposes an analytical framework for studying the institutionalisation of Europe's foreign policy.The literature on the institutionalisation of common external action is divided between work that looks at the interactions between European actors, on the one hand, and work that studies the institutionalisation of the EU on the international scene, on the other. Thus this bifurcation in the scholarly literature precludes a vision of European integration as the product of the tangle of global and European dynamics. This thesis overcomes this divide in that it puts the internal and external dimensions of the institutionalisation of the EU at the heart of the analysis. Based on the hypothesis of the differentiation of social spaces, I will take into account the distinct logics structuring the global arena of nuclear negotiation and the arena of the CFSP, while apprehending them as entangled arenas. The empirical survey, which is based on interviews and archives, highlights that the High Representative is becoming more autonomous from his obligations as EU High Representative to assume the role of High Representative of the E3+3. Moreover, the institutionalisation of these roles is the product of a multitude of individual interactions within and at the intersection of European and global social spaces.Based on an analysis of the construction of the role of the High Representative in the nuclear dossier and drawing inspiration from the sociology of Michel Dobry, this work makes it possible to conceive the variation of the influence of various social spaces on the institutionalisation of common external action. Rather than focusing on the analysis of one dimension over the other, it is necessary to grasp the trajectory of their relationship in order to grasp the random nature of the construction of Europe's foreign policy in all its complexity. Beyond this, the case study questions the idea of the institutionalisation of the EU as an integration process. Indeed, the EU's inclusion in the global space of international diplomacy allows us to see that it is also a dynamic of empowerment, differentiation and exclusion. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished