Le gouvernement international des frontières d’Asie centrale (Kirghizstan, Tadjikistan, Ouzbékistan, Kazakhstan, Turkménistan) comprend les projets de gestion des frontières conduits par l’OSCE, la Commission européenne, l’ONUDC et l’OIM entre 1992 et 2012. Ils organisent l’import/export d’une expertise alignant les limites étatiques dans cette région sur un double impératif de mobilité et de sécurité. Comment ces savoirs sur la frontière circulent-ils à travers ces dernières ? Les projets passent par trois univers distincts. Ils prennent attache sur les sociétés centrasiatiques aux intersections entre flux et contrôle. Les équipements qu’ils fournissent n’encadrent toutefois les pratiques de vérification que dans une mesure très variable. Ces investissements sont décidés dans des comités de pilotage situés dans un microcosme qu’on appelle le champ d’opérations. Cet espace se configure selon un capital dont le volume décrit l’autonomie des opérateurs, et dont la structure signale leur niveau de spécialisation dans les mondes du développement et de la sécurité. Sa structure sanctionne positivement les acteurs qui accumulent la plus grande quantité de capital social. Les enceintes d’autorisation sont quant à elles encastrées dans un espace transnational gravitant autour de Bruxelles et de Vienne. Tandis que l’Asie centrale est construite comme un enjeu d’intérêt secondaire au sein du champ de l’Eurocratie, les acteurs de la place viennoise lui accordent une importance plus grande. Les élites transnationales les plus subalternes sont incitées à s’établir dans cette zone de relégation, car elles peuvent plus facilement y rétablir leurs positions respectives. / The international government of Central Asian Borders (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan) refers to projects in the field of border management that have been implemented by the OSCE, the European Commission, the UNODC and IOM between 1992 and 2012. These activities import and export a type of expertise aimed at bringing state boundaries in line with an imperative of mobility and security. But how does this border knowledge circulate across borders in the first place? During their life cycle, projects go through three different social universes. Firstly, they connect with Central Asian societies where control and flows intersect. They provide some equipment which only frames checks and controls to some extent. The steering committees deciding over these investments are embedded in a particular social universe that we call the field of operation. This second space is configured according to a capital whose volume corresponds to the level of autonomy that each implementing agency holds, and whose structure refers to their specialization in development and/or security. The practical logic of this field positively sanctions the accumulation of social capital by individual brokers. The authorization-giving arenas, finally, are situated in a transnational space polarized around Brussels and Vienna. Whilst Central Asia is constructed as a place of secondary interest within the field of Eurocracy, actors working from Vienna perceive this region as a more important issue. Subaltern transnational elites tend establish themselves in such unattractive areas because they gain leeway where they can re-establish themselves as important players from there.

As mudanças climáticas impõem um conjunto de desafios à sociedade contemporânea. Nesse sentido, esta dissertação trata das mudanças climáticas a partir da abordagem dos governos locais e, mais especificamente, da experiência da cidade de São Paulo. A política climática permitiu que o município paulistano exercesse um protagonismo no cenário nacional e regional, além de uma inserção internacional. A cidade promulgou em junho de 2009, antes do estado de São Paulo e da União, a lei que criou e institucionalizou sua política de mudança do clima. O recorte cronológico considerou os mandatos dos prefeitos Marta Suplicy (PT), de 2001 a 2004; José Serra (PSDB), de 2005 a 2006; Gilberto Kassab (PFL/DEM/PSD), de 2006 a 2012; e Fernando Haddad (PT), de 2013 a 2016. Esse período foi analisado a partir do referencial teórico da sociologia política, considerando especificamente a figura do mediador de políticas públicas e os instrumentos da ação pública. Em termos metodológicos foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica não sistemática, pesquisas em legislações e periódicos da época e a aplicação de questionário semiestruturado em entrevistas com atores-chave. O questionamento central foi: o que permitiu que a cidade de São Paulo exercesse um protagonismo no campo das políticas públicas em mudanças climáticas no Brasil? A busca pela resposta a essa pergunta indicou que um conjunto de instrumentos da ação pública local começou a ser implementado pelo menos desde 2003 e, a partir do momento em que os valores das mudanças climáticas passaram a representar a principal referência das ações da Secretaria do Verde e Meio Ambiente (SVMA), uma série de ações intersetoriais ganharam força. Eduardo Jorge exerceu uma liderança importante nesse processo, sendo o Secretário de Meio Ambiente mais longevo. Entretanto, quando um novo governo assumiu o poder em São Paulo a partir de 2013, a política climática perdeu força e sofreu retrocessos. / The climate change imposes a set of challenges to the contemporary society. This dissertation considers the climate change from the local governments approach and, more specifically, the São Paulos city experience. The climate policy allowed the city to play a leading role at the national regional scenario, besides an international insertion. The city has promulgated in June 2009 the law that created and institutionalized its climate change policy, before the State of São Paulo and the Union. The period analyzed considered the mandates of mayors Marta Suplicy (PT) from 2001 to 2004, José Serra (PSDB) in 2005 and Gilberto Kassab (PFL/DEM/PSD) from 2006 to 2012, and Fernando Haddad (PT) from 2013 to 2016. This period was analyzed from the theoretical reference of the political sociology perspective, considering specifically the figure of the public policies mediator and public action instruments. The methodology adopted was based on non-systematic bibliographic review, researches in legislation and journals, and the application of semi structured questionnaire on interviews with key actors. What allowed the city of São Paulo to play a leading role in the field of public policies on climate change in Brazil? The quest for the answer to this question indicated that a set of local public action instruments have been in place since at least 2003 and, as climate change values have come to represent the main reference of SVMA actions, a series of intersetorial actions gained strength. Eduardo Jorge has an important leadership in this process, being the environmental secretary during the longer analyzed period. However, when the new São Paulos government takes place from 2013, climate change policy loses strength and has setbacks.

Le foncier, entendu comme des relations entre les humains à propos de la terre, est au cœur de la répartition des pouvoirs, particulièrement dans les sociétés à dominantes agraires. Encadrer sa gestion à travers la formulation d'une politique publique signifie altérer les rapports entre l'État et les pouvoirs locaux, et la manière dont l’État entend construire un pouvoir de contrôle sur les hommes et le territoire. À travers l'exemple de l'Ouganda sous le régime du National Resistance Movement (NRM), cette thèse en science politique analyse la manière dont une politique publique foncière se fabrique en interaction avec les structures de pouvoir. Nous touchons ici aux rapports entre polity, politics et policy. Appréhendée comme une activité politique, la fabrication d’une politique publique foncière en contextes africains n’est pas qu’une affaire d’État. Elle est une source de légitimité politique pour les acteurs intégrés au processus. Son instrumentalisation peut profiter à un changement de rapports de force. Ce processus commence à partir de la fabrication des énoncés de problème et aboutit à la négociation d'une solution. Cette recherche inductive se fonde sur des méthodes de recherche qualitative : observations participantes, entretiens semi-structurés, recours à la littérature grise et aux archives. Elle est le fruit d'un travail de terrain de quatre ans en Ouganda. Cette thèse innove d'un point de vue théorique en intégrant l'approche discursive et pragmatique de l'action publique à l'approche structurationniste. Elle lie cette approche à la notion « d'historicité de l’État importé ». Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier les mouvements d'ordre et de désordre de la société qu'engendre la formulation des énoncés de problème et de solution. Elle fournit aussi un apport empirique détaillé à l'étude de la politique foncière en Ouganda. Cette thèse contribue ainsi à l'étude de la démocratisation en Afrique, de celle du foncier en Afrique, et de celle des politiques publiques en contextes africains. / Land tenure, defined as the set of relations among humans that determine their interaction with land, lies at the heart of power struggles, especially in agrarian societies. Governing land management through public policy means changing power relations between the state and the local institutions that exercise social control. Using Uganda under the regime of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) as its case study, this thesis in political science explores the manner a public policy concerning land is constructed through the interactions among various power structures. We are dealing here with the interactions among polity, politics and policy. Examined as a political activity, the construction of a public policy concerning land in African contexts goes beyond a matter of concern for the state alone. This activity is a source of political legitimacy for those actors participating in the process. Its instrumentalisation can lead to changes in power relations. This process starts with the construction of the problem and ends with the negotiation of a solution. This inductive research is based on qualitative research methods : participant observation, semi-structured interviews, analysis of grey literature and of archives. It is based on four years of field work in Uganda. This thesis innovates theoretically as it integrates the discursive and pragmatic approach of public policy to structuration theory. It ties this approach to the notion of « historicity of the imported state ». This theoretical framework allows us to study the ordering and disordering of society that are triggered by the formulation of problems and solutions. It provides a detailed empirical study of public policy concerning land in Uganda. This thesis contributes, more generally, to the study of democratisation in Africa, land tenure in Africa and public policy in African contexts.

A travers l’exemple des opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP) conjointes entre les Nations Unies et l’Union européenne au Tchad et en République centrafricaine (Eufor Tchad-RCA et Minurcat) entre 2008 et 2010, cette thèse questionne les mécanismes qui mènent au déclenchement d’une opération de sécurité collective dite de maintien de la paix ainsi que son déroulement. Alors que les analyses anglo-saxonnes du maintien de la paix dans le champ des Relations internationales questionnent peu le processus qui mène à leur déploiement, faisant de celui-ci une réponse quasi rationnelle à l’émergence ou la reprise d’une « crise », cette thèse analyse finement le processus non linéaire qui mène au déploiement des opérations Eufor Tchad-RCA et Minurcat. Cela permet d’interroger de manière originale les disfonctionnements du maintien de la paix en ne s’intéressant pas uniquement à l’appropriation locale d’une OMP comme dans la littérature sur la paix libérale mais en analysant les continuités entre les phases dites de décision et celles de mise en oeuvre. La thèse défendue ici est que le déclenchement d’une OMP se comprend comme le produit de l’activité sociale ayant lieu autour d’un enjeu sécuritaire qui mène à la structuration d’une zone d’action conjoncturelle dans le secteur de la sécurité collective. On parle de conjoncture de maintien de la paix. Le déroulement de l’OMP s’analyse alors comme la poursuite de l’activité au sein de cette zone d’action qui intègre de nouveaux acteurs durant la phase de conduite des opérations. La reconfiguration de la zone d’action peut mener à la poursuite de l’OMP ou à sa fin suivant la dynamique sociale qui se met en place. / Through the example of joint peackeeping operations (PKO) between the United Nations and the European union in Chad and Central african Republic (known by their French acronyms as Eufor Tchad-RCA and Minurcat) between 2008 and 2010, the purpose of this research is to question the social process that lead to the launching and the implementation of a collective security operation knwon as a peacekeeping operation.Though the Anglo-Saxon analyses of peacekeeping inspired by the International Relations theory not often question the decisionnal process, considering the deployment as a rational mean to treat a crisis, this thesis is an analysis of the non-linear social process that led to the deployment of Eufor Tchad-RCA and Minurcat. This analysis allows us to question in an orignal way the dysfunction of peacekeeping by shifting the focus from the local appropriation of the PKO as suggested by the Libera Peace approach to the continuity between decisionnal stages and implementation stages of the PKO. The thesis proposed here is that the launching of a PKO must be understood as the output of the social activity that takes place around a security issue that lead to the structuration of an area of action in the collective security sector. We named that periode a conjuncture of peacekeeping. The conduct of the operation is then analysed as the continuity of the activity in this area of action which includes new actors during its implementation stage. The re setup of the area of action can lead to the pursuit of the PKO or to its end, regarding the social dynamic that is set up.

La thèse étudie les relations entre science et politique à travers l’émergence d’un nouveau concept, celui de « soft skills ». Examinant comment ce motif cognitif se construit et se diffuse à l’échelle internationale en l’espace d’une décennie, elle met en évidence le rôle essentiel d’experts et d’organisations internationales, mais aussi d’entrepreneurs et de réseaux privés. Ces circulations mènent à la convergence progressive des acteurs sociaux autour d’un même raisonnement qui se décline au sein du monde de l’éducation et du monde de l’emploi. Menée en France, la seconde partie de la recherche replace ces évolutions dans une dynamique de recomposition de l’action publique et d’émergence de nouveaux cadres, intimement liés à l’implication croissante de nouveaux acteurs issus de la philanthropie et de l’entrepreneuriat social. Articulée à la promotion du capital humain et de l’économie de la connaissance, justifiée par la stratégie européenne d’éducation tout au long de la vie et d’investissement social, soutenue par la responsabilité sociale revendiquée par certaines entreprises, la valorisation des compétences sociales mène à l’hybridation progressive des politiques et de leurs acteurs. Ces arrangements sont étudiés dans la troisième partie de la thèse, consacrée à l’étude de plusieurs dispositifs éducatifs. / This doctoral thesis studies the relationships between science and policy through the emergence of the new concept of “soft skills”. Examining how this cognitive motive is built and disseminated at a global level over the last decade, this research shows the essential roles played by experts and international organizations, as well as by entrepreneurs and private networks. These circulations lead to a gradual convergence of actors upon a shared reasoning in the field of education and employment policies. Conducted in France, the second part of the research shows how these dynamics fit in the context of public policies’ reconfigurations. New frames emerge, tightly linked to the growing influence of new actors coming from the fields of philanthropy and social entrepreneurship. Nested in the promotion of human capital and the knowledge economy, justified by the European strategy of lifelong learning and social investment, and by corporate social responsibility claimed by companies, soft skills are growingly promoted. This leads to a gradual hybridization of policies and their actors, studied in the last part of the research which based upon study cases of educational programs.

No plano teórico, ao problematizar a rígida sepação entre meios e fins, liberdade e necessidade, esta dissertação interroga sobre as possibilidades e os entraves à criação democrática no interior de relações de produção, que estão submetidas aos imperativos da esfera da reprodução. No plano empírico, as empresas de trabalhadores autogeridas, que surgiram a partir das transformações no mundo do trabalho no Brasil da década de 90, introduzem de forma contraditória elementos da ordem moral no seio das relações de trabalho. O que emerge do conflito entre a lógica gestionária e a lógica política? Quais são os dilemas que estão postos por essas experiências? Essas questões são analisadas em três dimensões: as relações de produção, os trabalhadores e o contexto socioeconômico em que as empresas autogeridas estão inseridas. Partindo das contradições (internas e externas) vividas pelas empresas autogeridas a discussão evidencia a própria constituição sócio-política do campo econômico e das condições de eficiência. Na parte final, o texto questiona a emergência das empresas autogeridas e da Economia Solidária a partir das seguintes encruzilhadas: a relação entre a criação de espaços democráticos e o processo de desregulamentação das relações de trabalho; a relação entre teoria e instituição do real; entre técnica e política, e ainda, entre ação de sobrevivência e ação criativa. A dissertação conclui afirmando que é justamente o fato das empresas autogeridas introduzirem uma descontinuidade na ordem gestionária da vida (não-política e não-humana), que cria a possibilidade de constituição de um espaço potencialmente democrático que pode ou não se realizar. / From a theoretical perspective, throughout a reflection on the rigid separation between ends and means, freedom and necessity, the following thesis intends to investigate the possibilities and the limits for democratic creation inside productive relations that are under the rules of the reproduction sphere. From the empirical perspective, the worker´s self-management enterprises - that arose from the 90´s Brazilian labor´s world transformation context – introduce moral elements into the labor relation in a contradictory way. What does come out of conflict between the management and political logics? What are the dilemmas posed by those experiences? Those questions are analysed in three dimensions: production relations; workers, and the socioeconomic context that selfmanagment enterprises are embeded in. As the discussion departes from the contradictions (internal and external) lived by the self-management enterprises, it shows the economic field and the conditions of efficiency as a socio-political construction.The last part of the text interrogates self-management enterprises and Solidary Economy emergence from the following crossroads: the relation between the creation of democratic spaces and the labor relations de-regulation process; theory and reality construction; technique and politic, and between survival and creative actions. To conclude, the thesis proposes that is the very fact that self-management enterprises introduces a discontinuity into the lives´ management order (non-political, non-human) that creates the potential to constitute democratic spaces that might, or might not, be accomplished.

研究以湖南省松糖事件为例，分析中国农民的抗征地对中央政府信任的影响。研究认为，征地形式、上访过程获取的信息及其上访结果都会影响对中央的信任水平。具体来说，研究有三个主要观点：第一，相比公共项目征地、参与式征地和不威胁生存安全的征地，商业项目征地、命令式征地以及威胁生存安全的征地形式会更容易导致上访。在这些征地中，抗争者提出的诉求由于超越了相关的政策法律因此很难得到地方政府的满足。第二，上访过程中农民对中央信任的变化分为三个阶段：首先，抗争者将中央与其以下政府区别开来，并对中央保持着高水平的信任；接着，多次的进京上访使抗争者获取了有关中央的信息，包括中央已经了解了他们的问题并且这些问题值得重视；最后，失败的抗争结果导致对中央能力和意图的信任同时下降。第三，对中央信任的下降并不一定会导致公民选举要求的提出，这是因为传统的政治文化和无效的村庄选举使农民的政治效能感维持在低水平。 / Drawing on the data from the Song-tang incident in Hunan province, the research examines the influences of resistance to land expropriation in rural China on political trust in the central government. The study argues that forms of land expropriation, information gained through petitioning and outcomes of petitioning have influences on trust in the center. Specifically, there are three main arguments. Firstly, compared with land expropriation for public use, in participatory manners, and without negative influences on living security, land expropriation for commercial use, in imperative manners, and with negative influences on living security is more likely to cause petitioning. In the three forms of land expropriation, claims are hardly satisfied by local governments since they have surpassed the state rules. Secondly, during petitioning trust in the center changes in three phases: at the beginning, resisters distinguish the center from lower-level governments and retain high-level trust in the center. Secondly, activists gain increasing information about the center during times of petitioning to Beijing. They realize that the center has known their grievances, which are also worth its attention. Finally, failure of resistances results in decline of trust in the center’s capacity as well as trust in its commitment. Thirdly, the declined trust in the center does not necessarily imply the demand for popular elections. Due to traditional political culture and ineffective village elections, political efficacy of the farmers remains at a low level. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 劉靜平. / Parallel title from English abstract. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 59-65). / Abstracts also in English. / Liu Jingping.

Le vieillissement de la population, couplé aux changements sociaux dus à l’urbanisation et à la modernisation de la Chine, entraine un besoin pressant de services et d’établissements pour personnes âgées. Le gouvernement doit adresser cette situation en développant un système gérontologique adapté aux besoins du pays. L’implication tardive du gouvernement entraine la nécessité de réformes importantes, et la mise en place d’un cadre législatif pour rediriger le développement qu’a pris le système gérontologique, en décalage avec les besoins de la population.Cette thèse a été mise en place en parallèle du lancement d’objectifs politiques ambitieux concernant une refonte du système gérontologique chinois. Cette situation a entrainé une nécessité de mettre en avant le travail de terrain. L’étude centrale, sur l’arrondissement de Changping de la municipalité de Beijing, analyse la manière dont les décideurs politiques formulent des décisions concernant le développement des services et établissements pour personnes âgées.Cela a été possible au travers d’un projet de recherche, réalisé par une équipe de chercheurs travaillant pour le gouvernement, équipe dans laquelle j’étais intégré. Cela me permet d’étudier les relations du gouvernement local avec les chercheurs, avec les directeurs des établissements, et avec le gouvernement municipal. Au travers de cette démarche, je vise à mettre à jour les processus décisionnels concernant le développement du système gérontologique, et d’expliquer quels phénomènes perturbent la mise en place de solutions fonctionnelles, pourtant bien identifiées par le gouvernement central. / Population ageing and social changes, due to urbanization and modernization of China, lead to a pressing need of services and facilities for the elderly. The government must address this situation by developing an elder care system answering the needs of the country. Late government involvement leads to the need for major reforms, and the establishment of a legislative framework to redirect the development that took the already existing elder care system, in order to put it in line with the needs of the population.This thesis has been set up in parallel with the launch of ambitious political goals for an overhaul of the Chinese elder care system. This has led to a need to emphasize fieldwork research. The main fieldwork study is on the Changping district of Beijing Municipality. It analyzes how policymakers take decisions regarding the development of services and facilities for the elderly, through a research project on this theme, realized by a team of researchers working for the government, team in which I was integrated. This allows me to study the relationship of the local government with researchers, with the directors of senior care institutions, and with the municipal government. Through this approach, I aim to reveal the decision making process regarding the development of the elder care system, and explain what phenomena disrupt the setup of functional solutions, however well identified by the central government.

No plano teórico, ao problematizar a rígida sepação entre meios e fins, liberdade e necessidade, esta dissertação interroga sobre as possibilidades e os entraves à criação democrática no interior de relações de produção, que estão submetidas aos imperativos da esfera da reprodução. No plano empírico, as empresas de trabalhadores autogeridas, que surgiram a partir das transformações no mundo do trabalho no Brasil da década de 90, introduzem de forma contraditória elementos da ordem moral no seio das relações de trabalho. O que emerge do conflito entre a lógica gestionária e a lógica política? Quais são os dilemas que estão postos por essas experiências? Essas questões são analisadas em três dimensões: as relações de produção, os trabalhadores e o contexto socioeconômico em que as empresas autogeridas estão inseridas. Partindo das contradições (internas e externas) vividas pelas empresas autogeridas a discussão evidencia a própria constituição sócio-política do campo econômico e das condições de eficiência. Na parte final, o texto questiona a emergência das empresas autogeridas e da Economia Solidária a partir das seguintes encruzilhadas: a relação entre a criação de espaços democráticos e o processo de desregulamentação das relações de trabalho; a relação entre teoria e instituição do real; entre técnica e política, e ainda, entre ação de sobrevivência e ação criativa. A dissertação conclui afirmando que é justamente o fato das empresas autogeridas introduzirem uma descontinuidade na ordem gestionária da vida (não-política e não-humana), que cria a possibilidade de constituição de um espaço potencialmente democrático que pode ou não se realizar. / From a theoretical perspective, throughout a reflection on the rigid separation between ends and means, freedom and necessity, the following thesis intends to investigate the possibilities and the limits for democratic creation inside productive relations that are under the rules of the reproduction sphere. From the empirical perspective, the worker´s self-management enterprises - that arose from the 90´s Brazilian labor´s world transformation context – introduce moral elements into the labor relation in a contradictory way. What does come out of conflict between the management and political logics? What are the dilemmas posed by those experiences? Those questions are analysed in three dimensions: production relations; workers, and the socioeconomic context that selfmanagment enterprises are embeded in. As the discussion departes from the contradictions (internal and external) lived by the self-management enterprises, it shows the economic field and the conditions of efficiency as a socio-political construction.The last part of the text interrogates self-management enterprises and Solidary Economy emergence from the following crossroads: the relation between the creation of democratic spaces and the labor relations de-regulation process; theory and reality construction; technique and politic, and between survival and creative actions. To conclude, the thesis proposes that is the very fact that self-management enterprises introduces a discontinuity into the lives´ management order (non-political, non-human) that creates the potential to constitute democratic spaces that might, or might not, be accomplished.

As mudanças climáticas impõem um conjunto de desafios à sociedade contemporânea. Nesse sentido, esta dissertação trata das mudanças climáticas a partir da abordagem dos governos locais e, mais especificamente, da experiência da cidade de São Paulo. A política climática permitiu que o município paulistano exercesse um protagonismo no cenário nacional e regional, além de uma inserção internacional. A cidade promulgou em junho de 2009, antes do estado de São Paulo e da União, a lei que criou e institucionalizou sua política de mudança do clima. O recorte cronológico considerou os mandatos dos prefeitos Marta Suplicy (PT), de 2001 a 2004; José Serra (PSDB), de 2005 a 2006; Gilberto Kassab (PFL/DEM/PSD), de 2006 a 2012; e Fernando Haddad (PT), de 2013 a 2016. Esse período foi analisado a partir do referencial teórico da sociologia política, considerando especificamente a figura do mediador de políticas públicas e os instrumentos da ação pública. Em termos metodológicos foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica não sistemática, pesquisas em legislações e periódicos da época e a aplicação de questionário semiestruturado em entrevistas com atores-chave. O questionamento central foi: o que permitiu que a cidade de São Paulo exercesse um protagonismo no campo das políticas públicas em mudanças climáticas no Brasil? A busca pela resposta a essa pergunta indicou que um conjunto de instrumentos da ação pública local começou a ser implementado pelo menos desde 2003 e, a partir do momento em que os valores das mudanças climáticas passaram a representar a principal referência das ações da Secretaria do Verde e Meio Ambiente (SVMA), uma série de ações intersetoriais ganharam força. Eduardo Jorge exerceu uma liderança importante nesse processo, sendo o Secretário de Meio Ambiente mais longevo. Entretanto, quando um novo governo assumiu o poder em São Paulo a partir de 2013, a política climática perdeu força e sofreu retrocessos. / The climate change imposes a set of challenges to the contemporary society. This dissertation considers the climate change from the local governments approach and, more specifically, the São Paulos city experience. The climate policy allowed the city to play a leading role at the national regional scenario, besides an international insertion. The city has promulgated in June 2009 the law that created and institutionalized its climate change policy, before the State of São Paulo and the Union. The period analyzed considered the mandates of mayors Marta Suplicy (PT) from 2001 to 2004, José Serra (PSDB) in 2005 and Gilberto Kassab (PFL/DEM/PSD) from 2006 to 2012, and Fernando Haddad (PT) from 2013 to 2016. This period was analyzed from the theoretical reference of the political sociology perspective, considering specifically the figure of the public policies mediator and public action instruments. The methodology adopted was based on non-systematic bibliographic review, researches in legislation and journals, and the application of semi structured questionnaire on interviews with key actors. What allowed the city of São Paulo to play a leading role in the field of public policies on climate change in Brazil? The quest for the answer to this question indicated that a set of local public action instruments have been in place since at least 2003 and, as climate change values have come to represent the main reference of SVMA actions, a series of intersetorial actions gained strength. Eduardo Jorge has an important leadership in this process, being the environmental secretary during the longer analyzed period. However, when the new São Paulos government takes place from 2013, climate change policy loses strength and has setbacks.