This thesis examines the understanding of the concept of resilience in urban security with focus on countering terrorism and emergency planning in London between 2000 and 2015. It analyses the implementation of the concept and the results of it. The thesis first describes the theoretical backgrounds of the concept and creates a classification based on the evolution of the concept. A discourse analysis of security strategies and other official documents is done to demonstrate how resilience was conceptualised in the United Kingdom and how it evolved. Also the influence of private actors is evalueted. The same discourse analysis is done on the level of the city of London. The thesis then describes the specific implementation of resilience that impacts everyday lives of London citizens and it shows that the measures penetrates every aspect of it. The International Political Sociology and the theory of insecuritization is used to assess the findings. It concludes that resilience is used as a governing tool enabeling the UK government to produce an appearance of decisive governing, while it transfers the actual responsibility for everyday security to the citizens and their communities. The transfer is not accompanied by providig appropriete tools and consecquently an atmosphere of insecurity and...

Diploma thesis "True reasons which lead people into polling station" is tasked to detect motivation which affects an electoral behaviour of citizens, concretely their active participation in an election of their political representatives, considering the matter of fact that elected incumbents are those who work out all measures of public policy. There is enforced the legitimizing character of election, which displays the decreasing voter turnout as pathological phenomenon destroying the basics of democratic society, and sight on elections as an institution mediating between citizens and shape of implemented public policy. The theoretical part of thesis gives an overview of various concepts interpreting a voter turnout as an effect of endogenous and exogenetic factors. The paradigm are the theory of sources and the theory of representation, accenting on importance of the endogenous factors, and contextual theory, theory of motivation and racional choice theory, referring to key influence of the exogenic element. The empirical part of thesis, making use of personal research, verifies practically the theoretical knowledge and produces factual predication about motivational elements of electoral behaviour in one municipality in district of Hradec Králové. The confrontation of theoretical knowledge and...

The political instability of the Middle East is often perceived to be derived primarily from the interaction of Middle Eastern nations with external forces; with significant emphasis placed upon the disruptive effects of modern colonialism and Westernization. While this study does not seek to directly contest the catalytic primacy of exogenous factors, it does seek to establish the necessary causality of pre-existing internal factors. Rather than approaching the situation from a linear causal perspective, this assessment is oriented around an interdisciplinary examination of confluent factors. By examining the political history, ethno sociology, and economy of the region, the analysis investigates the underlying variables which have contributed to the instability of the Jordan, Syria, and Turkey. The primary conclusion of this analysis is that the interactions of multiple endogenous variables provide a basis of necessary causality which may be of equal causal import to that of modern colonialism and Westernization.

Population churn--the population turnover experienced by a community--can have differential effects on a community. Mass society theory suggests that because the churn rate experienced by communities can contribute to their uprooting, fragmentation, and isolation, churn is a potent threat to the stability of our modern day communities. Social capital theory, to the contrary, suggests otherwise. Social capital theory suggests that churn can have positive effects on communities by bringing new migrants with valuable human capital skills and experiences to communities. These migrants bring to their new communities the potential for creating new jobs, spurring economic development, and for initiating housing starts that expand housing options for the poor and minorities. In so doing, they help create and sustain vibrant, growing modern day communities. Yet in spite of the significant role churn may play in determining the health and viability of modern day communities, it has been overlooked in the migration literature, which is mostly dominated by individual-level research on the causes and effects of migration, particularly the pecuniary benefits to movers. Using county-level data and multivariate analyses, this research seeks to fill this gap in the literature by examining the relationship between the community and churn, from the perspectives provided by social capital and mass society theories.

No description available.

運用科學知識在當代環境管制政策幾乎已屬常態。然而，科學卻不一定能有效解決環境污染問題。本研究探討雲林六輕石化廠區的揮發性有機物（VOCs）空氣污染問題，發現運作二十多年的六輕，其排放之VOCs數值，至今尚未釐清，但企業仍不斷擴廠，引發當地健康風險問題；同時，國光石化的環評中，PM2.5（細懸浮微粒）引發重大政治爭議，民間提出對抗性科學論述影響決策方向，後續，更促成相關管制法規通過。 在上述管制科學爭議中，本文採用新政治科學社會學所提供的制度、網絡與權力，與環境決策知識建構的途徑觀點，探討雲林石化廠區所排放的揮發性有機物（VOCs）、懸浮微粒（PM2.5）相關之管制科學爭議。運用次級資料分析法、田野調查以及深入訪談法，嘗試分析強調科學循證作為基礎的管制政策，何以仍落入管制失靈的窘境？本文探討兩個個案，其不同調的科學數字如何依循管制制度生產、傳遞及運用？其中，VOCs排放數字如何被各個政治行動者賦予政治性意涵，進而延宕政府管制的能力？甚而導致府際間嚴重衝突？而PM2.5的對抗性科學論述是如何被生產、傳遞乃至公共化？相關之政策網絡如何有效地將PM2.5的管制政策推入政治議程中，成為正式法規的一環？ 本研究發現，在VOCs個案中，基於污染物的特性、石化廠區的龐大營運複雜度、以及企業為管制資訊之主要來源等因素，使VOCs排放具有相當大的科學不確定性。不過，現行制度將這些科學不確定性切割成一場又一場對於企業資訊的審查，對於掌握確切污染狀況極其有限。在PM2.5個案中，在幾個重大政策窗事件出現之前，民間社會已有一定的知識建構基礎。而重大政策窗事件如六輕工安大火、國光石化興建以及2011年總統選舉等，促成不同社會網絡連結，協助、生產出對抗性論述，並結合公眾媒體的廣泛傳播特性，將相關科技風險知識公共化，終使得PM2.5管制法案成為正式規範之一。 / Scientific knowledge has been commonly employed for making environmental regulatory policies. This thesis aims at analyzing the contamination problems resulted from Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs) released by the Six Naphtha Cracking Complex; it is discovered that the emission of VOCs remains a mystery after two decades of operation. However, the industrial expansion plan continues and has done a severe environmental and health destruction to the local community. Meanwhile, PM2.5, Fine Particulate Matters also triggered political controversies in the Environmental Impact Assessment process of Kuokuang Petrochemical Plant, the Eighth Naphtha Cracking Project(8th naphtha). The civil society has raised the opposing argument on the PM2.5 matter in terms of health impact, thereby influencing the direction of policy making and passing the regulations. In light of the controversies of regulatory science, this thesis adopts the perspective of New Political sociology of Science (NPSS), which substantiates the approach of institution, network and power, and other aspects of knowledge construction to analyze the emission of VOCs and PM2.5 in the petrochemical field. Moreover, secondary data, field research, and in-depth interviews are utilized to analyze these regulatory predicaments. It is discovered in the cases of VOCs, the scientific uncertainty is composed of the characteristics of VOCs, the complexity of petrochemical plant’s operations and the main regulatory information is generated by industries. Nevertheless, the regulatory institution just divided the scientific uncertainty into the tremendous conferences which peer-reviewed the information from industries. Furthermore, this regulatory institution hinders the true conditions of pollution from being known. In the meantime, in terms of PM2.5, the general public has had a solid knowledge pertaining to the critical national matters, such as several fire disasters of 6th naphtha, the policy of 8th naphtha, and the presidential election in 2011. Moreover, these policy windows promote the connection of social network and assistance, and accordingly generate the opposing discourse. The technology risk-related knowledge has also been conveyed by the mass media, thus ultimately enacting the PM2.5.

Ce travail de recherche s’intéresse aux processus de construction d’un problème public à une échelle locale, en partant des différentes questions nées autour de campements de travailleurs saisonniers migrants dans des régions d’agriculture intensive en Italie. Il est principalement basé sur une recherche empirique menée entre 2013 et 2017 dans la zone rurale de Saluzzo (Piémont) avec une méthodologie qualitative croisant entretiens sociologiques, observation participante au sein de collectifs militants et à l’intérieur des campements de migrants et analyse d’articles de presse locale. L’objectif principal était celui d’étudier la façon dont la présence de migrants dans ce contexte spécifique est perçue comme un problème public, de quelle manière ce dernier est défini et construit dans un jeu de mobilisations et contremobilisations par une multitude d’acteurs aux intérêts divergents, puis d’analyser les conséquences de ces dynamiques sur les actions mises en places pour tenter de le résoudre. La thèse démontre en particulier comment la construction du problème se focalise progressivement sur le caractère temporaire de la présence des migrants, au détriment d’autres possibles cadrages, en justifiant la mise en place de dispositifs d’accueil provisoires et précaires, conduisant au confinement spatial et temporel des migrants. On verra également comme la création de camps de plus en plus institutionnalisés et contrôlés, gérés par une association humanitaire bénéficiant d’un large consensus, a favorisé un apaisement des conflits autour de cette question et un éloignement du problème au sein du débat politique public. D’une façon plus générale, ce travail, en analysant une question inhérente aux faits migratoires par le prisme de la sociologie politique, invite à une réflexion plus ample sur le traitement politique des migrants et sur la construction collective de la place qu’ils occupent aujourd’hui au sein de la société italienne. / This thesis examines how the presence of seasonal migrant workers’ camps in intensive agricultural areas in Northern Italy is framed and addressed as a public problem. It draws on fieldwork carried out between 2013 and 2017 in the rural area of Saluzzo (Piedmont). The qualitative methodology includes sociological interviews, participant observation with organizations and in migrants’ camps, and the analysis of the local press. The thesis aims to understand how the presence of seasonal migrants is defined and constructed by a range of actors with divergent interests. In particular, it examines a set of public mobilisations and counter-mobilisations, analysing how they have influenced the actions undertaken to solve “the problem” of migrants’ camps in the Saluzzo area. The main argument is that the problem has been progressively constructed around the temporariness of migrants’ presence in the area. This has justified the setting up of temporary and precarious reception systems, leading to the spatial and temporal confinement of the migrants. In particular, the thesis shows how the organisation of institutionalised and controlled camps, managed by a major humanitarian organization and benefiting from wide public consensus, resulted in a decrease of conflict around seasonal labour migration, and to the sidelining of the issue in the political debate. Contributing to literature on migration in the field of political sociology, the monograph represents a timely intervention in highly topical debates on the politics of migrants’ presence in the Italian society. / Questa ricerca riguarda i processi di costruzione di un problema pubblico ad un livello locale, partendo da diverse problematiche scaturite intorno ad accampamenti di lavoratori migranti stagionali in alcune zone di agricoltura intensiva in Italia. Lo studio è principalmente basato su una ricerca empirica svolta tra il 2013 e il 2017 nell’area rurale di Saluzzo (Piemonte) utilizzando una metodologia qualitativa che comprende interviste sociologiche, osservazione partecipante con associazioni militanti e all’interno degli accampamenti di migranti e l’analisi di articoli della stampa locale. L’obiettivo principale era quello di studiare il modo in cui la presenza di lavoratori migranti, in questo contesto specifico, è percepita come un problema pubblico, in che modo quest’ultimo è definito e costruito da una serie di attori animati da interessi contrastanti in un gioco di mobilitazioni e contro-mobilitazioni, poi di analizzare le conseguenze di tali dinamiche sulle azioni messe in atto per la risoluzione del problema. La tesi dimostra in particolare che la costruzione del problema si è progressivamente focalizzata sul carattere temporaneo della presenza dei migranti, a scapito di altri possibili frame, andando a giustificare la messa in atto di dispositivi di accoglienza precari e provvisori, finalizzati al confinamento spaziale e temporale dei migranti. Inoltre, l’instaurazione di campi sempre più istituzionalizzati e controllati, gestiti da un’organizzazione umanitaria riconosciuta, ha favorito la riduzione dei conflitti intorno alla questione e un accantonamento del problema sul piano del dibattito politico pubblico. Più in generale, questo lavoro, analizzando una questione inerente a dinamiche migratorie attraverso il prisma della sociologia politica, invita ad una più ampia riflessione sul trattamento politico dei migranti e sulla costruzione collettiva della posizione che essi occupano all’interno della società italiana di oggi.

Cette thèse de sociologie est une monographie du mouvement ATD Quart Monde. Fondée en 1958 par le prêtre Joseph Wresinski dans un camp de sans-logis, cette association porte la voix politique des « personnes en situation d’extrême pauvreté » en France et dans le monde. C’est à partir d’un travail de mobilisation sur le long terme et d’une stratégied’émancipation que cette voix émerge au sein de groupes de réflexion. Il s’agit de rendre audible et d’organiser par l’action collective ce que le politiste James Scott appelle le domaine infrapolitique, c'est-à-dire les formes de résistances quotidiennes à la domination qui s’exercent « sous les radars » de la sphère publique. À travers l’ethnographie culturelle de quelques expérimentations démocratiques, ce travail de recherche analyse le processus d’empowerment par lequel des acteurs affaiblis socialement se renforcent collectivement par la construction d’un engagement militant. Ces personnes incarnent la possibilité de l’inclusion politique des catégories de population marginalisées. Avec différents mouvements sociaux, ATD Quart Monde façonne ainsi une révolution démocratique et culturelle. Pour ce faire, la méthode participative de l’association consiste à construire des revendications et des alliances par la confrontation du savoir expérientiel des plus pauvres avec d’autres formes de savoirs. Ceci vient approfondir les connaissances du mouvement qui a recours au registre de l’expertise dans son mode d’action. Avec quelques points de comparaison, l’exemple d’ATD Quart Monde permet finalement d’explorer trois dimensions de l’action collective : réflexive, culturelle et délibérative. / This doctoral dissertation in sociology is a monograph of ATD Forth World: an « extreme poor people »’s advocacy worldwide organization founded in a French homeless camp in 1958 by the priest Joseph Wresinski. The voice of the poorest is emerging in thinking groups after a long work of mobilization and emancipation process. The shapes of daily resistance against domination existing « under the radar » of the public sphere, which is called infrapolitics, is becoming visible and collectively organised. This research is a cultural ethnography of several democratic experimentations, which analyses the empowermentprocess of socially weakened actors. Poor people are becoming activists and are embodying the possibility of the inclusion of marginalized groups. By this way, ATD Forth World is progressively shaping a cultural and democratic revolution with other social movements. The participative methodology of the organization consists of building demands and alliances from the confrontation between poor people’s knowledge and other forms of knowledge. This work is helping to build an expertise for the organization. With the example of ATD Forth World and several points of comparison, this doctoral dissertation ultimately explores three different dimensions of collective action: cognitive, cultural and deliberative.

Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les mouvements LGBT en Belgique, en France et en Espagne à travers une double comparaison (entre les cas et à travers le temps) qui intègre également les échanges et influences transnationaux et internationaux. Elle examine l’émergence et le développement de la revendication d’ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de même sexe dans ces pays, analysant les convergences en termes de contenu des demandes et de timing des mobilisations. Par conséquent, elle porte sur des convergences au niveau des mouvements sociaux, à l’inverse de la majeure partie de la littérature, qui se concentre sur les convergences de politiques publiques. Cette situation impose de construire une grille d’analyse basée sur la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux, les politiques publiques et les relations internationales (influence des normes internationales). Le développement des revendications relatives au droit au mariage a été retracé de manière généalogique depuis la fin des années 1980. La comparaison repose sur la méthode du most different systems design et un travail empirique important combinant analyse documentaire et entretiens a été réalisé. Cette thèse confirme l’importance de l’étude des échanges et des influences internationaux et transnationaux pour comprendre la politique domestique et insiste sur l’influence cruciale du réseautage transnational sur les revendications des mouvements sociaux. Elle révèle aussi quelques cas de diffusion entre mouvements sociaux et montre comment des caractéristiques et des contraintes communes peuvent inciter les mouvements sociaux à formuler des revendications similaires. Par ailleurs, les discours en faveur du droit au mariage ont été analysés avec soin. L’émergence de cette revendication a aussi été mise en perspective sur le plan historique, ce qui implique de réfléchir aux modalités de transformation des mouvements LGBT au cours des trente dernières années. Pour terminer, la notion de citoyenneté sexuelle a été interrogée et la manière dont l’accès à la citoyenneté a été posé a été examinée à partir du concept de resignification proposé par Judith Butler. This dissertation looks at LGBT movements in Belgium, France and Spain through a double comparison (between cases and through time), which also takes into account transnational and international exchanges and influences. It investigates the simultaneous emergence and development of same-sex marriage claims in these countries, examining convergences in the content of the claims and the timing of protest. Therefore, it looks at convergences at the level of social movements, unlike most of the literature, which focuses on convergences in public policies. This specific research interests implies building an analytical model based on the literature on social movements, public policies and international relations (influence of international norms). It has also required a genealogical account of the development of same-sex marriage claims in each country from the end of the eighties until now. The comparison is based on the most different systems design method, and an extensive field work combining archives analysis and interviews has been carried out. This dissertation confirms the importance of taking into account international and transnational exchanges and influences to understand domestic politics, and insists on the crucial influence of transnational networking on social movements claims. It also discloses some cases of diffusion between social movements and shows how common characteristics and constraints may induce social movements to make similar but independent decisions. Discourses in favour of same-sex marriage have been carefully analysed, and the emergence of this claim has been put into a historical perspective. This implies a reflection on the transformations of the LGBT movement over the last thirty years. Finally, this dissertation interrogates the notion of sexual citizenship and examines the specific mechanisms through which access to citizenship has been proposed, discussing Judith Butler’s concept of resignification.

The professionalization of political parties has significantly altered the means by which parties interact with voters and supporters. The current study is an attempt to examine what these changes in political communication mean for the ability of parties to organize supporters and mobilize them both in a campaign setting and in the longer-term struggle. Habermasian and Gramscian perspectives on the relational aspects of political communication highlight the challenges presented by the growing unidirectionality of communication and the concomitant atrophying of intermediary institutions. Beyond this, the work of Bottici and McLuhan is used to expose the effects of the 'arational' aspects of these changes in both form and content. To test the plausibility of the theoretical insights obtained, the case of the New Democratic Party of Canada is considered. The study concludes by considering the potential of new technological developments for resolving or mitigating concerns identified throughout the thesis. / Graduate