Orientador: Gilda Figueiredo Portugal Gouvea / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T12:09:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DiasJunior_AntonioCarlos_M.pdf: 1291330 bytes, checksum: ef3ff9b8fba6fc9e471df0bae3ecd746 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Este estudo trata da produção intelectual do sociólogo germano-inglês Ralf Dahrendorf (1929 -). A partir de sua biografia e de sua bibliografia intenta mostrar, de maneira analítica e crítica, como foram construídas e teorizadas suas preocupações em relação aos diversos temas que permeiam sua obra, tais como a crítica aos modelos utópicos de teoria e de sociedade, o conflito social como motor das transformações históricas e a defesa da ordem liberal de sociedade / Abstract: This study treats from intellectual production of the anglo-german sociologist Ralf Dahrendorf (1929 -). From your biography and your bibliography intends to present, analytic and critically, how were composed and theorized your concerns with regard to the various topics that pervade your work, such as the critique to the utopian models of theory and society, the social conflict as motor of historical transformations and the liberal order defense of society / Mestrado / Teoria Sociologica e Pensamento Social / Mestre em Sociologia

Orientador: Élide Rugai Bastos / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T03:16:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_FernandaXavierda_D.pdf: 1860966 bytes, checksum: b800e5ab4efe415702e7d1e17c3a7a18 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo central analisar comparativamente as obras de Oliveira Vianna e Hélio Jaguaribe. Com base no conceito de que, mantidos os mesmos aspectos/problemas ao longo do tempo, as ideias admitem certa margem de tolerância e atualização (Brandão, 2007), procuramos demonstrar que, não obstante as diferenças de seus textos e contextos subsistem importantes afinidades entre esses autores, o que nos permite enquadrá-los como membros de uma mesma família intelectual. Como objetivo secundário, buscamos estabelecer um diálogo dessas obras com suas principais leituras, de modo a apreender o sentido dessas ideias. A partir do exame dos temas, caminhos de análise e programas políticos a que cada um desses autores aludia, em conjunto ao contexto histórico no qual falavam, observamos que ambas as obras comportam permanências e transformações, algumas mesmo contraditórias, o que possibilita diversas leituras. Transportando tal descoberta para o plano da comparação procuramos, naquilo que era constante, observar as aproximações e afastamentos desses dois raciocínios. Constatamos que, a despeito de seus diferentes desígnios (organização x desenvolvimento) e enfoques (político-social x econômico), Oliveira Vianna e Hélio Jaguaribe partilharam não apenas temas, mas linhas de raciocínio e, em certo sentido, projetos. Pautados na interpretação do Brasil em suas características, falhas e faltas, ambos apontaram para a impossibilidade de a sociedade, a partir de um movimento endógeno, vir a transformar sua realidade, e erigiram o Estado como ator e agente da mudança. Revelaram-se, assim, idealistas orgânicos, como na acepção de Brandão (2007) - os males vigentes estão presentes na sociedade, e podem ser superados apenas por meio da ação do Estado / Abstract: This study is mainly aimed to comparatively analyze the works of Oliveira Vianna and Hélio Jaguaribe. Based on the concept that maintained the same aspects / problems over time, the ideas admit some tolerance and upgrading (Brandão, 2007), we demonstrate that, despite the differences in their texts and contexts, there are important affinities between these authors, which allows us to frame them as members of the same intellectual family. As a secondary objective, we establish a dialogue between these works and their main interpretations in order to apprehend the meaning of these ideas. Through the examination of issues, paths of analysis and political agendas that each of these authors alluded, in conjunction with the historical context in which they spoke, we observe that both works involve continuities and transformations, some even contradictory, which allows several lectures. Taking to the comparative plan we observe, in what was constant, approximations and deviations of these two reasoning. We find that, despite their different agendas (organization versus development) and approaches (social-political versus economic), Oliveira Vianna and Hélio Jaguaribe shared not only issues but also lines of thinking and, in some sense, projects. Guided by the interpretation of Brazil in its features, shortcomings and failures, both pointed to the impossibility of society, in an endogenous movement, to transform its reality, and erected the state as an actor and agent of change. They proved to be "organic idealists", as the concept of Brandão (2007) - the problems are in society, and can be overcome only through the state action / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutora em Sociologia

Orientador: Ricardo Luiz Coltro Antunes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T04:21:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Polese_Pablo_M.pdf: 3234498 bytes, checksum: da6c5752529ac8e92628f05edba40bc5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Nossa pesquisa busca demonstrar o modo como o teórico marxista István Mészáros trata das questões relativas aos limites e possibilidades da política na transição socialista, bem como aos problemas inerentes à chamada linha de menor resistência do capital. A fim de permitir ao leitor o contato com minha interpretação acerca de aspectos da contribuição dada por Mészáros ao debate acerca da teoria da transição do século XXI, optei pelo desenvolvimento teórico de alguns temas do legado político de Karl Marx que foram resgatados, apropriados e incorporados de forma crítica por Mészáros. Tais aspectos do legado marxiano nos parecem essenciais ao entendimento da teoria de Mészáros e dotados de destacada importância no debate contemporâneo. Dada a amplitude da problemática em tela e os limites inerentes a esse trabalho, tivemos de privilegiar apenas um dos problemas subjacentes aos limites e possibilidades da política na transição para além do capital: a questão do fenecimento do Estado. Tal escolha se deve à evidente relevância do tema à teoria da transição socialista, bem como devido ao destaque dado por Mészáros a essa problemática / Abstract: Our research seeks to demonstrate how the Marxist theorist István Mészáros deals with issues concerning the limits and possibilities of politics in socialist transition, and the problems inherent in the so-called line of least resistance of the capital. In order to allow the reader an adequate understanding of the contribution given by Mészáros to the debate about the theory of the transition from twenty-first century, we chose the demonstration of some aspects of the political legacy of Karl Marx who were rescued, and incorporated appropriate critically by Mészáros. These aspects of the Marxian legacy in seem essential to the understanding of the theory of Mészáros and featuring outstanding importance in the contemporary debate. Given the breadth of the problems and limits of this work, we had to focus on just one aspect of the limits and possibilities of politics in transition beyond the capital: the question of the withering away of the state. This choice is due to the obvious relevance of the issue to the theory of socialist transition, as well as due to the prominence given to this problem by Mészáros / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestre em Sociologia

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Le comportement électoral dans les communautés mixtes (Résumé)<p><p>Andreea ZAMFIRA<p><p><p>\ / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Ce travail de thèse cherche à interroger l’importance, fluctuante, prise par la question des « migrations environnementales », et sa constante re-problématisation. Il s’inscrit dans une perspective de sociologie de l’action publique et entreprend une comparaison transcalaire, entre le plan international et l’échelon national malien. Cette recherche montre que, dans un contexte d’incertitudes politiques et scientifiques multiples, l’élaboration de récits d’action publique relatifs aux « migrations environnementales » permet de dramatiser des enjeux qui dépassent le strict cadre des effets des changements environnementaux sur les déplacements de population, et de les construire en problèmes relevant de l'action publique.Trois récits discordants ont été élaborés dans les arènes internationales : le récit des « réfugiés », le récit des « personnes déplacées par les catastrophes naturelles » et le récit de « la migration comme adaptation ». Leur multiplication s’explique, d’une part par leur visée instrumentale, et d’autre part par les constants efforts de reformulation mis en œuvre par des entrepreneurs politiques afin de les inscrire dans les référentiels dominants. En résultent des récits en décalage avec les résultats des travaux académiques consacrés au lien entre environnement et déplacement. A l’échelon malien, le récit des « réfugiés » s’insère dans un discours plus général venant justifier des mesures de lutte contre les changements environnementaux et climatiques, nouvelle priorité des agences d’aide. Les récits élaborés au plan international sont ainsi sélectionnés et articulés avec des enjeux locaux afin d’être adaptés aux logiques et normes de fonctionnement de l’action publique locale. / This research work aims at questioning the variety of narratives used to describe “environmental migration” and the shifting importance given to the matter. Building on a political sociology of ‘public action’ perspective, it undertakes a transnational comparison between international arenas and Malian politics and policies. This study shows that, in a context of multiple political and scientific uncertainties, “environmental migration” narratives are used to add dramatic tension to issues that go beyond the subject of environmentally linked migration, and to construct them as public problems.Three conflicting narratives have been elaborated in the international arenas: the “refugee” narrative, the “natural disaster induced displacement” narrative and the “migration as adaption” narrative. Their multiplication can be explained by their instrumental purpose and by the constant reformulation efforts undertaken by political entrepreneurs in order to include them in the prevailing cognitive and normative frames. As a result, these narratives appear to be out of step with academic findings that insist on the complex causal relationship linking environment to displacement. In Mali, the “refugee” narrative is the one predominantly used by ‘public action’ actors but it is part of a larger discourse focused on climate change, which is used to legitimise development aid flows. The narratives elaborated at the international level are thus selected and adapted to local cognitive and normative frames and agenda setting dynamics.

Le champ politique est un espace dans lequel s’affrontent des acteurs variés, acteurs qui ne se résument pas aux partis : trop souvent laissés dans l’ombre par la science politique, les clubs et cercles de réflexion, les fondations politiques, les instituts, participent effectivement à la vie politique. L’enjeu de cette étude est de mettre en perspective les modalités d’action des structures non-partisanes, de 1958 à nos jours, en revenant sur leur genèse, leur morphologie, et leurs trajectoires dans le temps : apportant de nouvelles idées, proposant des nouveaux modes de fonctionnement partisans, elles contribuent à faire bouger les lignes du débat politique et pallient les défaillances des partis en matière programmatique et d’écoute des revendications de la société civile. Sans se confondre avec les mouvements sociaux, elles partagent cependant avec ces derniers un militantisme différent de l’engagement classique et utilisent des modes d’intervention bien spécifiques. Malgré des ressources faibles au regard de leurs homologues étrangers (les fondations allemandes, les think tanks anglo-saxons), les structures non-partisanes françaises connaissent une tendance à la professionnalisation et mobilisent de véritables réseaux d’experts pour faire entendre leur voix : à la faveur d’une crise prolongée des organisations partisanes, elles sont appelées à jouer un rôle de plus en plus important dans la construction du « politiquement imaginable », ainsi que dans l’élaboration des politiques publiques. / The political arena is a field where in various actors confront each other, yet cannot be defined as political parties per se. Although clubs, think tanks, political foundations and institutes all genuinely participate in the political life, political scientists have, for the most part, ignored them. The purpose of this study is to put into perspective non-party structures methods of action, from 1958 to the present day, emphasizing their genesis, morphology and trajectories. As they bring new ideas to the forefront and suggest reforms for the internal functioning of political parties, they thus contribute to the evolution of political debate and even compensate for the parties failure in designing political programs and paying attention to the demands of the civil society. Though they are not to be assimilated to social movements, they do share a form of activism which can be distinguished from classical political commitments, and also use specific methods of intervention. Compared to their foreign counterparts (German foundations, Anglo-American think tanks), and despite meager resources, French non-party structures tend to develop their professionalism and mobilize authentic networks of experts so that their message is heard. Due to an ongoing crisis of political organizations, they will certainly play an increasing role in shaping the “politically conceivable” and in building public policies.

Cette recherche prend pour objet l’Union bancaire, à savoir la principale réforme des institutions de l’Union européenne souhaitée par les chefs d’État et de gouvernement en réponse à la crise financière de 2008. La réforme confie notamment à la Banque centrale européenne la charge de superviser les banques de la zone euro à partir de novembre 2014. À la croisée d’une sociologie de la finance en discussion avec une sociologie des sciences et des techniques, et d’une sociologie politique attentive aux instruments d’action publique, la thèse propose d’analyser les nouvelles pratiques de supervision comme un problème de gouvernement au sens de Michel Foucault. Elle décrit ainsi l’Union bancaire comme un agencement institutionnel, à savoir un assemblage d’acteurs, de pratiques de vérification et de dispositifs de contrôle, au sein duquel s’invente une forme inédite d’intervention. Cet agencement produit une expertise européenne centralisée sur un territoire de gouvernement. Sur celui-ci, la problématisation de la bonne conduite des établissements vise à garantir un devenir pérenne des actifs des investisseurs, sans agir de façon dirigiste sur les flux financiers. Les autorités de supervision des États prenant part à l’agencement sont en charge de relayer les décisions collectivement actées à Francfort sur leurs banques considérées comme nationales. La thèse contribue aux débats académiques contemporains relatifs à la finance et à la construction européenne, en rendant visibles par l’enquête les effets d’une action publique tournée vers le problème de la gestion de l’investissement en Europe. Elle permet notamment de saisir la recomposition des souverainetés étatiques en matière de politique bancaire qui, loin de s’effacer, jouent un rôle décisif dans la constitution du territoire étudié. Les développements sont élaborés à partir d’une enquête qualitative, incluant une ethnographie de l’Autorité de contrôle prudentiel et de résolution (ACPR), une campagne d’entretiens et une analyse documentaire. / This research is focused on the Banking Union, the main reform of the European Union's institutions called for by the Heads of State and Government in response to the 2008 financial crisis. This reform entrusts the European Central Bank in particular with the task of supervising banks in the euro zone from November 2014. At the crossroads of a sociology of finance in discussion with a sociology of science and technology studies, and a political sociology, the thesis proposes to analyse new supervisory practices as a problem of government in the sense defined by Michel Foucault. The Banking Union is portrayed as an institutional arrangement, namely an assemblage of actors, auditing practices and control devices, at the heart of which a new form of intervention is invented. The purpose of this arrangement is to produce a centralized European expertise on a developing territory of government. In this territory, the problematization of good banking conduct aims at ensuring a sustainable future for investors' assets without acting on the financial flows in a constraining way. The supervisory authorities of the states involved in the arrangement are now in charge of applying the decisions made collectively in Frankfurt about banks still considered as national. Through this inquiry, the thesis contributes to contemporary debates on finance and on the European construction by enlightening the effects of public policies geared towards the issue of investment management in Europe. It especially improves our understanding of the reshaping of national sovereignties in banking policies, and shows that far from disappearing, those play a decisive role in the constitution of the territory studied. Developments are based on a qualitative inquiry, including an ethnography of the Autorité de contrôle prudentiel et de résolution (ACPR), an interview campaign and a documentary analysis.

Cette thèse propose une analyse socio-politique des relations internationales au sein d'une Organisation Mondiale, en partant du cas concret de l’UNESCO dans le cadre de l’établissement des listes du Patrimoine Mondial. L’analyse sociologique des interactions entre les acteurs intervenant dans le choix et la publication des listes du Patrimoine Mondial forme le socle sur lequel une théorisation des processus en jeu est déployée. Bien que l'UNESCO fournisse aux états des outils leur permettant d'atteindre leurs objectifs nationaux, l'UNESCO contribue également à l’établissement de valeurs universelles et d’identités cosmopolites. Les dynamiques d’établissement des listes et leur contenu apparaissent de plus en plus marqués par les démarches des acteurs (états et individus) qui y participent. Le rôle de l'UNESCO apparaît donc ambivalent, dans la mesure où elle est en partie garante des institutions et des valeurs fondamentales qui sous-tendent sa création, et où elle favorise les jeux d’influence, l’établissement de rapports de force et les conflits. Cette tension n’affecte pas pour autant la valeur perçue par de nombreux acteurs des listes produites, et elle n’entame que partiellement les représentations de la capacité de l’institution à promouvoir la paix et la compréhension entre les peuples. / This research project is a socio-political analysis of the International Relations within an International Organization, levering the practical case of UNESCO in the context of the establishing World Heritage Lists. It suggests a theorization of the underlying process, by which numerous actors take part in the selection and subsequent publication of World Heritage Lists. In addition to providing individual states with the tools to achieve their national objectives, UNESCO seem to contribute to the establishment of universal values and cosmopolitan identities. The establishment processes of these Lists and their content appear increasingly influenced by the behavior of their actors (i.e., states and individuals). In that context, the role of UNESCO seems ambivalent. It serves both as (a) guarantor for the underlying fundamental values of the institutions and as a place of (b) political economy, in which influences are exchanged between actors that can lead to power struggles and even conflicts. However, this tension doesn’t seem to impact the perceived value of the Lists by most actors and appears to only partially impact the perception of the Organization’s capacity to promote peace-building and closer relationships between peoples.