Global ETD Search

151	Mises à distances. Ethnographie des places publiques centrales de Cluj-« Napoca » (Roumanie) dans le postsocialisme Coman, Gabriela 09 1900 (has links) Cette recherche porte sur le changement social dans la période postsocialiste à Cluj-« Napoca », une ville transylvaine de Roumanie. En mobilisant une approche en termes de rapports sociaux à l’espace, l’étude explore les principes de différenciation tant spatialement que socialement. Les concepts d’« espace public » et de « lieu » ont permis une analyse aux multiples facettes menée selon quatre axes : matérialité et la visibilité des espaces, sphère publique-politique, vie sociale publique, investissements et appropriations individuelles. La thèse examine ainsi les activités qui se déroulent dans les places publiques centrales, les investissements spatiaux, les rituels quotidiens et les manifestations contestataires, les multiples attachements ethniques et religieux des habitants. L’ethnographie des places publiques centrales de Cluj-« Napoca » a mis en évidence une « faible classification des espaces » centraux de la ville, traduite par une grande diversité sociale. Les marques ethnicisantes parsemées à Cluj-« Napoca » renvoient aux groupes ethniques, mais aussi à d’autres enjeux qui relèvent du processus de restructuration du champ politique dans le postsocialisme. Dans le même registre, les stratégies de type ethnique sont mobilisées pour désigner de nouveaux critères de différenciation sociale et pour redéfinir d’anciennes catégories sociales. Oublis, silences et exigences d’esthétisation reflètent des demandes implicites des habitants pour redéfinir les cadres de la politique. Finalement, la thèse montre comment l’espace public à Cluj-« Napoca » pendant la période postsocialiste relève d’un processus continuel de diversification sociale et d’invention des Autres par d’incessantes mises à distance. L’espace public n’est pas la recherche de ce que pourrait constituer le vivre ensemble, mais la quête de ce qui nous menace et qu’il faut mettre à distance. / This research focuses on the social change in the Transylvanian city of Cluj-“Napoca” in post-socialist Romania. The study explores the principles of differentiation in both social and spatial terms. Drawing on the concepts of “public space” and “place”, a multi-dimensional analysis was conducted in four areas: materiality and visibility of space, public-political sphere, public social life, individual investment and appropriation. Thus, the thesis examines the activities that take place in the central public squares, the spatial investments, the everyday rituals and the protests, the inhabitants’ multiple ethnic and religious attachments. The ethnography of the central public spaces of Cluj-“Napoca” shows a “weak classification of spaces” in the center city, which reflects a wide social diversity. The marks of ethnic identification found throughout the population and public space of Cluj-“Napoca”, refer to ethnic groups but also to a number of issues related to the process of political restructuring in post-socialism. In the same vein, ethnically based strategies are put in place in order to identify new criteria of social differentiation and redefine old social categories. Omissions, silences and aesthetic requirements convey the way that the inhabitants’ implicit claims redefine the policy framework. In conclusion, the thesis shows how the public space in post-socialist Cluj-“Napoca” is an on-going process of social diversification and invention of Others by adopting a continuous stance of distancing. The public space is not the inquiry of what could be the “living together” (vivre ensemble), but the quest of what threat us and must be hold-off. Place publique Espace public Lieu Ethnicisation Changement social Postsocialisme Sociologie politique Sociologie urbaine Cluj-Napoca Roumanie Public square Public space Place Ethnicity Social changement Post-socialisme Political sociology Urban sociology Cluj-Napoca Romania
152	The roots of civic apathy in local government Mokgwatsana, Edwin Ntwampe 11 1900 (has links) The dissertation deals with the roots of civic apathy in local government, and the main emphasis is to establish the root cause/s of civic apathy. The hypothesis: 'civic apathy is a phenomenon intensified by ignorance and a feeling of powerlessness and frustration on the electorate' is tested in this study. To examine further specific aspects of civic apathy, including establishing the cause/s and effects of apathy, the author conducted a quantitative research in the Northern Metropolitan Area m Johannesburg, using questionnaires and literature study as the research method. The hypothesis advanced in the dissertation has been validated insofar as it has been argued and demonstrated that indeed people can feel powerless and frustrated if they are deliberately being excluded from, or denied the opportunity to participate actively in their local government activities. The main finding is that civic apathy is intensified by ignorance. However, the most important finding is that there ts a causal relationship between powerlessness, frustration and apathy. / Public Administration and Management / M. Admin. (Public Administration) Public participation Civic apathy Civic involvement Government by consent Reluctant citizens Citizen consultation Role of local government Citizen perceptions Participatory democracy Political participation 306.20968 Political participation -- South Africa Political sociology South Africa -- Politics and government
153	European civil actors for Palestinian rights and a Palestinian globalized movement: How norms and pathways have developed Sadeldeen, Amro 19 April 2016 (has links) The thesis is related to transnational social movements’ production of knowledge. Particularly, the research investigates the developed norms and pathways of a Palestinian-transnational movement (the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement- The BDS movement) during its formation period. The thesis reviews major social movement theories (i.e. Sidney Tarrow and Margeret Sikkink). While benefiting from major aspects of these theories, the thesis discovers that the researched movement suggests major deviations from these theories. Hence, the thesis mobilizes other literature, particularly of Pierre Bourdieu, to better account for cultural and social dimensions. This choice is enforced by the presence of academics that form a pillar in the movement. Yet, the thesis mobilizes together diverse dimensions from social movement literature, sociology and history (i.e. the historical trajectory of individual and collective actors), and with a constant check with the case itself. The methodological choice of the research goes back and forth between theories and the case (abductive methodology). Two chapters of the thesis are dedicated to the agency of the Palestinian actors in addition to interactions inside the field of power in Palestine. Another two chapters discuss transnational relations with a focus on European actors. Specific cases are chosen from interactions with Belgian and British actors. Moreover, interactions in three transnational fora are discussed.The research concludes that this transnational movement infuses diverse norms from different experiences and regions while adhering to universal norms such as comprehensive human rights. Moreover, the movement follows diverse pathways that include a Palestinian emergence, a Global Southern path and through the North. And these pathways enforce the adherence of the movement to specific norms. Such findings diverge from “Euro-centric” approaches in discussed social movements’ literature in the thesis. The research finally discusses other literature more relevant to the case (i.e. by Amitav Acharya), which argues that local actors try to protect their norms from abuse by central forces, and they do not only import norms but also diffuse new norms. The thesis ends up with questions for further research on the patterns of norms diffusion. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished Partis politiques groupes de pression Politique internationale Science politique générale Sociologie politique Philosophie politique Sociologie générale
154	Resilience of Fragility: International Statebuilding Subversion at the Intersection of Politics and Technicality Leclercq, Sidney 03 October 2017 (has links) For the past two decades, statebuilding has been the object of a growing attention from practitioners and scholars alike. ‘International statebuilding’, as its dominant approach or model guiding the practices of national and international actors, has sparked numerous discussions and debates, mostly around its effectiveness (i.e. if it works) and deficiencies (i.e. why it often fails). Surprisingly, little efforts have been made to investigate what international statebuilding, in the multiple ways it is mobilized by various actors, actually produces on the political dynamics of the ‘fragile’ contexts it is supposed to support and reinforce. Using an instrumentation perspective, this dissertation addresses this gap by exploring the relationship between the micro-dynamics of the uses of international statebuilding instruments and the fragility of contexts. This exploration is articulated around five essays and as many angles to this relationship. Using the case of Hamas, Essay I explores the European Union’s (EU) terrorist labelling policy by questioning the nature and modalities of the enlisting process, its use as foreign policy tool and its consequences on its other agendas, especially its international statebuilding efforts in Palestine. Essay II examines a Belgian good governance incentive mechanism and sheds the light on the tension between the claimed apolitical and objective nature of the instrument and the politicization potential embedded in its design and modalities, naturally leading to a convoluted implementation. Essay III analyses the localization dynamics of transitional justice in Burundi and unveils the nature, diversity and rationale behind transitional justice subversion techniques mobilized by national and international actors, which have produced a triple form of injustice. Essay IV widens this scope in Burundi, developing the argument that the authoritarian trend observed in the 2010-2015 period did not only occur against international statebuilding but also through self-reinforcing subversion tactics of its appropriation. Finally, essay V deepens the reflection on appropriation by attempting to build a theory of regime consolidation through international statebuilding subversion tactics. Overall, the incremental theory building reflection of the essays converges towards the assembling of a comprehensive framework of the in-betweens of the normative diffusion of liberal democracy, the inner-workings of its operationalization through the resort to the international statebuilding instrument and the intermediary constraints or objectives of actors not only interfering with its genuine realization but also contributing to its antipode of regime consolidation, conflict dynamics and authoritarianism. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished Sciences sociales Science politique administrative Sociologie
155	Gender Representation in Party Politics: A Case Study of Vhembe District in Limpopo, South Africa Manuella, Nyasha Gaspare 18 September 2017 (has links) MGS / Institute for Gender and Youth Studies / Political participation has more to do with various procedures than voting only. The United Nations (2015) argues that politics has to do with freedom of speech, working together without gender biasness, capacity to take part in the public sphere, ability to be registered as a political contender and campaign, be voted and be able to hold office at all stages of government leadership. Therefore, world-over men and women should be equal in order to participate in all areas of decision making in party-politics. Unfortunately, this has not been easy for women as there have been several barriers to their participation. This is because gender equality has been implemented on paper than in practice. This is due to the fact that many people have been socialised to believe that men are more powerful than women. This practice is deeply engraved into the social systems extending to the economic and political spheres leading to women being regarded powerless and unable to take up decision making or influential political positions in many nations. The gender biasness becomes even more apparent in political parties, women are often appointed to positions relating to administration and nurturing roles as compared to the strategic positions. Women continue to be marginalized as men still continue to be regarded as the custodians of leadership positions this study aims to examine the political disparities between men and women as they determine who should be nominated and elected leading to many women being disregarded. Qualitative approach was used for data collection using semi-structured interviews.Data was then analysed using the thematic analysis to draw themes from the research as well as participants’ responses. Non-probability sampling was used to choose participants of the study using the purposive or judgmental sampling. Moreover, a gender audit was made with regards to gender representation in the Vhembe District political arena. Information for the audit was acquired through the help of key informants. Findings of the research observed that in the Vhembe District, besides the existing barriers against women’s ascendency to positions of political power, women have been finding a way up to influential political positions, even though many are still concentrated at the very low positions as councillors. Hence, besides the unprecedented number of women politicians, equal gender relations have not been achieved in the district. Furthermore, the findings indicated that, political people in the district are less aware of gender policies as well as government efforts aimed at doing away with gender inequalities in the sector. In this regard, this research is a significant instrument in highlighting the disparities that exist between men and women which disadvantage mainly women by holding them back from accessing equal influential political positions. Gender equality Socialised Influential political position Gender representation 324.340968257
156	Sverigedemokraterna - Radikala högerpopulister? : En innehållsanalys av Sverigedemokraternas principprogram 1996–2019 / The Sweden Democrats - Radical right-wing populists? : A content analysis of The Sweden Democrats party programs 1996-2019 Eklund, Elin January 2023 (has links) Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka innehållet i Sverigedemokraternas principprogram för att skapa en förståelse för inslag av radikal högerpopulism i partiets politiska ideologi, så som den kommer till uttryck i dessa texter. Forskningsfrågans relevans grundar sig i den splittring som identifierats bland forskare som sysslar med Sverigedemokraternas politiska ideologi och hur den bör definieras. Trots att Sverigedemokraterna är Sveriges näst största parti, vilket medför ett stort politiskt inflytande, finns alltså en osäkerhet bland forskare om partiets ideologi och intentioner. Det är vanligt förekommande att Sverigedemokraterna beskrivs baserat på deras ställningstagande i enskilda politiska frågor, exempelvis frågor om invandring, men i den här uppsatsen presenteras en analys av Sverigedemokraternas beskrivningar av Sverige, världen och politik i allmänhet. Mitt syfte ska besvaras genom en riktad kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Det material som analyseras är Sverigedemokraternas partiprogram/principprogram från åren 1996, 1999, 2003, 2011 och 2019. I analysen utgår jag från ett teoretiskt ramverk baserat på Jens Rydgrens beskrivningar av radikal högerpopulism. En idealtyp för radikal högerpopulism formuleras med syftet att förenkla och förtydliga ideologins olika grundbultar. Resultatet visar att Sverigedemokraternas principprogram innehåller radikala högerpopulistiska tendenser under alla år, men det identifieras också skillnader som indikerar att principprogrammens primära fokus varierar under åren. Partiets invandringspolitiska ståndpunkter är centrala delar som går i linje med ideologin i samtliga program, där en intolerans inför olikheter och stark etnopluralistisk nationalism identifierats. De radikala högerpopulistiska tendenser som identifieras förekommer i en sådan utsträckning, även 2019, att studiens resultat kan tolkas som stöd till påståenden om att radikal högerpopulism kan användas för att beskriva Sverigedemokraternas ideologi. / The purpose of this study is to examine the content of the Sweden Democrats' party program in order to create an understanding of potential elements of radical right-wing populism in the party's ideology, as expressed in these texts. The relevance of the research question is based on the division identified among researchers of the Sweden Democrats' political ideology and how it should be defined. Even though the Sweden Democrats are Sweden's second largest party, which entails a large political influence, there is still a great deal of uncertainty among the public as well as experts about the party's ideology and intentions. It is common for the Sweden Democrats to be described based on their stance on individual political issues, for example issues of immigration, but this essay presents an analysis of the Sweden Democrats' descriptions of Sweden, the world and politics in general. My purpose is to be answered through a targeted qualitative content analysis. The material that is analyzed is the Sweden Democrats' party programs from the years 1996, 1999, 2003, 2011 and 2019. In the analysis, I use a theoretical framework based on Jens Rydgren's descriptions of radical right-wing populism. An ideal type for radical right-wing populism is formulated with the aim of simplifying and clarifying the core of the ideology. The results show that the Sweden Democrats' party programs contain radical right-wing populist tendencies between the years 1996-2019, but differences are also identified which indicate that the primary focus in the party programs vary over the years. The party’s immigration policies align particularly well with the ideology in all programs, where an intolerance towards differences and a strong ethnopluralist nationalism have been identified. The radical right-wing populist tendencies that are identified occur to such an extent, even in 2019, that the study's results can be interpreted as support for claims that radical right-wing populism can be used to describe the ideology of the Sweden Democrats. The Sweden Democrats radical right-wing populism qualitative content analysis party program nationalism conservatism authority radicality populism immigration political sociology Sverigedemokraterna radikal högerpopulism kvalitativ innehållsanalys principprogram nationalism konservatism auktoritet radikalitet populism invandring politisk sociologi Sociology Sociologi Political Science Statsvetenskap Social Sciences Interdisciplinary
157	Les fêtes nouvelles. Enquête sur les idéaux de la société ouverte et leur mise en scène : Paris 1981-2014 / The new public celebrations. Inquiry into the ideals of the open society and their staging : Paris 1981-2014 Karakostaki, Charitini 24 March 2018 (has links) La présente thèse porte sur la mise en place des nouvelles manifestations festives en France, et plus particulièrement à Paris, depuis les années 80. Ces fêtes marquent un déplacement par rapport aux fêtes « traditionnelles » qui étaient en grande partie organisées autour des concepts de sacré et de nation. Nourri par une observation ethnographique de plusieurs années, ce travail met en évidence une multiplicité de facettes des fêtes nouvelles: les processus de conceptualisation et de création par les autorités publiques ; leur gestion et mise en œuvre par des managers culturels ou par des associations et des collectifs ; l’invention de nouvelles formes rituelles ou l’adaptation de plus anciennes ; les mises en scène urbaines et l’emploi des codes distinctifs ; l’appropriation de ces fêtes par la société et les différents débats qu’elles ont soulevés. Chacune des trois parties de la thèse est consacrée à une fête. Une place majeure est réservée à la Fête de la musique, la Marche des fiertés et la Nuit blanche, sans pour autant passer sous silence d’autres fêtes résolument nouvelles et d’envergure, telles que la Capitale européenne de la culture et les Allumées de Nantes, permettant de mieux saisir les mutations qui s’opèrent au niveau européen. Enfin, s’appuyant sur la thèse classique de Durkheim, ce travail propose d’envisager ces fêtes comme points d’entrée pour appréhender les idéaux de la société ouverte. L’intention affirmée des organisateurs de mettre en place une nouvelle conception du vivre ensemble et du lien social, est à bien des égards l’occasion de célébrer une société française et européenne, pacifique, réconciliée et tolérante. / The present thesis examines the installation of new festive events in France, and more particularly in Paris, since the 80s. These celebrations mark a shift in regard to "traditional" celebrations which mostly revolve around the concepts of the sacred and the nation. Nourished by an ethnographic observation of several years, this work highlights a variety of aspects: the process of their invention and their creation and by the public authorities; the supervision of the events by cultural managers or associations and collectives; the invention of new ritual forms and the adaptation of older ones; the design of the urban scenery and the use of distinctive codes; the appropriation of these events fro, the society and the various debates to which they gave rise. Each part of the thesis deals with a celebration in an independent way. The Fête de la musique, the Gay Pride and the Nuit blanche are analyzed here in priority. However, next to them parade also other events, entirely new and ambitious, such as the European Capital of Culture and the Allumées of Nantes which offer a better insight into changes that took place on a European level. Finally, based on Durkheim's classic thesis, this work proposes to consider these festive events as an entry point into a greater inquiry about the ideals of the open society. The asserted intention of the organizers to put in place a new conception of living together and the social bond is in many ways the occasion to celebrate a French and European society, that is peaceful, reconciled and tolerant. Fête de la musique Marche des fiertés Nuit Blanche Allumées Capitale européenne de la Culture Paris Nantes Europe Fêtes Célébrations Culture Management culturel Art Politiques culturelles Idéaux Libéralisme Droits Homosexualité(s) Mouvements sociaux Liberté Égalité Institutions Parti socialiste Public Sociologie Philosophie Ethnographie Sociologie politique Fête de la musique Gay Pride Nuit Blanche Allumées Cultural Capital of Europe Paris Nantes Europe Festivals Celebrations Culture Cultural management Art Cultural policies Ideals Liberalism Civil rights Homosexuality Social movements Liberty Equality Institutions Socialist party Public sphere Sociology Philosophy Ethnography Political sociology
158	Taiwanese accounts of the meaning of their national identity : a qualitative study Liu, Zhao 03 January 2014 (has links) Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The national identity of Taiwanese people has been a topic under public debate and academic inspection since Taiwan’s democratization in the 1980s and the 1990s. In this study, I interviewed fifteen Taiwanese students studying in the United States and talked with them about their national identity. Interviews with the fifteen students reveal that an independent Taiwanese identity has taken shape, while a Chinese cultural identity still remains part of the Taiwanese identity. It was also discovered that although a Taiwanese national identity has formed, a Taiwanese ethnicity has not yet taken a complete form. Discussions with the Taiwanese students also indicate that studying in the multi-cultural United States renders them more aware of their Taiwanese national identity, as well as their Chinese cultural identity. Taiwanese Taiwan national identity cultural identity Chinese Group identity -- Taiwan -- Students Taiwan -- Foreign relations -- China China -- Foreign relations -- Taiwan Taiwan -- History -- 1895-1945 Taiwan -- History -- 21st century Taiwan -- History
159	From social movements to contentious politics a comparative critical literature review across the U.S. and China Xie, Yunping 03 January 2014 (has links) Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This thesis is a critical literature review on the studies of social movements and contentious politics in the U.S. and China. Thanks to theories of contentious politics, we can analyze the studies of America’s social movements and China’s collective actions in the same “frame.” By making a comparison, this thesis tries to construct a theoretical dialogue between the studies across both countries. At the same time, it criticizes over-generalizing the mode “democratic-nondemocratic” in analysis of repertories of contentious politics and downplaying capitalism’s role in the social movements. From the various empirical studies in both countries, this thesis argues that a generalization should be based on the diversity of this realm, not just from the western perspective. social movement politics United States America China civil society Social change -- China -- 21st century Balance of power Political participation -- United States Political participation -- China Peasants -- Political activity -- China Collective behavior Political sociology Social conflict
160	Belief in Karma and Political Attitudes Östervall, Albin January 2022 (has links) Many scholars have discussed the sociopolitical consequences of belief in karma but few have investigated such relationships quantitatively. This study aims to establish empirical patterns concerning the connection between karmic beliefs and attitudes related to (i) political ideology, (ii) ableism, and (iii) views on the death penalty. The study’s theoretical framework is based on a Weberian approach to the study of beliefs (viewing beliefs as having attitudinal implications) and the theory of motivated social cognition. It uses original survey data from an MTurk sample of 330 Indians, which is analyzed through a series of regression models. When using demographic variables as controls, karmic beliefs are shown to correlate significantly (p<0.001) with three conservative dispositions (status quo conservatism, laissez-faire conservatism, authoritarianism); political approval of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party; ideological self-placement; ableist attitudes, and with disapproval of the death penalty. Karmic beliefs are also shown to correlate significantly with social class, and with right-wing views across both social classes and castes. Given these findings, I argue that karmic beliefs are likely to affect various political outcomes in India via their role in shaping the moral and political frameworks of the Indian population. karma karmic belief political attitudes ideology India Indian politics conservative dispositions caste caste system varnas political psychology political sociology conservatism laissez faire authoritarianism status quo conservatism equality BJP motivated social cognition Weber death penalty capital punishment ableism ableist attitudes personal responsibility samsara ahimsa retributivism theodicy just world belief karmic causation justice reasoning legitimizing myth legitimizing ideology Hinduism Hindutva politics religion karma index Political Science Statsvetenskap

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