Univ., Diss.--Wuppertal.

Ever since the military takeover of 1952, the post-monarchic political system of Egypt has been dependent upon a variety of mechanisms and structures to establish and further consolidate its powerbase. Among those, an intertwined web of what could be described as ‘patronage politics’ emerged as one of the main foundations of these tools and was utilized by the regime to establish the fundamentals of its rule. Throughout the post-1952 era, political patrons and respective clients were existent in Egyptian politics, shaping, to a great extent, the policies implemented by Egypt's rulers at the apex of the political system, as well as the tactics orchestrated by the populace within the middle and lower echelons of the polity. This study aims at analyzing the factors that ensured the durability of patronage networks within the Egyptian polity, primarily focusing on the sort of social structural reconfiguration that has been taking place in the popular communities of Egypt in the beginning of the 21st Century. Dissecting the area of Misr Al Qadima as an exemplar case study of Cairo’s popular quarters, the research mainly focuses on examining the role of the lesser notables, those middle patrons and clients that exist on the lower levels of the Egyptian polity within the ranks of the National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood. Henceforth, the sociopolitical agency of these lesser notabilities shall constitute the prime concern of the writing and, in doing so; this research also attempts to draw some linkage between the micro-level features of the popular polities of Cairo and the macro-level realities of the Egyptian polity at large, in the contemporary period.

Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les mouvements LGBT en Belgique, en France et en Espagne à travers une double comparaison (entre les cas et à travers le temps) qui intègre également les échanges et influences transnationaux et internationaux. Elle examine l’émergence et le développement de la revendication d’ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de même sexe dans ces pays, analysant les convergences en termes de contenu des demandes et de timing des mobilisations. Par conséquent, elle porte sur des convergences au niveau des mouvements sociaux, à l’inverse de la majeure partie de la littérature, qui se concentre sur les convergences de politiques publiques. Cette situation impose de construire une grille d’analyse basée sur la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux, les politiques publiques et les relations internationales (influence des normes internationales). Le développement des revendications relatives au droit au mariage a été retracé de manière généalogique depuis la fin des années 1980. La comparaison repose sur la méthode du most different systems design et un travail empirique important combinant analyse documentaire et entretiens a été réalisé. Cette thèse confirme l’importance de l’étude des échanges et des influences internationaux et transnationaux pour comprendre la politique domestique et insiste sur l’influence cruciale du réseautage transnational sur les revendications des mouvements sociaux. Elle révèle aussi quelques cas de diffusion entre mouvements sociaux et montre comment des caractéristiques et des contraintes communes peuvent inciter les mouvements sociaux à formuler des revendications similaires. Par ailleurs, les discours en faveur du droit au mariage ont été analysés avec soin. L’émergence de cette revendication a aussi été mise en perspective sur le plan historique, ce qui implique de réfléchir aux modalités de transformation des mouvements LGBT au cours des trente dernières années. Pour terminer, la notion de citoyenneté sexuelle a été interrogée et la manière dont l’accès à la citoyenneté a été posé a été examinée à partir du concept de resignification proposé par Judith Butler. <p><p><p>This dissertation looks at LGBT movements in Belgium, France and Spain through a double comparison (between cases and through time), which also takes into account transnational and international exchanges and influences. It investigates the simultaneous emergence and development of same-sex marriage claims in these countries, examining convergences in the content of the claims and the timing of protest. Therefore, it looks at convergences at the level of social movements, unlike most of the literature, which focuses on convergences in public policies. This specific research interests implies building an analytical model based on the literature on social movements, public policies and international relations (influence of international norms). It has also required a genealogical account of the development of same-sex marriage claims in each country from the end of the eighties until now. The comparison is based on the most different systems design method, and an extensive field work combining archives analysis and interviews has been carried out. This dissertation confirms the importance of taking into account international and transnational exchanges and influences to understand domestic politics, and insists on the crucial influence of transnational networking on social movements claims. It also discloses some cases of diffusion between social movements and shows how common characteristics and constraints may induce social movements to make similar but independent decisions. Discourses in favour of same-sex marriage have been carefully analysed, and the emergence of this claim has been put into a historical perspective. This implies a reflection on the transformations of the LGBT movement over the last thirty years. Finally, this dissertation interrogates the notion of sexual citizenship and examines the specific mechanisms through which access to citizenship has been proposed, discussing Judith Butler’s concept of resignification. <p><p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

A l'interface de la sociologie des migrations et de la sociologie politique, la thèse porte sur les migrations de retour des réfugiés congolais à partir des principaux pays d'acceuil l'afrique centrale. loin d'être regardées dans une perspective linéaire et statique entre deux sédentarités mais analysées à partir d'observation in situ et d'entretiens biographiques réalisés pendant près de seize mois dans les espaces d'accueil et de retour, les migrations de retour son intégrées ici dans un espace migratoire dynamique fait d'oppositions et de transactions entre les dispositifs du flux migratoire qui organisent et réglementent les migrations de retour, et les multiples pratiques formelles et informelles du sujet dont les intenses jeux de tension s'inscrivent dans un contexte soutenu de limitation des flux migratoires et l'accroissement de nouvelles formes de mobilité dans l'espace migratoire d'afrique centrale. / In the interface of the sociology of migration and political sociology, the thesis focuses on return migration of Congolese refugees from the main host countries of central Africa. Far from being observed in a linear and static perspective between two sedentarinesses but analyzed starting from in situ observations and from biographical interviews conducted during 16 months in host and return areas, the migrations of return are integrated in a dynamic migratory space constituted by oppositions and transactions between the biopolitic plans of retention of flows and the circulatory practices of the refugees. The accent is particularly focused on negotiating "biographical crossroads" and migratory careers of refugees from the social, spatial and political capital acquired during the refuge time. How, in these intersections between migratory careers and biopolitical plans, the returnees can define and negotiate their installations in the environment of return ?

[pt] Esta dissertação busca olhar para o espaço das redes transnacionais religiosas sob a perspectiva da Sociologia Política Internacional. Através do caso paradigmático da construção da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD) como ator transnacional e sua transnacionalização para a África, procuro oferecer elementos para entender o lugar dessas redes na política mundial. Muitos estudiosos pensaram que a importância da religião desapareceria da política com o advento da modernização. No entanto, as tradições religiosas se adaptaram aos novos tempos, ressignificando o espaço da religião na sociedade. As redes transnacionais religiosas são resultado desse processo de adaptação. No Brasil, o movimento de transnacionalização religiosa que mais teve destaque foi o das redes neopentecostais, como o da IURD, que se intensificaram a partir da década de 1980. Em uma abordagem de redes de religião como fenômenos transnacionais, vemos que elas produzem efeitos na política mundial que nos permitem modificar a forma como se pode olhar para as relações políticas e sociais, e, por vezes, desafiar o próprio sistema de estados. / [en] This dissertation seeks to look at the space of transnational religious networks from the perspective of International Political Sociology. Through the paradigmatic case of the construction of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (IURD) as a transnational actor and its transnationalization for Africa, I try to offer elements to understand the place of these networks in world politics. Many scholars thought that the importance of religion would disappear from politics with the advent of modernization. However, religious traditions have adapted to new times, giving new meaning to the space of religion in society. Transnational religious networks are the result of this adaptation process. In Brazil, the movement of religious transnationalization that stood out the most was that of neopentecostal networks, such as that of the IURD, which intensified from the 1980s onwards. In an approach of religious networks as transnational phenomena, we see that they produce effects on world politics that allow us to modify the way we can look at political and social relations, and sometimes to challenge the state system itself.

The dissertation deals with the roots of civic apathy in local government, and the main emphasis is to establish the root cause/s of civic apathy. The hypothesis: 'civic apathy is a phenomenon intensified by ignorance and a feeling of powerlessness and frustration on the electorate' is tested in this study. To examine further specific aspects of civic apathy, including establishing the cause/s and effects of apathy, the author conducted a quantitative research in the Northern Metropolitan Area m Johannesburg, using questionnaires and literature study as the research method. The hypothesis advanced in the dissertation has been validated insofar as it has been argued and demonstrated that indeed people can feel powerless and frustrated if they are deliberately being excluded from, or denied the opportunity to participate actively in their local government activities. The main finding is that civic apathy is intensified by ignorance. However, the most important finding is that there ts a causal relationship between powerlessness, frustration and apathy. / Public Administration and Management / M. Admin. (Public Administration)

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Modern society is plagued by an intense conflict of political ideologies. These conflicts in many instances reflect very serious religious overtones. Each person or group claims the right to react to socio-political issues on the basis of their own worldviews that are shaped by their cultural backgrounds, religious belief systems and political ideals. Human diversity serve to complicate matters even more and has in many instances found expression in political and religious intolerance, a fact testified to by the large-scale abuse of human rights that took place with increased intensity in the 20th century. Many Christians have failed to challenge the injustices that have resulted from these political ideologies and have instead opted to become 'apolitical' or simply hiding behind the argument that politics and religion does not mix. The author through a careful study of biblical political structures in the ancient Near East attempts to demonstrate the extent to which political ideologies of communities were influenced by the cultural milieu within which they existed. The feelings of ambivalence we experience in our faith are a direct result of these influences. An understanding of political ideology from a biblical perspective is essential to understand current world conflicts especially those that relate to the Middle East region. The author also argues for a reconciliation of politics and religion in the collective psyche of Christians. This would enhance a sense of sociopolitical responsibility in terms of the biblical mandate. The responsibility of government structures in terms of this mandate is also important and needs to be emphasised. The primary responsibility of any government is the welfare of its citizens and the management of public resources in an orderly, moral and efficient manner. A large percentage of government officials find it extremely difficult to face up to the challenge. The perspectives presented not only gives one insight into the historical development of biblical political worldviews. but presents us with challenges to pursue opportunities for peace and justice that would recognise and advance human dignity, human equality and human responsibility. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die moderne samelewing is oorweldig deur konflikte van politieke ideologies. Hierdie konflikte is in baie gevalle 'n weerspieëling van baie ernstige godsdienstige motiewe. Elke persoon of groep behou hom die reg voor om te reageer op socio-politiese aangeleenthede op grond van 'n eie wêreldsiening wat geskep word deur kulturele agtergronde, godsdienstige geloofsstelsels en politieke ideale. Menslike verskeidenheid maak hierdie aangeleenthede meer ingewikkeld en het in baie gevalle gelei na politieke en godsdienstige onverdraagsaamheid. Dit het verder aanleiding gegee tot die grootskaalse menseregte skendings wat plaasgevind het met groter intensiteit gedurende die 20ste eeu. Vele Christene het nie daarin geslaag om die uitdagings van ongeregtighede, wat voortspruit uit hierdie politieke ideologieë, die hoof te bied nie en het verkies om of hulself as 'apolities' te verklaar of om te argumenteer dat politiek en die godsdiens nie bymekaar hoort nie. Die skrywer, deur 'n indringende studie van bybelse politieke strukture van die ou Nabye Ooste te onderneem, poog om te demonstreer dat politiek ideologies gekleur was deur die kulturele samestelling van die gemeenskap. Gevoelens van ambivalensie wat ons ervaar in ons geloof is regstreeks as gevolg van hierdie omstandighede. Politieke ideologie vanuit 'n bybelse perspektief gee vir ons die geleentheid om huidige wêreldkonflikte beter te verstaan veral dit wat betrekking het op die Midde Ooste streek. Die skrywer stel ook voor die versoening van politiek en die godsdiens in die kollektiewe psige van Christene. As gevolg hiervan word die socio-politiese verantwoordelikheid van die Christen verhef in lyn met die bybelse mandaat. Die verantwoordelikheid van regerings strukture in terme van hierdie mandaat is ook belangrik en behoort beklemtoon word. Die primêre doel van enige regering is die welvaart van sy burgers sowel as die bestuur van sy openbare hulpbronne op 'n ordelike, sedelike en doeltreffende manier. 'n Groot aantal regeringsbeamptes vind dit moeilik om hierdie uitdaging die hoof te bied. Hierdie perspektiewe, wat hier aangebied word, gee nie net vir ons insig tot die historiese ontwikkeling van bybelse politieke wêreldsieninge nie, maar daag ons uit om geleenthede vir vrede en geregtigheid wat menslike waardigheid, menslike gelykheid en menslike verantwoordelikheid erken, na te jag.

Cette recherche porte sur le changement social dans la période postsocialiste à Cluj-« Napoca », une ville transylvaine de Roumanie. En mobilisant une approche en termes de rapports sociaux à l’espace, l’étude explore les principes de différenciation tant spatialement que socialement. Les concepts d’« espace public » et de « lieu » ont permis une analyse aux multiples facettes menée selon quatre axes : matérialité et la visibilité des espaces, sphère publique-politique, vie sociale publique, investissements et appropriations individuelles. La thèse examine ainsi les activités qui se déroulent dans les places publiques centrales, les investissements spatiaux, les rituels quotidiens et les manifestations contestataires, les multiples attachements ethniques et religieux des habitants. L’ethnographie des places publiques centrales de Cluj-« Napoca » a mis en évidence une « faible classification des espaces » centraux de la ville, traduite par une grande diversité sociale. Les marques ethnicisantes parsemées à Cluj-« Napoca » renvoient aux groupes ethniques, mais aussi à d’autres enjeux qui relèvent du processus de restructuration du champ politique dans le postsocialisme. Dans le même registre, les stratégies de type ethnique sont mobilisées pour désigner de nouveaux critères de différenciation sociale et pour redéfinir d’anciennes catégories sociales. Oublis, silences et exigences d’esthétisation reflètent des demandes implicites des habitants pour redéfinir les cadres de la politique. Finalement, la thèse montre comment l’espace public à Cluj-« Napoca » pendant la période postsocialiste relève d’un processus continuel de diversification sociale et d’invention des Autres par d’incessantes mises à distance. L’espace public n’est pas la recherche de ce que pourrait constituer le vivre ensemble, mais la quête de ce qui nous menace et qu’il faut mettre à distance. / This research focuses on the social change in the Transylvanian city of Cluj-“Napoca” in post-socialist Romania. The study explores the principles of differentiation in both social and spatial terms. Drawing on the concepts of “public space” and “place”, a multi-dimensional analysis was conducted in four areas: materiality and visibility of space, public-political sphere, public social life, individual investment and appropriation. Thus, the thesis examines the activities that take place in the central public squares, the spatial investments, the everyday rituals and the protests, the inhabitants’ multiple ethnic and religious attachments. The ethnography of the central public spaces of Cluj-“Napoca” shows a “weak classification of spaces” in the center city, which reflects a wide social diversity. The marks of ethnic identification found throughout the population and public space of Cluj-“Napoca”, refer to ethnic groups but also to a number of issues related to the process of political restructuring in post-socialism. In the same vein, ethnically based strategies are put in place in order to identify new criteria of social differentiation and redefine old social categories. Omissions, silences and aesthetic requirements convey the way that the inhabitants’ implicit claims redefine the policy framework. In conclusion, the thesis shows how the public space in post-socialist Cluj-“Napoca” is an on-going process of social diversification and invention of Others by adopting a continuous stance of distancing. The public space is not the inquiry of what could be the “living together” (vivre ensemble), but the quest of what threat us and must be hold-off.

Ayant pour ambition de « rendre la parole » aux populations déshéritées de la ville de Pikine, banlieue de la capitale sénégalaise, Débat local est l’émission politique interactive de la radio communautaire Air’Jeunes fondée à la fin des années quatre-vingt-dix à l’initiative des associations de jeunes de la région dakaroise avec le soutien d’une grande ONG canadienne. Cette thèse étudie les usages de cette émission par les citoyens locaux dans les trois domaines principaux où les militants et promoteurs de la démocratie participative s’attachent à développer des dispositifs d’action citoyenne visant à corriger les défauts et insuffisances du gouvernement représentatif au regard de l’idéal démocratique : la place des citoyens dans le système de production des biens publics locaux, les relations symboliques entre les élus et les électeurs et l’espace public de débat sur les politiques publiques et l’action des représentants. À partir d’une étude de terrain à caractère ethnographique menée en trois séquences de 2006 à 2011 dans les studios de la radio et sur les lieux d’écoute de l’émission, il apparaît que si l’émission a permis à des formes de contestation du pouvoir local de s’exprimer publiquement sans médiation, la réalisation du projet originel de l’émission s’est heurtée à un contexte local défavorable marqué par l’absence de moyens donnés aux élus locaux pour exercer leurs compétences récemment décentralisées et par un journalisme politique local polarisé autour de deux formes dominantes laissant peu de place au débat argumenté : le journalisme antagonique des grands groupes privés et de la petite presse du secteur informel et le journalisme légitimiste du groupe public. En dépit de leur attachement militant au projet, les responsables de la radio et les animateurs de l’émission dont les origines sociales et les formations scolaires les tenaient très éloignés des formes de consommation des biens informationnels des Pikinois ainsi que des activités des associations informelles de quartier très vivantes dans la banlieue dakaroise ont progressivement cédé aux forces d’attraction qu’exerçaient les radios privées ordinaires sur leur vision de leur avenir professionnel personnel et, corrélativement, sur leur pratique journalistique. / Aspiring to “give a voice” to the poor people of Pikine, a suburb of the Senegalese capital, “Local Debate” is an interactive political programme of the community radio Air’Jeunes, created in the late nineties at the initiative of youth associations in the Dakar region with support from a major Canadian NGO. This thesis explores the use of this programme by local citizens in three main areas where activists and proponents of participatory democracy are committed to developing citizen action mechanisms, aiming to correct the defects and shortcomings under the democratic ideal of representative government: the role of citizens in the production system of local public goods, symbolic relationships between elected leaders and electors, and the public space for debate on public policies and the actions of representatives. Based on an ethnographic field study conducted in three phases between 2006 and 2011 in the radio production studio and the show’s listening sites, it appears that, even if the programme has enabled forms of contestation of local authority to be voiced publicly without mediation, the realisation of the original project faced an unfavourable local context marked by the lack of resources given to local officials to exercise their newly decentralised powers and a local political journalism polarised around two dominant forms, leaving little room for debate: the antagonistic journalism of big private groups and small informal press, and the legitimising journalism of the public service group. Despite their militant commitment to the project, radio staff and hosts whose social origins and educational backgrounds distance them from the forms of consumption of information goods and activities of Pikine’s inhabitants, as well as the dynamic activities of informal neighbourhood associations in the suburbs of Dakar, have gradually yielded to forces of attraction exercised by mainstream private radios, influencing their vision of their professional future and, in turn, their journalistic practice .

Adelaide Nga-yan Lau. / Thesis submitted in: December 2001. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 152-158). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Introduction --- p.p. 1 -4 / Theoretical Framework --- p.p.5-25 / The Habermasian public sphere / Chapter ■ --- Universal access / Chapter ■ --- Topics of public concern / Chapter ■ --- Rational discussion / Gatekeeping in production / Chapter ■ --- Individual gatekeeping / Chapter ■ --- Organizational gatekeeping / Chapter ■ --- Impact of commercialization / Phone-in Programs as Media Public Spheres --- p.p.26-46 / Factors for developing public sphere / Chapter ■ --- Capitalism / Chapter ■ --- Freedom of expression / Media and political communication in Hong Kong / Political and social contexts of radio phone-in programs / Chapter ■ --- Period of germination / Chapter ■ --- Period of recognition / Chapter ■ --- Period of flourishing / Three radio phone-in programs in Hong Kong / Chapter ■ --- RTHK's Talkabout / Chapter ■ --- Commercial Radio's Teacup in a Storm / Chapter ■ --- Metro Radio's Metropolitics / Methodology --- p.p.47-55 / Data collection / Chapter ■ --- The Robert Chung case / Data analysis / Chapter ■ --- Content analysis / Chapter ■ --- Discourse analysis / Analysis I - Universal Access --- p.p.56-76 / Technologies enhance accessibility / Equal opportunity for callers / Selecting calls / Chapter ■ --- Screening in Talkabout / Chapter ■ --- Screening in Teacup in a Storm / Chapter ■ --- Screening in Metropolitics / What is universal access? / Analysis II - Topics of Public Concern --- p.p.77-96 / Topics initiated by the public / Handling of topics initiated by the public / Characteristics of pre-set discussion topics / Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Talkabout / Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Teacup in a Storm / Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Metropolitics / Who sets the media agenda? / Analysis III - Rational Discussion --- p.P. 97 -114 / Opinions with grounds / Discourse analysis of discussion on the Robert Chung case / Chapter ■ --- Period of reticence / Chapter ■ --- Period of development / Chapter ■ --- Period of investigation / Chapter ■ --- Period of conclusion / What is rational discussion? / Conclusion and Discussion --- p.P.115-128 / Interpretations of three main criteria in the media public sphere / Organizational gatekeeping in the media public sphere / Chapter ■ --- Political economy of Talkabout / Chapter ■ --- Political economy of Teacup in a Storm / Chapter ■ --- Political economy of Metropolitics / One additional criterion 一 Pluralism / Reconsidering the media public sphere / Appendices --- p.P.129-151 / Bibliography --- p.P.152-158