Gender gaps in religiosity among Western populations, such that women are more religious than men, are well documented. Previous explanations for these differences range from biological predispositions of risk aversion to patriarchal gender socialization, but all largely overlook the intersection of social statuses. Drawing on theories of intersectionality, we contribute to the cultural and empirical analysis of gender gaps in religiosity by documenting an interactive effect between gender, education, and political views for predicting religious nonaffiliation and infrequent attendance at religious services among Americans. For highly educated political liberals, gender gaps effectively disappear, such that men and women are almost equally likely to be secular (or religious). The results have implications for the long-standing disputes about the gendered “nature” of religiosity and highlight the importance of multiple intersecting statuses and modalities in shaping aggregate patterns of religiosity and secularity.

[pt] A dissertação analisa de forma crítica parte da literatura de segurança internacional que advoga pela ampliação da agenda do campo, evidenciando as consequências éticas e políticas de se adotar a lógica da securitização em análises sobre questões sociais. Para tanto, são abordadas as contribuições da Escola de Copenhague às análises sobre a política de controle de fronteiras da União Europeia (UE). Este estudo tem como linha condutora as diferentes visões sobre a criação da Frontex, agência que, apesar das acusações de desrespeito aos direitos dos imigrantes, tornou-se a principal produtora de conhecimento acerca dos riscos às fronteiras europeias. Por fim, é abordada a contribuição do campo da Sociologia Política Internacional para os estudos de segurança, especialmente os trabalhos de Didier Bigo e Jef Huysmans. Esta perspectiva realça os principais problemas da ampliação da agenda de segurança e seu impacto no Estado liberal, demonstrando que há uma modificação drástica nas formas de governança, com restrições à liberdade individual em prol de um suposto aumento de proteção. Deste modo, o objeto desta dissertação é tanto a literatura da Escola de Copenhague, compreendendo suas limitações práticas e silêncios políticos, quanto a própria Frontex, cujas operações são evidências empíricas dos argumentos de Bigo e Huysmans. / [en] This dissertation criticizes part of the literature on international security that advocates for the expansion of the agenda of the field, evidencing the ethical and political consequences of adopting the securitisation perspective while analysing social issues. In this sense, the theoretical contributions of the Copenhagen School to the interpretations of the European Union (EU) policy of boarder control are addressed. This work has as its conductive line the different visions on the creation of the Frontex, an agency that, depite being accused of disrespecting the rights of immigrants, became the main producer of knowledge on the risks to European boarders. Finally, the contribution of the International Political Sociology field to security studies is addressed, mainly through the work of Didier Bigo and Jef Huysmans. This perspective highlights the main problems of widening the security agenda and its impact in the Liberal State, demonstrating that there is a drastic change in the forms of governance, with restrictions to individual freedoms on behalf of an alleged increase in protection. Thereby, the object of this dissertation is both the Copenhagen School literature, understanding its practical limitations and political silences, and Frontex itself, whose operations are empirical evidences of Bigos and Hyusmans s arguments.

Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 19 , 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Submitted by Vasti Diniz (vastijpa@hotmail.com) on 2017-12-28T12:31:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 7574775 bytes, checksum: f4cb70af1928d9fe15fa417935196c3a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-28T12:31:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 7574775 bytes, checksum: f4cb70af1928d9fe15fa417935196c3a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The experiences of growing old in the contemporany society are marked by a heterogeneous character. Through this, the object of study of this research seeks to travel down between the so called groups and association for the elderly and the public policies executed in the state of Paraíba. Although these groups and association "for the elderly" contain diverse proposals, they hold a significant meaning for the members who integrate them. Therefore, they enable the coexistence between individuals of similar age, also facilitate the formation of sociability relationships and entrenched the community solidarity's network that extrapolate the limits of the group and reflects in the subjetivity of the participants. Their objective, on the other hand, goes beyond the direct intersubjective bonds and bounce to the public sphere in the anticipation of affecting policies and programs related to the "third age". Therefore, the objective of this paper is to analyse if the participation of the elderly in groups and associations of the state of Paraíba affects the preparation/execution of state public policies, impacting in the perception of "being old" nowadays. As part of the survey methodology, we made contact with the state public power, conducted visits in the associative centre to observe the practices, semi-structured and in-depth interviews, and raising information about the history of the groups in the cities of João Pessoa and Campina Grande, besides the study of the thematic bibliography. Furthermore, with acting cut-off line from 2003 to the first semester of 2015, we aim to discover if and how the Paraiba's people in an age considered old, who are participants of specific groups and association, have been inserted in the group of actions deliberated by the public power, if and how they organize themselves collectively to demand the law enforcement and relate to other individuals from their generational group, by building the possibility of to be old nowadays. The results indicate that through the demographic growth, the ways of resistence and acting in the city spaces that they attend - locus of this research - there is the appreciation of the elderly person as a protagonist in the achievement and realization of his/her rights. Faced with this, the present research finds support to the discussion of the enforcement of the Senior Citizen's Statute in Paraíba and the inclusion of this social individual in the deliberated actions. / As experiências de envelhecer na sociedade contemporânea são marcadas pelo caráter heterogêneo. Através desse reconhecimento, o objeto de estudo desta pesquisa busca enveredar pela articulação entre os chamados grupos e associações de idosos e as políticas públicas executadas no estado da Paraíba. Grupos e associações “de idosos”, embora contemplem propostas diversas, compreendem relevantes significados para os membros que as integram. Na medida em que possibilitam a convivência entre indivíduos com idade semelhante, facilitam a formação de relações de sociabilidade e consolidam a rede de solidariedade comunitária, que extrapola os limites do grupo e reflete na subjetividade dos participantes. Seu objetivo, porém, vai além dos laços intersubjetivos diretos e se volta para a esfera pública, na expectativa de influenciar políticas e programas voltados para a chamada “terceira idade”. Diante disso, o objetivo desse trabalho é analisar se a participação de idosos em grupos e associações na Paraíba influencia na elaboração/execução de políticas públicas estaduais, repercutindo nas vivências de “ser velho” na sociedade atual. Como metodologia de pesquisa, contatamos o poder público estadual, realizamos visitas nos núcleos associativos para observação das práticas, entrevistas semiestruturadas e em profundidade, levantamento sobre o histórico dos grupos, nas cidades de João Pessoa e Campina Grande, além dos estudos de bibliografia temática. Com recorte das ações entre os anos de 2003 ao primeiro semestre de 2015, pretendemos descobrir se e como os paraibanos em idade considerada idosa, participantes de grupos e associações específicas, tem se inserido no conjunto de ações deliberadas pelo poder público, se organizam coletivamente para reivindicar o cumprimento da lei e relacionam-se com outros indivíduos do seu grupo geracional, construindo possibilidade de ser/estar idoso na atualidade. Os resultados indicam que através do crescimento demográfico, das formas de resistência e atuação nos espaços citadinos que frequentam – lócus da pesquisa empreendida – há o reconhecimento da pessoa idosa enquanto protagonista da conquista e efetivação dos seus direitos. Diante disso, a presente pesquisa, encontra respaldo para discutirmos o cumprimento do Estatuto do Idoso na Paraíba e a inserção desse sujeito social nas ações deliberadas.

En combinant une sociologie historique du politique et des rapports entre intellectuels et le champ politique, cette thèse revient sur la création et les quelques mois d’activité du Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire. Créé en février 1948 par des écrivains et journalistes, des parlementaires de la S.F.I.O. et des militants syndicalistes et politiques, le R.D.R. devait rassembler autour d’un discours de refus du positionnement en fonction de l’alternative entre les « blocs » atlantistes et soviétiques. Il s’agissait pour un certain nombre de ses membres exerçant une profession intellectuelle d’inventer une position au sein du champ politique.A partir d’une biographie collective du groupe, complétée par une sociographie, ce travail met en évidence les particularités sociales de son recrutement et les positions qu’occupaient ses membres en 1948. La perméabilité entre les champs politiques et de production des biens symboliques permet d’expliquer la tentation partisane collective au principe de la création du Rassemblement.L’étude précise de la mobilisation en train de se faire montre que les multiples tentatives d’institutionnalisation du groupe se heurtent finalement à l’impossible stabilisation d’un répertoire de l’action collective. Tout se passe comme si la mobilisation autour du R.D.R. n’était aboutit que pour ses membres intellectuels et qu’à défaut de constituer une entreprise politique légitime, ce parti avait surtout fonctionné comme un « intellectuel collectif ». La réinscription de l’engagement au sein du R.D.R. dans une histoire longue des rapports entre champ politique et de production des biens symboliques souligne comment la conjoncture spécifique allant de la libération du territoire au début de la « guerre froide » a rendu possible une telle tentative de subversion des frontières symboliques au sein du champ du pouvoir.En renonçant à une analyse univoque du RDR comme un « échec », ce sont les enjeux liés à l’intervention politique des intellectuels que ce travail donne à voir. / From a combination between historical sociology of politics and sociology of interaction between intellectuals and political field, this thesis looks back at the creation and the few months of existence of the Rassemblement Démocratique Révolutionnaire. Launched on February 1948 by authors, commentators, socialist parliamentarians and political and union activists, the R.D.R. aimed at rallying around the refusal of taking sides between soviet and Atlantic bloc. Based on a collective biography complemented by a statistic and sociographical approach, we brought to light the social particularity of its members as well as their respective status in 1948. Permeability between the political field and this of symbolic properties production, explains the collective partisan temptation underlying the R.D.R.’s creation. The thorough study of the mobilization in the process shows that the multiple attempts to institutionalize the group failed to stabilize a repertoire of contention. It is as if the R.D.R.’s mobilization was only efficient for its intellectual members and as if, instead of a political party, they only succeeded in creating a “collective intellectual”. Contextualizing the R.D.R. in an extensive history of the relationships between political and intellectual fields reveals how the specific situation between France's liberation and the “cold war” allowed such an attempt to overstep the symbolic boundaries within the field of power. Given up the exclusive approach of the R.D.R. as a failure, it is the matters related to the political involvement of intellectuals that this thesis unveils.

Falupartiet anser sig själva att inte styras av någon av de klassiska ideologierna, de anser då att de styrs av något annat som har att göra med vad som är det bästa för Falu kommun, men vad betyder det och vad innebär det ideologiskt? Det bör innebära att Falupartiet är styrda av en lokal ideologi? Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fram Falupartiets lokala ideologi för att skapa en större förståelse för den. Uppsatsens frågeställningar vill besvara vilka av de klassiska ideologierna som styr de nationella partierna som även styr Falupartiet, även om Falupartiet förnekar sig styrda av dem. Frågeställningarna vill även undersöka om det kan finnas spår av lokalpopulistiska drag i att endast påstå sig styras av lokala intressen. Detta kommer att göras med en kvalitativ diskursanalytisk metod och med hjälp av teorier om ideologisk analys där ideologin delas upp i huvudpunkter för att analyseras separat. Analysen kommer att göras endast på Falupartiets textmaterial från deras hemsida. Analysresultaten visar att Falupartiets ideologi innehåller en stor blandning av flera olika ideologier vilket samtidigt kan ses som populistiskt. Falupartiet har ingen extrem ideologi men deras ideologiska kärna bör ses som högerkonservativ, med vissa populistiska drag. / The local Falun party is claiming not to be steered by any of the classical ideologies that the national parties have, they claim that they are steered by something else that has to do with what is the best for Falun community, but what does that mean and what kind of ideology is that about? It must be some kind of local ideology? The purpose of this paper is to analyse the Falunparty’s ideology to create a bigger understanding about it. It will do that thru the method of discourse analysis and with help of theories about ideological analysis where you separate the ideology into different headlines. And this analyse will only be done on the Faluparty’s text material from their website. The questionnaire’s in this paper wants to answer to what kind of ideology the local ideology is made of by comparing it to the national classical ideologies that the party is claiming not to be steered by. This paper is also questioning if this local ideology has populistic undertones. The results show that the Faluparty has a mix of all kinds of ideologies, which in itself can be seen as populistic. They do not have any extreme ideology, but their primary ideological nature is slightly right-wing conservative, thus with a populistic behaviour.

The Internet was initially seen as a metaphor for democracy itself. However, commercialisation, incorporation into existing hierarchies and patterns of daily life and state control and surveillance appear to have undermined these utopian dreams. The vast majority of online activity now takes place in a handful of commercially owned spaces, whose business model rests on the collection and monetisation of user data. However, the upsurge of political action in the Middle East and North Africa in 2010 and 2011, which many argued was facilitated by social media, raised the question of whether these commercial platforms that characterise the contemporary Internet might provide better venues for political speech than previous types of online spaces, particularly in authoritarian states. This thesis addresses the question of how the commercialisation of online spaces affects their ability to provide a venue for political speech in different political systems through a mixed-methods comparison of the U.S. and China. The findings of this thesis support the hypotheses drawn from existing literature: commercialisation is negative for political speech but it is less negative, even potentially positive, in authoritarian systems. However, this research uncovers a surprising explanation for this finding. The greater positivity of commercialisation for political speech in authoritarian systems seems to occur not despite the government but because of it. The Chinese state's active stance in monitoring, encouraging and crafting ideas about political speech has resisted its negative repositioning as a commercial product. In contrast, in the U.S., online political speech has been left to the market that sells back the dream of an online public sphere to users as part of its commercial model. There is still hope that the Internet can provide a venue for political speech but power, particularly over the construction of what it means to be a political speaker in modern society, needs to be taken back from the market.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-12-10Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:07:30Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 gigante_lc_dr_arafcl.pdf: 728927 bytes, checksum: 3324fc0a4b972f5ba4c0f305e0f03617 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / A presente pesquisa propõe-se a estabelecer um diálogo com a Sociologia Política de Max Weber, vendo-a como uma área estruturada pelos conceitos de dominação e legitimação, basicamente. Ao contrário da forma de discussão mais corrente que analisa e aplica tais conceitos – bem como os conceitos a eles imediatamente relacionados, como poder, organização e luta – queremos trabalhar a articulação entre idéias e interesses enquanto uma dimensão implícita nestes conceitos, pois que mantém estreita afinidade com eles. Isto significa que as idéias se inserem em cursos de legitimação de interesses materiais e de interesses ideais. Pretendemos demonstrar que existem, no pensamento de Weber, três níveis cruciais desta articulação, quais sejam: o epistemológico, o teórico sistemático de sua Sociologia da Religião e o de sua Sociologia Política, sendo que este último se objetiva a partir da ênfase nas justificações internas em que se apóia a dominação. Derivamos daí a principal questão da pesquisa: como as idéias se inserem em cursos de legitimação específicos? / This study aims to establish a dialogue with Max Weber’s Political Sociology, deeming it as an area structured by the concepts of domination and legitimation, basically. Unlike the most common approach, which analyzes and applies such concepts – as well as the concepts immediately related to them, such as power, organization and strife – we would like to work the articulation between ideas and interests as an implicit dimension in these concepts, for it bears close affinity with them. This means that ideas are inserted in courses of legitimation of ideal and material interests. Our intention is to demonstrate that there are, in Weber’s thought, three crucial levels of such articulation: the epistemological, the theoretical systematic of his Sociology of Religion and that of his Political Sociology, the latter being objectified from the emphasis on the internal justifications which support domination. From that argument we derive the main question of this study: how are ideas embedded in specific courses of legitimation?

Orientador: Marco Aurélio Nogueira de Oliveira e Silva / Banca: Milton Lahuerta / Banca: João Carlos Soares Zuin / Banca: Antônio Flávio de Oliveira Pierucci / Banca: Gabril Cohn / Resumo: A presente pesquisa propõe-se a estabelecer um diálogo com a Sociologia Política de Max Weber, vendo-a como uma área estruturada pelos conceitos de dominação e legitimação, basicamente. Ao contrário da forma de discussão mais corrente que analisa e aplica tais conceitos - bem como os conceitos a eles imediatamente relacionados, como poder, organização e luta - queremos trabalhar a articulação entre idéias e interesses enquanto uma dimensão implícita nestes conceitos, pois que mantém estreita afinidade com eles. Isto significa que as idéias se inserem em cursos de legitimação de interesses materiais e de interesses ideais. Pretendemos demonstrar que existem, no pensamento de Weber, três níveis cruciais desta articulação, quais sejam: o epistemológico, o teórico sistemático de sua Sociologia da Religião e o de sua Sociologia Política, sendo que este último se objetiva a partir da ênfase nas justificações internas em que se apóia a dominação. Derivamos daí a principal questão da pesquisa: como as idéias se inserem em cursos de legitimação específicos? / Abstract: This study aims to establish a dialogue with Max Weber's Political Sociology, deeming it as an area structured by the concepts of domination and legitimation, basically. Unlike the most common approach, which analyzes and applies such concepts - as well as the concepts immediately related to them, such as power, organization and strife - we would like to work the articulation between ideas and interests as an implicit dimension in these concepts, for it bears close affinity with them. This means that ideas are inserted in courses of legitimation of ideal and material interests. Our intention is to demonstrate that there are, in Weber's thought, three crucial levels of such articulation: the epistemological, the theoretical systematic of his Sociology of Religion and that of his Political Sociology, the latter being objectified from the emphasis on the internal justifications which support domination. From that argument we derive the main question of this study: how are ideas embedded in specific courses of legitimation? / Doutor