Cette thèse analyse l’institutionnalisation du Haut représentant de l’UE dans les négociations sur le programme nucléaire iranien entre 2003 et 2015. Si au départ le rôle qu’occupe le Haut représentant dans le dossier iranien est codifié dans les traités européens, à partir de 2006, ce sont notamment les résolutions du Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU qui le définissent. Ainsi mandaté par deux groupes d’acteurs distincts – les acteurs institutionnels de l’UE et les six puissances impliquées dans les négociations avec l’Iran – le diplomate en chef de l’UE est amené à endosser deux rôles contradictoires, celui du Haut représentant de l’UE et celui du Haut représentant des E3+3.En combinant la sociologie de l’UE avec la sociologie des RI, cette thèse interroge les dynamiques qui ont amené le Haut représentant à être reconnu comme légitime par l’ensemble des acteurs de la configuration du dossier nucléaire iranien. À partir de ce questionnement, ce travail propose un cadre d’analyse pour étudier l’institutionnalisation de l’Europe de la politique étrangère.La littérature sur l’institutionnalisation de l’action extérieure commune est divisée entre des travaux qui s’intéressent aux interactions entre des acteurs européens, d’un côté, et des travaux qui étudient l’institutionnalisation de l’UE sur la scène internationale, de l’autre. Ainsi, ils omettent que la construction de l’action extérieure commune est le produit de l’enchevêtrement des dynamiques globales et européennes. Cette thèse surmonte ce clivage en ce qu’elle met l’enjeu des dimensions interne et externe de l’institutionnalisation de l’UE au cœur de l’analyse. En m’appuyant sur l’hypothèse de la différenciation des espaces sociaux, je prendrai en compte les logiques distinctes structurant l’arène globale de la négociation nucléaire et l’arène de la PESC, tout en les appréhendant comme des arènes enchevêtrées. L’enquête empirique qui s’appuie sur des entretiens et des archives, met en exergue que le Haut représentant s’autonomise davantage de ses obligations du Haut représentant de l’UE pour endosser exclusivement le rôle de Haut représentant des E3+3. En outre, l’institutionnalisation de ces rôles est le produit d’une multitude d’interactions individuelles au sein et à l’intersection des espaces sociaux européens et globaux.À partir de l’analyse de l’institutionnalisation du rôle du Haut représentant dans le dossier nucléaire et en s’inspirant de la sociologie de Michel Dobry, ce travail permet de concevoir la variation de l’emprise des différents espaces sociaux sur l’institutionnalisation de l’action extérieure commune. Plutôt que de privilégier l’analyse d’une dimension sur l’autre, il est nécessaire de saisir la trajectoire de leur rapport afin d’appréhender le caractère aléatoire de la construction de l’Europe de la politique étrangère dans toute sa complexité. Au-delà de cela, l’étude de cas questionne l’idée de l’institutionnalisation de l’UE en tant que processus d’intégration. En effet, l’inscription de l’UE dans l’espace global de la diplomatie internationale nous permet de voir qu’il s’agit aussi bien d’une dynamique d’autonomisation, de différenciation et d’exclusion. / This thesis analyses the institutionalisation of the EU High Representative in the negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme between 2003 and 2015. Although initially the role of the High Representative in the Iranian dossier was codified in the European treaties, from 2006 onwards, it was notably the UN Security Council resolutions that defined it. Thus mandated by two distinct groups of actors - the EU's institutional actors and the six powers involved in the negotiations with Iran - the EU's chief diplomat is led to assume two contradictory roles, that of the EU High Representative and that of the E3+3 High Representative.By combining sociology of the EU with sociology of IR, this thesis examines the dynamics that led the High Representative to be recognised as legitimate by all those involved in the configuration of the Iranian nuclear dossier. Based on this guiding question, this work proposes an analytical framework for studying the institutionalisation of Europe's foreign policy.The literature on the institutionalisation of common external action is divided between work that looks at the interactions between European actors, on the one hand, and work that studies the institutionalisation of the EU on the international scene, on the other. Thus this bifurcation in the scholarly literature precludes a vision of European integration as the product of the tangle of global and European dynamics. This thesis overcomes this divide in that it puts the internal and external dimensions of the institutionalisation of the EU at the heart of the analysis. Based on the hypothesis of the differentiation of social spaces, I will take into account the distinct logics structuring the global arena of nuclear negotiation and the arena of the CFSP, while apprehending them as entangled arenas. The empirical survey, which is based on interviews and archives, highlights that the High Representative is becoming more autonomous from his obligations as EU High Representative to assume the role of High Representative of the E3+3. Moreover, the institutionalisation of these roles is the product of a multitude of individual interactions within and at the intersection of European and global social spaces.Based on an analysis of the construction of the role of the High Representative in the nuclear dossier and drawing inspiration from the sociology of Michel Dobry, this work makes it possible to conceive the variation of the influence of various social spaces on the institutionalisation of common external action. Rather than focusing on the analysis of one dimension over the other, it is necessary to grasp the trajectory of their relationship in order to grasp the random nature of the construction of Europe's foreign policy in all its complexity. Beyond this, the case study questions the idea of the institutionalisation of the EU as an integration process. Indeed, the EU's inclusion in the global space of international diplomacy allows us to see that it is also a dynamic of empowerment, differentiation and exclusion. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Opinion leaders are important political players who bridge the gap between the political elite and the general public. Traditionally opinion leaders use social pressure and social support via interpersonal communication to personally influence the opinions, attitudes and behaviours of their everyday associates (who make up the general public). However, in a hybrid media system opinion leaders have access to added channels which mean they can communicate with audiences beyond their everyday associates and/or engage in non-interpersonal interactions, potentially setting the stage for opinion leaders to become more influential since they can access more members of the general public. Conversely, since the ability of opinion leaders to influence others traditionally relies on strong social bonds, even if audiences are accessible for information transfer, the lack of social connection could mean influence does not flow. As such, opinion leaders' channel choice in a hybrid media system is potentially very important. To investigate the patterns of channel use as well as motivations for, and impacts of, channel choices by opinion leaders, a two phase mixed-methods study is employed. Phase one includes online social network analysis of the #CDNpoli (Canadian politics) hashtag on Twitter and an online survey. Phase two investigates the communication practices of 21 specific digitally enabled opinion leaders drawn from the #CDNpoli network. Two hour in-depth interviews are paired with visualizations of the participants trace data. Telephone interviews with associates (alters) of the primary interviewee were conducted (N=27). This design is therefore responsive to the multi-channel reality of a hybrid media system and improves upon large scale and single channel studies which are most common in this line of research. Now strategic and, at times, impersonal, a fundamental shift in how influence is derived challenges theories of social influence and information dissemination. Two types of strategic opinion leaders emerge: enthusiasts and champions. Their strategies contribute to a wider trend - a "just-in-time" informed citizenry - where those who do not opt in to receiving messages from the political elite only get information at the last possible minute, such as during a scandal or an election. Future research and communication strategy must be sensitive to the varied aims and tactics of digitally enabled opinion leaders as well as the subsequent inconsistent relationship between the uninformed and their political system.

[pt] A dissertação reconstrói o plano social formado em torno do debate público sobre os impactos de segurança das mudanças climáticas. Emprega para tanto o método de mapeamento de controvérsias desenvolvido por Pierre Bourdieu, que consiste no posicionamento dos agentes envolvidos no debate em um plano cartesiano, simbolizando as distâncias sociais entre os mesmos. Neste plano se cruzam um eixo horizontal, no qual os agentes são posicionados em função da caracterização que oferecem da ameaça climática (ênfase em segurança humana x ênfase em segurança geopolítica e militar), e um eixo vertical, no qual as coordenadas dos agentes são definidas a partir do tipo de medidas que advogam para o enfrentamento dos impactos de segurança do fenômeno (adaptação preventiva x adaptação reativa). Cruzando as tomadas de posição dos agentes nestes dois eixos, a pesquisa se propõe a avaliar a compatibilidade entre os resultados encontrados e os argumentos de Ulrich Beck, Didier Bigo, Jef Huysmans, Claudia Aradau e Rens Van Munster acerca dos impactos políticos do novo tipo de risco incomensurável que o fenômeno representa. Discute-se, em específico, a tese que associa a securitização das mudanças climáticas à transição de um modelo comunitarista de organização do sistema internacional rumo a um modelo centrado em um senso de pertencimento global. A dissertação tem como ambição, portanto, analisar os efeitos que as diferentes concepções de segurança climática vêm exercendo sobre a compreensão espaço-temporal moderna. Como conclusão, captura uma inclinação do debate em favor de uma concepção do global entendida como troca entre unidades particulares e uma predileção dos agentes por práticas de gerenciamento de risco. / [en] The dissertation maps the social space created around the public discussion concerning the security impacts of climate change. Pierre Bourdieu’s method of controversy mapping was applied, which consisted in positioning the agents involved in the debate on a Cartesian plane, symbolizing the social distances between them. The social map is formed by the intersection of two axes: first, the horizontal axis, in which actors are positioned according to how they frame the climate threat (emphasis on human security x emphasis on geopolitical and military security). Second, a vertical axis, in which agents are located according to the type of measures they advocate to deal with the security impacts of the phenomenon (preventive adaptation x reactive adaptation). By crossing agents’ positions in these two axes, the research tried to evaluate the consistency between its results and the arguments of Ulrich Beck, Didier Bigo, Jef Huysmans, Claudia Aradau and Rens van Munster concerning the political impacts of the new kind of unmanageable risk climate change represents. The dissertation evaluates, in particular, the hypothesis linking the securitization of climate change with the transcendence move from a communitarian international system towards a model based on a global sense of belonging. The research aimed, therefore, to analyze the effects that the different conceptions of climate security are having upon the modern understanding of space and time. As a conclusion, the dissertation identified an inclination among the analyzed agents towards a conception of the global understood as an exchange between well delineated particulars and a propensity towards practices of risk management.

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo investigar o processo de criação e os modos de funcionamento do Comitê Municipal de Mortalidade por AIDS de Porto Alegre. Por se tratar do primeiro comitê desse tipo a ser criado no Brasil e de estar situado na cidade que apresenta as maiores taxas de incidência, prevalência e mortalidade por AIDS no país, o mesmo apresenta-se como uma importante iniciativa na resposta à epidemia em âmbito local. O Comitê objetiva, a partir da análise dos óbitos por AIDS, pensar em medidas que possam impactar na melhoria da qualidade do atendimento dos serviços de saúde que atendem as pessoas que vivem com HIV/AIDS. Dessa forma, o estudo aqui empreendido, dentro do campo da Sociologia, preocupou-se em pensar esse universo empírico a partir de discussões já consolidadas nas Ciências Sociais sobre produção de Legibilidade, Permeabilidade do Estado, Políticas Públicas e Instituições Participativas. Os resultados deste trabalho mostram que um grupo de pessoas que possuíam expertises muito específicas foi responsável pela criação do Comitê na cidade; com apoio político, foi possível recrutar representantes dos serviços de saúde da cidade que atendem a população que vive com HIV/AIDS. Em relação à dinâmica das reuniões, há inúmeros conflitos, no que concerne à discussão dos casos de óbito por AIDS. Há diferentes entendimentos por parte dos membros do Comitê em relação à linha de cuidado que deveria ser adotada no tratamento dos pacientes. O Comitê é capaz de diagnosticar inúmeros problemas no sistema de saúde da cidade e apontar as fragilidades dos serviços de atendimento. Todavia, ainda não consegue garantir que as propostas por ele sugeridas sejam implementadas nos serviços a fim de resolver os problemas identificados e, por conseguinte, melhorar a qualidade dos serviços de atendimento às pessoas que vivem com HIV/AIDS. / The dissertation aims to investigate the process of creating and operationalizing the AIDS Mortality Committee in Porto Alegre. Being the first committee of its kind in Brazil, and being located in the city that possess the highest incidence, prevalence and mortality rates by AIDS in the country, the Committee presents itself as an important initiative in response to the epidemic at local level. The Committee aims, based on analysis of reported deaths from AIDS, to investigate these deaths and improve care services. This study is developed in sociology field, seek to think the empirical universe of discussions already consolidated in the Social Sciences, on production Legibility, Permeability of State, Public Policy and Participatory Institutions. The results show that a group of people who had very specific expertise was responsible for the creation of the Committee, with political support, has been possible to recruit representatives of health services responsible by people living with HIV / AIDS care system of the city. Regarding the dynamics of meetings, there are numerous conflicts, mostly on discussion of death by AIDS cases, there are different understandings by committee members in relation to the kind of care that should be adopted to patients treatment. The Committee is able to diagnose many problems and failures on the city care services. However, still cannot develop, in a systematic way, suggestions to solve the identified problems and improve the quality of care services for people living with HIV/AIDS.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-03-29Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:26:24Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 lima_ms_dr_arafcl.pdf: 461813 bytes, checksum: 30e66fa5cacf150f6e68eefdb5d5b4a9 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho trata de um período da história intelectual do Brasil, voltando-se para um momento importante da produção sociológica estilizada sob a forma de ensaio histórico do político, mas trazendo também contribuições substantivas à pesquisa acadêmica. Este período que ata as duas possibilidades: sob forma ensaística, mas com conteúdo “cientìfico”, recobre as décadas de 1910 e de 1920 com os primeiros estudos de Alberto Torres e de Oliveira Vianna, prossegue na década de 1930 com a obra de Gilberto Freyre e de Nestor Duarte e adentra a década de 1950 com a primeira publicação de Raymundo Faoro. Esses autores têm em comum o mesmo objeto, a formação social e política do Brasil em suas raízes mais profundas e, a partir da análise de suas obras mais importantes, é possível perceber, por um lado, como o tema da herança portuguesa e ibérica evoluiu entre nós e, por outro lado, notar também como o próprio pensamento brasileiro também evolui preservando esta temática, quando cai em desuso a partir da década de 1960. O desenvolvimento da presente tese privilegiou a análise fundamentalmente conceitual da obra dos autores, em detrimento dos contextos, sustentando que a abordagem das temáticas mais históricas do mundo ibérico e sua influência, especialmente no campo dos valores, operou uma mudança disciplinar que em última instância formou uma tradição de estudos perfeitamente identificável com a sociologia política / This paper analyses the period of the intellectual history of Brazil that includes an important moment of stylized sociological production in the form of historical essay of the politics that also brought substantial contributions to the academic research. This period binds two possibilities: the essay form, but with scientific content, and it covers the 1910s and 1920s decades with the first studies of Alberto Torres and Oliveira Vianna and continues in the 1930s with the work of Gilberto Freyre and Nestor Duarte and enters the 1950s with the first publication of Raymundo Faoro. These authors have in common the same object, the social and political education of Brazil in its deepest roots. From the analysis of their most important works, it’s possible to verify, in one hand, how the theme of the Portuguese and Iberian heritage has evolved among us and, on the other hand, notice how the Brazilian thought also evolved preserving this issue before it falls into disuse in the 1960s. The development of this thesis mainly focused on the analysis of the conceptual work of the authors above, despite of their contexts, sustaining that the approach of the historic thematic of the Iberian world and its influence, especially in the field of values, ran a disciplinary move that ultimately formed a tradition of studies identifiable with the political sociology

Esta dissertação tem como objetivo investigar o processo de criação e os modos de funcionamento do Comitê Municipal de Mortalidade por AIDS de Porto Alegre. Por se tratar do primeiro comitê desse tipo a ser criado no Brasil e de estar situado na cidade que apresenta as maiores taxas de incidência, prevalência e mortalidade por AIDS no país, o mesmo apresenta-se como uma importante iniciativa na resposta à epidemia em âmbito local. O Comitê objetiva, a partir da análise dos óbitos por AIDS, pensar em medidas que possam impactar na melhoria da qualidade do atendimento dos serviços de saúde que atendem as pessoas que vivem com HIV/AIDS. Dessa forma, o estudo aqui empreendido, dentro do campo da Sociologia, preocupou-se em pensar esse universo empírico a partir de discussões já consolidadas nas Ciências Sociais sobre produção de Legibilidade, Permeabilidade do Estado, Políticas Públicas e Instituições Participativas. Os resultados deste trabalho mostram que um grupo de pessoas que possuíam expertises muito específicas foi responsável pela criação do Comitê na cidade; com apoio político, foi possível recrutar representantes dos serviços de saúde da cidade que atendem a população que vive com HIV/AIDS. Em relação à dinâmica das reuniões, há inúmeros conflitos, no que concerne à discussão dos casos de óbito por AIDS. Há diferentes entendimentos por parte dos membros do Comitê em relação à linha de cuidado que deveria ser adotada no tratamento dos pacientes. O Comitê é capaz de diagnosticar inúmeros problemas no sistema de saúde da cidade e apontar as fragilidades dos serviços de atendimento. Todavia, ainda não consegue garantir que as propostas por ele sugeridas sejam implementadas nos serviços a fim de resolver os problemas identificados e, por conseguinte, melhorar a qualidade dos serviços de atendimento às pessoas que vivem com HIV/AIDS. / The dissertation aims to investigate the process of creating and operationalizing the AIDS Mortality Committee in Porto Alegre. Being the first committee of its kind in Brazil, and being located in the city that possess the highest incidence, prevalence and mortality rates by AIDS in the country, the Committee presents itself as an important initiative in response to the epidemic at local level. The Committee aims, based on analysis of reported deaths from AIDS, to investigate these deaths and improve care services. This study is developed in sociology field, seek to think the empirical universe of discussions already consolidated in the Social Sciences, on production Legibility, Permeability of State, Public Policy and Participatory Institutions. The results show that a group of people who had very specific expertise was responsible for the creation of the Committee, with political support, has been possible to recruit representatives of health services responsible by people living with HIV / AIDS care system of the city. Regarding the dynamics of meetings, there are numerous conflicts, mostly on discussion of death by AIDS cases, there are different understandings by committee members in relation to the kind of care that should be adopted to patients treatment. The Committee is able to diagnose many problems and failures on the city care services. However, still cannot develop, in a systematic way, suggestions to solve the identified problems and improve the quality of care services for people living with HIV/AIDS.

Cette thèse propose d’analyser l’émergence de la contre-culture en République Populaire de Chine à travers le prisme de la contestation politique, à partir des productions culturelles et d’enquêtes menées dans plusieurs villes chinoises de 2012 à 2015. Deux communautés contre-culturelles ont été étudiées durant la thèse, celles des punks et des cinéastes indépendants. Ce choix permet de révéler des logiques similaires au sein de ces deux communautés concernant leur rapport au politique et aux espaces qu’ils ont créés, dans un État qui contrôle encore fermement l’expression culturelle. La contre-culture chinoise doit être tout d’abord replacée dans le contexte de la gestion, par le Parti communiste, de toute forme d’expression culturelle, et ce depuis les thèses de Qu Qiubai et du Discours sur la littérature et l’art de Mao Zedong. Punks et cinéastes indépendants se placent ainsi dans l’histoire de la résistance des artistes et des intellectuels à la mainmise des autorités chinoises sur le domaine culturel, et trouvent de nouveaux moyens d’exprimer leurs désaccords à travers l’appropriation mineure de techniques qui sont à leur disposition. La thèse propose ainsi d’étudier ces deux formes de contre-culture à travers les effets qu’elles produisent sur les acteurs eux-mêmes, mais également dans la recherche d’espaces autonomes, qui symbolisent la lutte contre la monopolisation de l’espace public par le Parti communiste chinois. L’analyse abordera également l’expression contre-culturelle comme une forme du discours de vérité (parrêsia), dans une société où, selon Liu Xiaobo, « refuser le mensonge constitue précisément la force la plus efficace pour saper la tyrannie ». / His thesis offers a study of the emergence of counter-culture in the People’s Republic of China through the lens of political contestation, with the help of cultural productions and a fieldwork carried on in several Chinese cities from 2012 to 2015. Two counter-cultural communities have been studied in this thesis, the punks and the independent filmmakers. This choice allows us to reveal similar logics within these two communities about their relationship to politics and to the spaces they have been able to create in order to produce and release their works, in a State which still tightly controls cultural expression. Chinese counter-culture must first be put back into the context of the management, by the Communist Party, of all forms of cultural expression, from Qu Qiubai’s theories to Mao Zedong’s Talks about literature and art. Punks and independent filmmakers thus place themselves into the history of artists and intellectuals’ resistance against the control by Chinese authorities of the cultural field. They find new tools in order to express their disagreements, through the minor appropriation of available techniques. The thesis proposes to study this two forms of counter-culture through the effects they produce on the actors themselves, through the new forms of subjectivity they create, but also through the search of autonomous spaces, which embodies the struggle against the Chinese Communist Party’s monopoly of public space. The analysis will also address the counter-cultural expression as a kind of speech of truth (parrhesia), in a society where, according to Liu Xiaobo, “to refuse lies is precisely the most effective way to undermine tyranny”.

La thèse porte sur l’institutionnalisation de la proximité dans les marchés agroalimentaires et la place qu’occupent un certain nombre d’intermédiaires non économiques (salariés d’association, chercheurs, membres du ministère de l’Agriculture, conseillers des chambres d’agriculture) dans ce processus. En variant les échelles d’enquête, du national au départemental, et en articulant les méthodes qualitatives et quantitatives, ce travail pointe le paradoxe que constitue le développement de ces agents à mesure que la proximité est définie et objectivée comme caractéristique vertueuse de la relation marchande. A partir d’une sociologie des institutions marchandes attentive à l’étude concomitante des conditions historiques et sociales de la construction des marchés et de leurs logiques concrètes de fonctionnement, il s’agit de restituer les luttes pour le monopole de la définition légitime des « circuits courts » entendus comme catégorie d’organisation marchande. Dans un contexte de reconfiguration des alliances qui encadraient et hiérarchisaient jusqu’alors les marchés agroalimentaires, l’analyse montre que le rapprochement des agriculteurs et des consommateurs dans les échanges marchands repose sur la réduction de leur distance sociale et politique. Mais la structuration des « circuits courts » n’est finalement permise qu’au prix de l’autonomisation d’agents d’intermédiations qui contribuent à les légitimer et à les définir, dans le même temps qu’ils tendent à rendre invisible leurs propres pratiques. En accédant à une position réticulaire sur ces marchés, ces intermédiaires participent ainsi à redéfinir les frontières de l’espace des producteurs. / The dissertation deals with the institutionalisation of proximity in agri-food markets and the place occupied in this process by non-economic intermediaries (employees of associations, researchers, members of staff from the ministry of Agriculture, advisers of the chambers of agriculture). By varying the scales of investigation, from the national to the departmental level, and by articulating qualitative and quantitative methods, this work points out the paradox that constitute the development of those intermediary agents, as proximity is progressively defined and objectified as a virtuous component of the merchant relationship. On the basis of a sociology of merchant institutions attentive to study concurrently historical and social conditions of market constructions and their specific operating logics, we aim to restore the struggles for the monopoly of the legitimate definition of “short supply chain”, understood as a category of merchant organization. In the context of reconfiguration of alliances which previously framed and ranked agri-food markets, the analysis shows that the linking of farmers and consumers in market exchange rests on the reduction of their social and political distance. But finally, the structuration of “short supply chain” is only allowed because of the self-empowerment of intermediary agents contributing to legitimize and define them, as in the same time they make invisible their own practices. Therefore, by gaining a reticular position on those markets, the intermediaries contribute to redefine the frontiers of the producers’ space.

No description available.

La thèse a pour objectif de contribuer à l’étude des changements de la politique forestière française depuis le début des années 1990 à travers l’analyse des changements d’échelle de l’action publique. Elle s’appuie dans ce but sur un cadre théorique et analytique inspiré des travaux en sociologie politique et en institutionnalisme historique. La mise en problématique du rapport secteur – territoire conduit d’une part à s’interroger sur la reconfiguration du modèle de l’Etat forestier centré sur l’échelle nationale et d’autre part à émettre l’hypothèse de l’institutionnalisation de l’échelle infranationale. Le travail d’enquête qui a été réalisé, sur la base notamment d’une série d’entretiens menés en Aquitaine, permet d’aboutir à deux résultats principaux et à une conclusion générale. Tout d’abord, on peut faire le constat que le secteur forestier connaît actuellement une phase de mutation importante. Il est engagé dans un double processus d’écologisation qui se traduit par un renforcement de la tension entre logique de production de bois et logique de conservation de la ressource forestière et par une remise en question de l’efficacité des politiques du passé. Ensuite, et en dépit de la décentralisation, il apparaît que cette mutation s’accompagne d’un renforcement de la légitimité de l’échelle nationale de gouvernement au détriment de l’échelle infranationale. Dans ce contexte, le rôle des acteurs publics est ambigu. L’Etat alterne entre volontarisme politique et désengagement opérationnel alors que les conseils régionaux s’impliquent de plus en plus dans la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques forestières. Pour finir, nous considérons que cette situation ne correspond pas à une désectorisation de la forêt mais plutôt à une mise sous tension de la dimension territoriale de la politique sectorielle forestière. Une étude comparable sur la nature du gouvernement européen de la forêt permettrait ainsi d’approfondir l’analyse. / This thesis contributes to the study of change in French forest policy since the early 1990s through presenting a multi-scalar analysis of policy choices. This was carried out through the application of a theoretical and analytical framework drawn from political sociology and historical institutionalism. Re-Problematizing the ‘sector – territory’ relationship led me first to question the reconfiguration of the state forest model centered on the national scale and second to hypothesize the institutionalization of the sub-national scale. The empirical research that I conducted – particularly on the basis of a series of semi-structured interviews with key actors in Aquitaine – generated two sets of findings and one general conclusion. First, I found that the forestry sector is currently undergoing significant change. Actors are engaged in a greening process which has resulted in an increase in tensions between timber production and conservation of forest resources issues and a questioning of the effectiveness of past policies. Second, this shift in forest policy is associated with a strengthening of the legitimacy of the national scale of government at the expense of the sub national one. In this context, the role of public actors is ambiguous. State representatives alternate between advancing proactive discourses and operational disengagement, while regional councils get more involved in the implementation of forest policies. By way of conclusion, I argue that this situation do not correspond to a desectorization of forest policy. Rather, it should be analyzed as a crisis of the territorial dimension of the forestry sector government which could be further grasped through a similar study of the European government of forest related issues.