Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-08-04T13:30:32Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Stphanie Versão Final_01-04.pdf: 1941579 bytes, checksum: 0a475ddd1abe368305be1b2d031e98ba (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-04T13:30:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Stphanie Versão Final_01-04.pdf: 1941579 bytes, checksum: 0a475ddd1abe368305be1b2d031e98ba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-25 / CAPEs / Estuda as práticas de preservação da memória nas Unidades de Pesquisa ligadas ao Ministério da Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação (MCTI). Tem como objetivo maior analisar as iniciativas de preservação do patrimônio cultural das informações científicas e tecnológicas propostas pela quinta ação do Relatório da Política Nacional de Memória da Ciência e da Tecnologia nas unidades de pesquisa do MCTI localizadas na região Nordeste. Estabelece, como hipótese, que as Unidades não possuem uma cultura de preservação da memória de C&T, não atribuindo a essas informações o caráter de patrimônio, portanto, impossibilitam efetivas ações estratégicas de preservação ao patrimônio de C&T propostas na política mencionada. Como objetivos específicos: apresentar a relação teórico-conceitual de Cultura com a Ciência, Tecnologia, Memória e Patrimônio; demonstrar que as produções de C&T são partes do Patrimônio Cultural Nacional e constituem a memória social do Brasil; identificar a natureza das informações Científicas e Tecnológicas produzidas nas unidades de pesquisa do MCTI localizadas na região Nordeste; identificar as ações de preservação do patrimônio cultural de C&T nas unidades de pesquisa da amostra; descrever as estratégias de resgate, preservação e difusão da memória da C&T no país que vem sendo utilizadas nos institutos de pesquisa da amostra. Fundamentada no conceito de cultura de forma semiótica (GEERTZ, 1978), apresenta a relação entre a significação atribuída às informações científicas e tecnológicas tomadas como patrimoniais, responsáveis pela preservação de sua memória e as ações desenvolvidas nas Unidades de Pesquisa da amostra. Utiliza-se para isso do método dos quatro polos – epistemológico, teórico, técnico e morfológico - para dar segmento à investigação por meio de uma estrutura sistêmica e completa. Dentro do polo técnico, por meio de uma pesquisa exploratória, utilizou-se a pesquisa bibliográfica e a análise documental para fundamentação dos conceitos correlacionados ao tema, e investigação das Instituições presentes na amostra. Utilizou-se do instrumento do questionário para coletar informações nas Unidades, apoiadas no referencial teórico desta pesquisa. Como resultado, foi identificada a natureza das informações produzidas nas Unidades da amostra, seu espaço, acondicionamento, pessoal especializado e práticas de preservação. Além disso, foram mapeadas dentro das Unidades de Pesquisa ligadas ao MCTI as que possuem práticas de preservação significativas quanto às informações de C&T e suas possíveis relações com as práticas existentes nas Unidades de pesquisa da amostra. / Studies the practices of preservation in the memory of Research Unities related to the Science, Technology and Innovation Ministry (MCTI). Has as main objective to analyze the scientific and technological information cultural patrimony preservation initiatives proposed by the fifth action of the National Politics of Science and Technology Memory Report in the MCTI research facilities located in the Northeast Region. Establishes, as hypotheses, that the Unities do not possess a culture of preservation of the S&T memory, not giving these information the patrimony character, therefore, precludes effective strategic actions of preservation to the S&T proposed in the fore mentioned politics. As specific objectives: to present the theoretical-conceptual relation of Culture With Science, Technology, Memory and Patrimony; demonstrate that the S&T productions are part of the National Cultural Patrimony and constitute the social memory of Brazil; identify the nature of Scientific and Technological information produced in the MCTI research facilities located in the Northeast Region; identify the S&T cultural patrimony preservation actions in the sample´s research facilities; describe the strategies of recuperation, preservation, and diffusion of the S&T memory in the country that are being used in the sample´s research institutes. Grounded in the concept of culture of semiotic form (GEERTZ, 1978), presents the relation between the meaning attributed to the scientific and technological information taken as patrimonial, responsible by the preservation of its memory and actions developed in the Research Facilities of the sample. Uses for that the method of the four poles – epistemological, theoretical, technical, and morphological – to give segment to the investigation through a systemic and complete structure. Inside the technical pole, through an exploratory research, bibliographic research and documental analysis have been used as fundament of the concepts correlated to the theme, and investigation of the Institutions present in the sample. The quiz instrument has been used to collect information in the Facilities, supported in the theoretical referential of this research. As a result, the nature of the information produced in the Facilities of the sample has been identified, as well as its space, stowage, specialized staff, and preservation practices. Besides that, it has been mapped inside the Research Facilities connected to the STIM the ones that hold expressive preservation practices about the S&T information and its possible relations with the existing practices in the Research Facilities of the sample.

From its formation, the American federal government partnered with private organizations to accomplish state goals. With little formal organizational capacity, the American state relied on the resources and credibility of private organizations. This thesis investigates the success of public-private partnerships in American state-building. By looking at alternative enforcement mechanisms, this thesis adds to theories of state-building and private power. The American experience helps us conceive a more nuanced perspective on state formation that recognizes the state’s varying tools rather than focusing solely on the development of formal organizational capacity. The questions driving this thesis are: How can public-private partnerships expand state capacity? Are there systematic differences in the outcomes and purposes of partnerships based on the branch of government – whether legislative, presidential, bureaucratic, or judicial – that mediates the partnership? My case studies examine the use of partnerships in the early state’s interactions with American Indian tribes. The cases put these general questions into more focus by examining if these partnerships expanded state capacity to dictate the terms of engagement and the content of racial orders. When these partnerships expand capacity, I explore the ways in which this state goal is accomplished. However, I remain acutely aware of the potential for partnerships to both fail to build capacity or become merely means to service a private interest.

The record of American foreign policy in the Middle East between 2001 and 2006 is marked mostly by failures of the Bush Administration to achieve its stated objectives, including reducing terrorism, stopping the spread of weapons of mass destruction, and spreading liberal democracy. Still, there are also notable bright spots, including the case of Libya’s diplomatic rehabilitation. What is it, then, that accounts for this success in the face of so many other failures where the policy goals were markedly similar? I argue that a partial explanation of this discrepancy can be found in the nature of infighting between ideological realists and neoconservatives within the foreign policy bureaucracy. In doing so, process tracing is used to examine policy development toward four country cases: Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, and Libya, with Libya acting as the control. The object of these case studies is to demonstrate existence of a previously undescribed model of bureaucratic infighting, based on competing ideological differences regarding the fundamental direction and conduct of US foreign policy. I call this the Ideological Infighting, or I2, Model. Whereas previous works of US foreign policy analysis have focused only on the roles of individuals’ ideology or on bureaucratic interests, this study unites both. In doing so, it describes the policy effects that result from ideological disagreements within the executive agencies, rather than viewing a presidential administration as an ideologically coherent entity. It also refines understandings of the relationship between the President and his advisors. Finally, although this work deals specifically with the Middle East, the model is generalizable to all areas of US foreign policy.

Lately the Intellectual property (IP) has been considered relevant for the development of countries. In a globalized world, the generation of intangible assets, with high aggregated value is the basis for the development model adopted by most developed countries. The appropriation process of these assets requires a set of factors such as: an effective intellectual property system, qualified human resources and a trustworthy legal system. Although Brazil is a pioneer when it comes to IP legislation and a signatory of the most important international agreements dealing with IP, can not be said that ahead in innovation indicators, especially patents. Since the 90s, with the rise of Agreement on Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights Related to Trade (TRIPs), there was the need for developed countries to promote, wider and targeted way, a guideline for training and qualification of people to supply weakness in supply of professionals of different areas, beyond promoting research about the topic. First appeared academies of intellectual property and, more recently, has been observed an increase in the number of specialization, master´s and doctoral degrees in universities. This paper aim at contribute to the development of IP education and training of R&D teams and IP management with a view to strengthening the National Innovation System (NIS). Mappings were made on scientific production and national technology in which we detected a significant increase in the number of publications, including in relation to all publications in the world; the aim is to demonstrate the correlation between IP and development; the evolution of IP education, its segmentation in target audiences, new methodologies, teaching and research activities in the country that have shown the creation of master´s and doctoral courses; Were also observed opportunities in tenders for graduates of IP courses, showing that there are public notice in companies and public educational institutions which require training in IP to fill management positions and research in IP which opens up a new horizon for students and professionals willing to pursuing a career in this theme. The results about the level of knowledge of researchers on the topic IP demonstrated the low utilization of patent and the low knowledge on the subject. In contrast to the high number of researchers who use article databases. This scenario can promote the innovation indicators in companies and Institutions of Science and Technology (IST), impacting positively on NIS. / A propriedade intelectual (PI) vem cada vez mais sendo considerada relevante para o desenvolvimento dos países. Em um mundo globalizado, a geração de ativos intangíveis, com alto valor agregado, é a base do modelo de desenvolvimento adotado pela parcela mais desenvolvida de países. O processo de apropriação desses ativos requer um conjunto de fatores tais como: um sistema de propriedade intelectual efetivo, recursos humanos capacitados e um sistema legal confiável. O Brasil, apesar de ser um país pioneiro no que se refere à legislação de PI e de ser signatário dos mais importantes acordos internacionais sobre PI, não consegue traduzir essa vanguarda em indicadores de inovação favoráveis, especialmente patentes. Desde a década de 90, com o surgimento de Acordo sobre Aspectos dos Direitos de Propriedade Intelectual Relacionados ao Comércio (TRIPS), verificou-se a necessidade dos países desenvolvidos promoverem, de forma mais ampla e segmentada, uma diretriz para formação e capacitação de pessoas para suprir a deficiência na oferta de profissionais das mais diversas áreas, além de promover a pesquisa sobre o tema. Inicialmente sugiram as academias de propriedade intelectual e, mais recentemente, vem se observando um aumento no número de programas de especialização, mestrado e doutorado em Universidades. Este trabalho de dissertação tem com foco contribuir com o desenvolvimento do ensino de PI, bem como a capacitação das equipes de P&D e gestão da PI com vistas ao fortalecimento do Sistema Nacional de Inovação (SNI). Foram realizados mapeamentos sobre a produção científica e tecnológica nacionais onde se verificou um expressivo aumento no número de publicações, inclusive em relação ao total de publicações no mundo; buscou-se demonstrar a correlação entre PI e desenvolvimento; a evolução do ensino de PI, sua segmentação por públicos alvo, novas metodologias, as ações de ensino e pesquisa no país que demonstraram a criação de cursos de mestrado e doutorado. Também foram observadas oportunidades em concursos para os egressos dos cursos de PI, demonstrando que existem editais em empresas e instituições de ensino públicas que exigem a formação em PI para preenchimento de cargos de gestão e pesquisa em PI o que abre um novo horizonte para estudantes e profissionais que desejem seguir carreira nesse tema. Os diagnósticos sobre o nível de conhecimento dos pesquisadores sobre o tema PI demonstraram a baixa utilização das bases de patentes e o baixo conhecimento sobre o tema, em contrapartida ao alto número de pesquisadores que se utilizam de bases de artigos. Esse cenário pode favorecer os indicadores de inovação nas empresas e instituições de ciência e tecnologia (ICT´s), impactando positivamente no SNI.

No description available.

The renewed interest in empire, particularly in its British and American variants, has brought into sharper relief the difficulties both metropoles faced in projecting order in the global south. Far from cohesive entities, the British and American empires tried to manage territories that defied many of the political, economic, and legal systems, as well as normative and moral understandings, that enabled their imperial ascendancy. Despite a considerable literature about how metropoles comprehended these frustrated imperial plans, limited insights can be found into the way Britain and the United States coped with the influence of war in the uneven expansion of order. This challenge is brought into focus by examining one of the most direct formulations of the relationship between war and order in US and British imperialism, namely the concept of warlord. The concept’s history, it is argued, provides a glimpse into the far-reaching influence cultural constructions of war had in how US and British policymakers, journalists, and advocates conceived of and projected order in the non-European world. Such influential understandings also inspired overstated conclusions about the degree to which both imperial powers could realise their visions of order in the global south. Drawing on discursive and historical methods, the dissertation develops a conceptual framework that distils the core features of ‘warlords’ in the US and British imperial imaginaries. This conceptual approach is used to revisit some of the most formative encounters with colonial and contemporary ‘warlords’, as captured in British and American policy debates, political commentary, and popular culture, during two highpoints in British and American imperial history, 1815-1914 and 1989-2006 respectively. These arguments bring to the forefront how instead of an ancillary part of conclusions about the inferiority of non-European cultures, as suggested in much of the post-colonial literature, notions of war conditioned many of Britain and the United States’ enduring conception of and strategies for managing the uneven development of order in the global south.

Economics plays a significant role in decision-making in contemporary western societies, but its role is increasingly questioned. A recurring topic among the challenges raised by critics is that economics as a discipline lacks sufficient pluralism. That is, it fails to enable, encourage, and respect the use of different ontologies, methodologies, theories, and/or schools of thought to study economic reality. Has this been a productive critique? Does talk about pluralism help identify genuine problems in the discipline? Pluralism in economics could draw support from the current consensus in philosophy that pluralism in science is a good thing. I argue, however, that the claim that economic research is insufficiently pluralist is unlikely to convince economists who believe economics is already pluralist enough and that it does not offer unambiguous recommendations for change. This is because there are too many legitimate ways to interpret how pluralism maps to practice. There are numerous variables that pluralist ideals might focus on-the things that they seek multiple rather than one of-and different interpretations of how many of those variables economics has in practice. Yet, as I go on to argue, this does not mean that talk of pluralism is entirely beside the point, since the reasons pluralists offer for their ideals do help to identify genuine problems in economics. The social epistemic strategies that arguments for pluralism recommend point us to three concrete issues in the way economic research is organised: gender imbalances, a steep internal hierarchy, and a dismissive attitude to outsiders. I show that economic research could be more progressive, representative of the interests of those in society, accepted, and legitimate and less likely to fall into bias if the discipline alleviated its gender imbalances, if it were less hierarchical, and if it had a healthier relationship with outsiders. In chapter 1, I outline the debate about pluralism in economics and explain how my thesis utilises a novel approach to social epistemology to offer a way out of the impasse in which that the debate presently resides. In chapter 2, I explain the different philosophical arguments for pluralism in science and categorise them using the variables they focus on and the reasons they give for pluralism. In chapter 3, I argue that interpreting pluralism as a particular arrangement of variables for economics to attain does not lead to unambiguous recommendations for change because it leaves too much open. Yet, I go on to argue, in chapter 4, that drawing on the reasons for pluralism can provide a set of heuristics for piecemeal evaluations of the social epistemic practices in economics. In chapters 5, 6, and 7, I apply these heuristics to economics. I provide evidence that [a] women are outnumbered in economics and face an adverse environment in the discipline, that [b] economics is steeply hierarchical, and that [c] economists form an in-group that assumes superiority and frequently dismisses outside voices. I argue that these three features of economic research block avenues for productive forms of feedback (mechanisms that help to challenge, justify, and refine scientific knowledge), block the interests of certain perspectives being heard, and block public scrutiny of the decisions made by economists.

Zugl.: Berlin, Freie Univ., Diss., 2006

This thesis reviews the significance of the 1969 Japan-US Summit between Prime Minister Satii Eisaku and President Richard Nixon in light of official documents that have been disclosed in Japan since 2010 and in the United States since the 1990s. Based on newly available sources, this thesis shows that the 1969 Summit should be considered a Japanese-led initiative with two aims: firstly, to announce a deadline for Okinawa's return with all nuclear weapons removed; and secondly, to reform the Japan-US security treaty system without repeating the kind of outright revision concluded in 1960. The Japanese plan to reform the security treaty system involved simplifying the prior consultation formula by making a public commitment to the security of South Korea of sufficient strength that the United States would agree to the dissolution of the 1960 secret 'Korea Minute'. The Japanese Government achieved its first aim but only partially succeeded in its second. Whilst the return of Okinawa was announced, the status of US bases in Okinawa and mainland Japan continued to be governed by an elaborate web of agreements, public and secret, which damaged public confidence and hampered an improvement in relations between Japan and its neighbouring countries. This thesis shows that commonly held academic opinions about the 1969 Summit are incorrect. Firstly, there was no quid pro quo in which Japan linked its security to South Korea in exchange for Okinawa: both these outcomes were in fact Japanese objectives at the beginning of the summit preparations. Secondly, the success of the summit did not depend on 'backchannel' negotiations between Wakaizumi Kei and Henry Kissinger: it is likely that an announcement on Okinawa's reversion would have been achieved in 1969 even if preparations for the summit had been left to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US State Department. Word Limit: Approx. 98,000 words, excluding Bibliography

Die lateinamerikanischen Sexualwissenschaften und deren Theorien, Handlungsfelder, politischen Bezüge und Forschungsergebnisse sind in Deutschland wenig bekannt und werden in sexualwissenschaftlichen Kontexten kaum rezipiert. Sie liefern jedoch profunde Erkenntnisse zur Frage, wie sich die Politisierung des Sexuellen und die Sexualisierung des Politischen theoretisch erfassen lassen. Dieser Band bietet aus intersektionaler und postkolonialer Perspektive einen ersten Zugang zu den breit gefächerten Theoriedebatten und geht, diskurtheoretisch orientiert, der Frage nach, wie sich die kolonialen Logiken der Differenz in Debatten um Multi- und Plurikulturalität eingelagert haben, wie Differenz hergestellt, reproduziert und regiert wird und wie dies das Verständnis von Sexualitäten und die Zugänge zu sexuellen und reproduktiven Rechten reguliert.