Kinesiska myndigheter återkommer ständigt till problematiseringen av korruption i offentlig förvaltning, men utländska myndigheter pressar hellre den Kinesiska regeringen om det kinesiska politiska systemets brist på demokrati. Denna studie av inflödes- respektive utflödeslegitimitet hos unga personer på orterna Xiangyun och Midu följer upp på tidigare undersökningar av den äldre generationen på samma platser, samt undersöker vilken av ovanstående brister som kinesiska medborgare uppfattar som det största problemet i det kinesiska systemet. Resultatet visar på vissa generationsskillnader, men även på att befolkningen i stort föredrar ett teknokratiskt förhållningssätt till politiskt styre över det demokratiska alternativet.

This study departs from a cleavage-theory by Kriesi et al. in which the globalization and the European integration divides Europeans in winners and losers through a political, a cultural and an economic mechanism (2012). It examines the connection between the polarization following the integration and the support for political systems using Norris’ framework from Democratic deficit (2012) which differs on five levels of support. The main findings show that the polarization has an impact on four out of five levels through the cultural mechanism and that it thus not only may generate support for right-wing populism as shown by Kriesi with more, but for right-wing extremism as well. Even though the effect is limited the results also suggests that the decreasing trust in political institutions in Europe is not to be reduced to normal a fluctuation.

The aim of this study is to examine how textbooks in civic education prepares students to become active citizens. In this study six textbooks, either written for the theoretical track or the vocational track in upper secondary school, were examined using a qualitative text analysis. The aim of this study is to compare in which way the political system at the national and European level is described, how the books describe the democratic citizen, and lastly if there is any difference between the books written for the different tracks. To examine in which way the political systems are described the content were analyzed using the dimensions: polity, policy and politics. The second part of the theoretical framework consisted of three models of democracy, which were used to analyze how the books describe the democratic citizen. Results showed that the political systems were not described in the same way. The textbooks had more content about the Swedish national system in all of the content categories. However, no clear description of the democratic citizen was identified. Most of the content in the textbooks described the citizen as a person which votes in the elections or uses other actions to influences the politicians, but the textbooks also trained the students to take part in political discussions. Results also showed that the books written for the theoretical track overall had more political content and longer passages. Lastly they had more advanced questions for the students.

There are three main purposes for this thesis; the first is to distinguish the possible violations that can occur in time of natural disasters. The second is to analyze if there is a correlation between political systems and how the effected country handles the aftermath of a natural disaster. The third purpose is to determine the role of the global community and what responsibility lies with them. The issue is often that the aid becomes the main object for discussion and analysis, but the focus rarely shifts to the effected State. Therefore the focus in this essay is the political system and how they cope with the human rights violations that can occur in a time of natural disaster. The questions are; what human rights are at risk of being violated during a natural disaster? What general impact do the different political systems have on how they handle the human rights violations that arises? In which ways can other countries assist in a natural disaster and what responsibility do the global communities have?To be able to discuss human rights, it is necessary to know one perspective of how they came to be. For this purpose, this thesis will explain human rights from the perspectives of Jack Donnelly and Ronald Dworkin. They speak about rights and obligations; Donnelly means to say that all rights are universal and Dworkin put rights in a perspective of equal respect and concern. Some of the rights violated in the aftermath of the natural disaster were the right to a family life, the right to personal security and the right to ones property. When analyzing the political systems and the responsibility of the world in the consequences of a natural disaster, I applied Ulla Erikson-Zeterqvists explanation of early institutional theory that implies tree conditions that make an organization successful. The first condition is where the administrative control lays, second the commitment of grassroots organizations and third, the participation of the local community. In this analysis the conclusion is that the political system is not the main factor in upholding human rights. The main factor is the stability of the State and what the State is willing to do for its citizens. The stability of the States determines the standard for what human rights mean and how the aid is structured. If the State is corrupted it makes it harder for the global community to assist. The countries history affects their behavior and in a time of crisis, the States true commitment is shown.

This paper examines the hypothesis that a change in the elite increases the probability of armed conflict onset. The paper combines the newly constructed WhoGov dataset on cabinet members, with UCDP data on armed conflicts and rebel group. It analyzes changes in the retention rate among cabinet members and average years in cabinet, and how they affect armed conflict – measured as armed conflict onset and rebel group onset. A linear regression model, with country- and year fixed effects, in addition to time-varying control variables, is applied to test the main hypothesis. In addition, three heterogeneity tests are conducted. First, the paper examines whether there are any differences between democracies and autocracies. Second, it examines the differences between changes in cabinet size (widening or shrinking). Third, it analyzes if the effects are bigger for large changes in the elite. Four main conclusions are reached in the paper. First, the results indicates that a decrease in retention rate increases the probability for both conflict and rebel onset. The magnitudes of the estimated effects seem to be sizeable. They are larger in conflict onsets than rebel onsets, in relation to their respective means. Second, for armed conflict onset, the results are driven by autocracies. Third, the probability for armed conflict is larger following a large change in the elites (retention rate). Fourth, no difference in changes to cabinet size is observed.