Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, EU enlargement has regained prominence on the EU agenda. I examine the politicisation of enlargement and arguments for and against enlargement in two debates in the European parliament conducted in November 2023. This is done with a postfunctionalist outlook, expecting that polarisation on the subject will shape along the identity axis. I find that the two debates lack polarisation and can thus not be seen as very politicized. In accordance with postfunctionalist integration theory, I do however note that most traditional and authoritarian parties oppose enlargement. Previous research shows that a member of the European parliament’s nationality also affects positions on enlargement, in combination with the cultural axis. When also taking this into consideration, the understanding of what shapes opinions on enlargement is refined.  The argumentation analysis of the debates shows that opinions that favor enlargement in the debates often stem from a geopolitical urge of positioning the EU against Russia. Opinions that argue against enlargement are mostly concerned about the own country’s payments to the EU budget. This finding leads to a suggestion that more research should be done on how the status as net contributor or net beneficiary to the EU budget shapes opinions on enlargement.

Building on three theories of European integration – liberal intergovernmentalism, neofunctionalism and postfunctionalism – I offer an explanation to the process and outcomes of the development of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) between 2008 and 2018. The process to establish the CEAS has been characterized by clashing actor preferences, which forced actors into negotiations. This thesis aims to analyze the dynamics of these negotiations surrounding the CEAS. My results show that liberal intergovernmentalism explains locked positions in interstate bargaining and highly compromised outcomes, and even non-decisions, of the CEAS. I also argue that neofunctionalism loses explanatory power when sensitive issues concerning automatic quota systems and national sovereignty are discussed, although many arguments by the involved actors in the policy process draw upon neofunctional assumptions. Postfunctionalism is argued to gain explanatory power during recent years, since identityrelated arguments and Eurosceptical and anti-immigrant ideas in European governments have increased.

This thesis intends to establish whether and to what degree possible explanations for the Visegrad Group´s response to the 2015-2016 migration crisis can be provided by Postfunctionalism and Intergovernmentalism. The purpose of this study is not to explicitly test the two theories but to use them as tools to better understand the case under analysis, by applying a non-competitive approach. Based on the elaboration of 21 official statements released by the Visegrad Group between 2015-2016, findings show that both theories could (partially) confirmed my initial hypotheses. I conclude that security matters (as Intergovernmentalist suggests) consisted in the lion´s share in the statements, while economy matters (as also suggested by Intergovernmentalism) did not. When it comes to identity matters (as Postfunctionalism suggests), I conclude that those were used in connection to security matters, with the aim of forging a common European response to the crisis and to justify the partisan reaction of the Visegrad Group.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CARLOS LUIZ DAMACENA.pdf: 1834605 bytes, checksum: c68500fbee24a7adcafb6cbf627de3b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-02 / This dissertation analyses the mismaches of the European Integration process, after the rejection of the first Constitucional Treaty in 2009 by the French and Dutch electorates, interrupting a constitutional process of political union, which was happenning then. We base on the theoretical approach of Postfuncionalism, which considers classical schools, as Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernamentalism, unable to respond to the new facts that are happening in the European Union, as well as their questionings. The subject leads to a discussion about the deepening of the economic block in the direction of a political union, which has been led by elections and referendums,besides the mobilization of public opinion and political parties, showing that the crisis in the regional integration is caused not only by economic problems, but also by political ones, caused by the absence of an European identity. In this debate, the elaboration of an European demos, in confrontation with national identities, constitutes a critical contestatory ingredient in Europe. / Esta dissertação analisa os descompassos ocorridos no processo de integração europeia, após a rejeição do Primeiro Tratado Constitucional em 2005 pelos eleitores da França e da Holanda, interrompendo o processo constitucional para uma União Política então em curso. Tem-se como embasamento a abordagem teórica do pós-funcionalismo, que considera escolas clássicas, como o Neofuncionalismo e o Intergovernamentalismo Liberal, incapazes de responder aos questionamentos dos novos fatos que têm ocorrido na União Europeia. O tema leva à discussão a respeito do aprofundamento do bloco econômico em direção a uma união política que tem sido conduzida por eleições e referendos, além da mobilização da opinião pública e dos partidos políticos, apontando que a crise na integração regional é provocada não somente por problemas econômicos, mas também políticos, devido à ausência de uma identidade europeia. Nesse debate, a elaboração de um demos europeu, em confronto com a identidade nacional, manifesta-se como crítico ingrediente contestatório na Europa.