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The traditional explanation of the rapprochement between China and ASEAN has two elements: China is securing a peaceful environment to implement its strategy of ‘develop first’, and/or China is engaging in courtship for the ASEAN countries out of strategic considerations, i.e. increasing control of its periphery. In contrary to these traditional perspectives, this study argues that the intensifying of cooperation between China and ASEAN is much more an expression of the recognition of asymmetrical dependencies than of calculated foreign policy decisions. This perspective not only enriches the understanding of current regional political processes but also leads to different expectations regarding the stability and future direction of ASEAN – China relations. Two issue areas have been selected to illustrate the asymmetrical dependencies and the resulting political processes between ASEAN and China. It has been found that both the ASEAN countries and China have accommodated to asymmetrical interdependence by engaging in pay-offs in areas of relative power. China has not been able to use its relative power in the economic and military area to impose its will in other areas of ASEAN-China relations. The bargaining has taken place within the existing ASEAN institutions. In their concrete rules and conventions lies considerable power. This explains the intensive bargaining regarding the importance of competing international organizations, not only in the Mekong River Basin, but also in broader regional politics. The ASEAN countries are in a favorable position, being in the center of these institutions, but China as a latecomer to many of the regional institutions is trying to renegotiate them. Further research is therefore indicated to better understand how the ASEAN countries and China are going to trade off potential gains from international cooperation and the loss of sovereign policy making power.

Advancements in computational capabilities have allowed researchers to turn towards modeling as an efficient tool to replicate and predict outcomes of complex systems. Computational models of the musculoskeletal system have gone through various iterations with early versions employing dramatic simplifications. In this work, a three-dimensional computational model of the wrist joint was developed. It accurately recreated the skeletal structures of the hand and wrist and represented the constraints imposed by soft tissue structures like ligaments, tendons, and other surrounding tissues. It was developed to function as a tool to investigate the biomechanical contributions of structures and the kinematic response of the wrist joint. The model was created with the use of a commercially available computer-aided design software employing the rigid body modeling methodology. It was validated against three different cadaveric experimental studies which investigated changes in biomechanical response following radioscapholunate fusion and proximal row carpectomy procedures. The kinematic simulations performed by the model demonstrated quantitatively accurate responses for the range of motions for both surgical procedures. It also provided some understanding to the trends in carpal bone contact force changes observed in surgically altered specimens. The model provided additional insight into the importance of structures like the triangular fibrocartilage and the capsular retinacular structures, both of which are currently not very well understood. As better understanding of components of the wrist joint is achieved, this model could function as an important tool in preoperative planning and generating individualized treatment regiments.

Rhythmic neural activity is thought to underlie many high-level functions of the nervous system. Our goals are to understand rhythmic activity starting with small networks, using theoretical and experimental tools. Phase resetting theory describes essential properties that cause and destroy rhythms. We validate and extend one branch of this theory, testing it in bursting neurons coupled by excitation and then extending the theory to account for temporal variability found in our experimental data. We show that the theory makes good predictions of rhythmic activity in heterogeneous networks. We also note differences in mathematical structure between inhibition- and excitation-coupling that cause them to behave differently in noisy contexts and may explain why all central pattern generators (CPGs) found in nature are dominated by inhibition. Our extension of the theory gives a method that is useful to compare experimental and model data and shows that noise may either create or destroy a rhythm. Finally, we described the cellular mechanisms in Aplysia that switch the feeding CPG from arrhythmic to rhythmic behavior in response to reward stimuli. Previous studies showed that a Dopamine reward signal is correlated to changes in electrical coupling and excitability in several important neurons in the CPG. Using the dynamic clamp and an in vitro analog of the full behavioral system, we were able to determine that electrical coupling alone controls rhythmicity, while excitability independently controls the rate of activity. These results beg for further study, including new theory to explain them fully.

本文主旨在分析構成撒哈拉以南的非洲國家決定中斷或抑制承認中華民國為主權國家原因。過去的幾十年來，中華民國的邦交國數目大幅下降，大部分位於撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲國家都在其中。舉例來說，1964年是中華民國在非洲地區外交上的 峰期，台北獲得了22個國家的承認。然而，現今只剩下3個國家的承認。 這個研究計劃，企圖藉由關注研究撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲國家不繼續承認台北的動機，使這種趨勢能更加被瞭解。這點是非常重要的，因為自1960年以來，中華民國已經將非洲視為在其謀求國際承認最有潛力的區域。而在這個層面，便不能輕忽中華人民共和國在其中所扮演的角色。驅使在“一個中國”的原則下，北京當局在推動提昇這些國家的整體國家利益上所擁有的能力，對中華民國在撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲友邦國家而言，是推動他們轉向，開啟兩個中國外交競爭的一股重要力量。為了解釋這一種傾向，本文應用了新現實主義理論和其中的“bandwagon behaviour”模說明。 筆者預期本文能達到的目的包含了提供一個新的視角來看待中華民國與非洲的關係，用來評估非洲國家對於此問題所持有的立場。筆者希望能夠針對現今中華民國和非洲國家間脆弱的外交地位，帶來新的見解，並進一步提供關於非洲各國和中華民國之間關係的科學論證。 / This thesis aims to analyze the possible reasons shaping the sub-Saharan African states’ decisions in withdrawing or refraining from recognizing the Republic of China (ROC). In the last decades the number of the ROC’s diplomatic allies has decreased drastically and the majority of states located south of the Sahara Desert have taken part in this process. For instance, at the peak of its success in Africa in 1964, Taipei was recognized by twenty two countries. Yet, today it is only recognized by three states. The research conducted is an attempt to provide a better understanding of this trend by focusing on the sub-Saharan African states’ motivations in not extending recognition to Taipei. This is important because since the 1960s, Africa has become a potential area in the ROC’s quest for international recognition. In this regard, one should not disregard the role of the People’s Republic of China. Within the “one China” principle, Beijing’s capacity in advancing these states national interests has been an important driving force in diverting sub-Saharan countries’ allegiance from the ROC in the two China’s diplomatic competition. In order to explain this tendency, the Neo-realism theory and its “bandwagon” behavior will be applied. The expected contributions from this work include a new perspective on the ROC-Africa relations in which an evaluation of the African stance regarding this issue is proposed. The author hopes to bring new insights on the current vulnerable diplomatic position of the ROC in Africa, thus further contributing to the scientific debate on the relationships between African countries and the ROC.

本論文的中心命題是：冷戰後的中國是尋求向外擴張、還是自我防禦的國家？為了檢視此一命題，本論文從守勢現實主義（defensive realism）的理論中推論出維持現狀、嚇阻戰略與昂貴信號，以作為檢視冷戰後中共安全行為的指標。本論文分別檢視中共領導人的政策宣示、1995-96年台海危機以及冷戰後中共與南海爭議的個案，證明：第一、中共對國際環境的認知會符合守勢現實主義關於良性的國際結構與安全充足的觀點；第二、中共的外交政策旨在維持既有的國際秩序，所以其對外的行為以維持現狀為主，避免改變現狀的情形發生；第三、中共的國防政策屬於防禦性的，因此其戰略以嚇阻為主，避免使用武力直接與敵人衝突；第四、為了表示防禦性、維持現狀或者是合作的意圖，中共採取昂貴信號的作法，以避免被其他國家所誤解。所以，本論文論證出冷戰後的中國是一個追求自我防禦的國家，其安全政策是屬於防禦性的。 / The central question of this thesis is: Is China an expansionist or a self-preserving state in the Post-Cold War era? From defensive realism theory, I infer status quo policy, deterrence strategy, and costly signal to estimate Post-Cold War PRC security behavior. Empirically, I examine Chinese leaders’ statements, the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1995-96, and South China Sea disputes in the Post-Cold War era. I reach the conclusion that: First, PRC’s perception of international environment is consistent with defensive realism’s argument that international structure is benign and security is plentiful. Second, China engages status quo foreign policy to maintain the international order. Third, China’s defense policy emphasizes on deterrence strategy to avoid direct conflict with the enemy. Fourth, China adopted costly signals to unfold its defensive, status quo, or cooperative intention to prevent other countries’ misunderstanding. I argue that, therefore, Post-Cold War China is a self-protecting state with the defensive security policy.

南海海域以往僅不過是來往商船的航路與漁船作業的漁場，在1960 年代末期，該區域被認定蘊藏豐富的資源後，南海周邊國家開始爭相佔領附近島礁。再加上南海是某些國家戰略物資之必經航路，南海頓時轉變為重要的戰略要域，因多方國家經濟利益交錯複雜的牽扯下，地區亦時有摩擦事件發生，南海從此成為亞太地區的熱點。 外交是內政的延續，外交政策應在維護或爭取國家利益的先決條件下制定，並主導國家整體對外的作為，謀求國家在國際地位中的生存與發展。南海問題涉及國家事務，亦屬外交政策項下之一環，所以中國大陸南海政策，亦受其外交政策指導。中國大陸因為經濟力的發展，帶動了軍事力的茁壯，而使其遠在南海海域的諸島主權得以有軍事力量予以維護。也因其在南海地區的軍力強化，造成南海聲索國 普遍的不安。相對之下，各聲索國亦增購軍備，加強南海防務。再加上美國與東協組織的介入，使南海地區各方較勁的意味濃厚。 當南海各聲索國增購軍備，加強維護其南海所佔島礁主權時，同是南海聲索國的中華民國，雖對於軍事武力的建置從未懈怠，只不過所增強的軍事武力均建置於台澎金馬區域，而對於東沙群島的東沙島及南沙群島的太平島而言，中華民國是不是應當有完善的南海軍事戰略，足以維護其安全。 / The area of the South China Sea was route of the merchant ships coming and going and fishing ground for the fishing boats in the past. In the late 1960s, after this area was found with abundant resources, the surrounding countries of the South China Sea began to occupy the nearby islands and reefs. In addition, the South China Sea is the passage of some countries’ strategic materials; hence, the South China Sea tends to be an important strategic point. Regional frictions occur under the conflict of interests involving a number of surrounding countries. This is why the South China Sea becomes the flash point of Asian-Pacific area. Diplomacy is the continuity of the internal affairs. The foreign policy should be made under the preconditions of maintaining or striving for the interests of the State as well as the guideline for the State，s foreign affairs , seeking the State，s survival and development in the international arena. The issue of the South China Sea involves the national affairs, also affected under the foreign policy, so the policy of the South China Sea should be guided by their individual foreign policies. Mainland China，s military power is supported by its economic growth and cause an uneasy atmosphere for claimant in the area. As each claimant purchases arms and equipments along with the involvement of the U.S. and Association of South-east Asian Nations, the South China Sea becomes the hub of tension. When every claimant of the South China Sea purchases the arms, strengthening to safeguard the islands and reefs sovereign right in the South China Sea, Republic of China , one of the claimants of the South China Sea, although the building of the military power has never been stopped, but the focus has been placed only in Taiwan、Penghu、Kinmen and Matsu area. For Dongsha islands and Taiping island, whether the government of Republic of China should build a complete strategy of the South China Sea to maintain its security remains debatable.

冷戰結束之後，亞太地區的情勢因蘇聯內部共黨勢力的瓦解，而美國也因內部經濟問題無法負擔龐大的軍事費用而逐漸退出亞太，造成亞太地區的權力真空。這段期間內，中共已從1979年後的改革開放中取得綜合國力的提升，使中共得以在亞太地區竄起，逐漸發展成為區域強權，到現在被視為是美國潛在對手的世界強權。 中共之所以能取得今天的地位，主要靠的就是經濟的持續成長，然成長的動力乃來自於對能源之需求。目前中共為僅次於美國的全球第二大石油消費國，不過，這背後卻是高度依賴進口石油，其中80 %是經印度洋、麻六甲海峽及南海運抵大陸。從安全及經濟戰略的角度切入，中共沒有不掌握南海控制權的理由。這也道出後冷戰時期國家戰略的轉變，逐漸從陸地轉為重視海上的主權與安全，由此，中共在南海戰略布局，建立海軍基地，正是為了維護在南海的利益。 　　然而這樣的利益卻因為南海議題至終仍僵持不下，影響中共在南海戰略的目標與規畫，例如1982年的海洋公約法各自宣布經濟海域之範圍，使得各國主權的行使上具有相互重疊的部分，加上南海區域所蘊含著可觀的石油資源和航線價值，導致各個當事國皆不願放棄其主權的擁有。更不用說是境外勢力的介入，都使得南海問題變得更加複雜，進而改變中共在南海的戰略。 　　由此，本文將從這個錯綜複雜的問題中，先探討南海爭議的源頭與脈絡，有助於了解中共制定南海政策的背景。其次再從政治、經濟以及軍事方面來分析中共在南海的意圖和戰略，包括了在海南設立海軍基地、加速發展潛艦和航母等，研究中共海軍建軍的進程與南海戰略之關係。最後，再評估中共的南海戰略對區域安全所造成的衝擊，以及如何影響周邊國家和區外國家的行為。 / After the Cold War, there is no strong power in the Asia Pacific region as a result of the collapse of the communist Soviet Union while the United States (U.S.) had the economic problem which also made it to withdraw forces from that region. During this timeframe, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has improved its overall national power by reforms and transformations since 1979 which gave it opportunity to raise and become regional superpower and is being recognized as a potential global superpower and adversary to the U.S. 　　PRC gained today’s position mainly through its continued economic growth and its growing momentum is constructed upon the energy requirement. Currently, PRC is the second largest oil consumer besides the U.S. and is heavily dependent upon the imports in which 80 percent come from the Indian Ocean, Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea. From the security and economics point of view, there is no reason PRC should give up the control of the South China Sea which explains its national strategy has shifted from continent thinking to focusing on the maritime sovereignty and security. Thus, PRC’s strategy in South China Sea and the construction of naval bases are to protect its interest in that area. 　　However, the territorial disputes of the South China Sea have influenced PRC’s strategic goal and planning. For instance, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in 1982 has the clause to announce economic zone which would overlap with neighboring countries. Furthermore, the potential undiscovered oil underneath the South China Sea and the critical sea lanes made relevant nations unwilling to give up their claims, not to say the involvement of foreign powers. All these have made the South China Sea a complicated issue which also affected PRC to change its South China Sea strategy. 　　Thereby, this paper will examine the origin of this complicated South China Sea issue which will help readers to understand the background of the forming of PRC’s South China Sea policy. Next, we will analyze PRC’s intent and strategy from political, economical and military aspects, including its set up of naval bases in that area and the speedup of the development of aircraft carrier and submarine, and also the relationship between PLA Navy’s buildup and the South China Sea. Finally, we will analyze the security impact to that area by PRC’s South China Sea strategy and how it affects peripheral nations’ behavior and nations outside that area.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-12T18:05:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 arquivo6239_1.pdf: 3987684 bytes, checksum: 3de61823bef92babc3a0eebd8393e838 (MD5) license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / O gene de fusão PML-RARα é o mais freqüente marcador molecular da Leucemia Aguda Promielocítica (LAP). Com o objetivo de comparar os métodos moleculares qualitativo e quantivo, avaliar os níveis de expressão do gene correlacionar com características biológicas foram de pacientes com LAP ao diagnostico e pós-consolidação. O RNA total foi extraído a partir de e o cDNA sintetizado por RT-PCR. O gene ABL foi utilizado como controle constitutivo e a análise quantitativa realizada por curva padrão. Ao diagnóstico houve concordância dos métodos na detecção do gene PML-RARα e o coeficiente normalizado de expressão foi 55,3. Após a consolidação do tratamento apenas um paciente apresentou a expressão do gene PML-RARα que foi detectado pela PCR quantitativa. Não foram encontradas diferenças significantes na análise de associação dos níveis de expressão do gene PML-RARα com carocteristicas biológicas. Os resultados permitiram estimar o nível de expressão do gene PML-RARα no grupo estudado e o estabelecimento de parâmetros para o seguimento de pacientes com LAP

The thesis focuses on the relationship between China and the Korean Peninsula. It examines China's view on the peninsula, its ties to and influence over this region and its conceptions for the future of the peninsula. The thesis concentrates on the relations between the People's Republic of China and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Nevertheless, the relationship between them is analyzed in the context of the Chinese long-term strategy for the Korean Peninsula. The primary Chinese interests related to North Korea are identified together with instruments that can China use to accomplish them. Special focus is given to the assessment of the economic influence that China has over North Korea. However, the Chinese economic leverage is examined in connection with political and military relations between those two countries and in broader context of the development of international relations in Northeast Asia.