<p>The purpose of this essay has been to describe and compare the personal qualities that the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter (DN) tried to associate Barack Obama and John McCain with during the American presidential election campaign 2008. The main question to be answered is: What social and physical characters as well as what personal experiences, interest and resources did DN tried to emphasize regarding John McCain and Barack Obama during the American presidential election campaign 2008. The theoretical starting-point has been John B Thompson’s theory of the mediated publicity and John Corner´s theory of political persona and spheres of action. Various DN news texts, in all 38 articles, have been examined by content analysis from 25th of august to the 4th of November. The main results show that the most frequent mentioned qualities about Barack Obamas was his skin colour, ethnicity and speech talents. The most frequent mentioned qualities about John McCain was his age and his military experiences from the Vietnam War. The conclusion that can be drawn from this study is that the qualities described in DN created a picture of two different politicians. Many of the qualities that was mentioned have no connection to politics and even if they was just mentioned one time can they play a significant role in trying to build confidence. Many of the qualities that was mentioned are qualities that necessary not have to be seen as positive.</p>

Presidentvalet i USA baseras på personval istället för partival och detta personval inkluderar även presidentkandidatens partner. Presidentkandidaternas fruar diskuteras och analyseras idag lika mycket som presidentkandidaterna själva samtidigt som medierna diskuterar vilken av de tidigare presidentfruarna de kommer att efterlikna. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka och analysera vilken retorik Michelle Obama och Ann Romney använder sig av i talen de ger på The Democratic National Convention respektive The Republican National Convention i ett försök att övertyga de amerikanska väljarna att deras man borde bli deras nästa president. Eftersom det visuella framträdandet bidrar till talets helhet ska även det undersökas och analyseras. Då Michelle Obama och Ann Romney har jämförts under hela valet görs det även här en komparativ analys av deras retorik samt deras visuella framträdande. En kvalitativ metod har valts för uppsatsen i form av en retorisk analys. Denna retoriska analys görs med hjälp av Karlbergs och Mrals (1998) retoriska modell. Resultatet visar att både Michelle Obama och Ann Romney använder sig mest av ethos och pathos i sina tal för att bygga tillit till publiken samt visa känslor. Undersökningens resultat visar även att de båda blir presidentkandidaternas surrogat till målgrupper som de inte når ut till vilket visar att presidentskapet är en två- persons- karriär där presidentfrun får stå för den feminina sidan medan presidentposten förbli maskulin. Resultatet visar även att den politiska kommunikationen inte behöver vara strikt politisk och att medierna spelar en stor roll i den politiska kommunikationen idag. / The presidential election in The United States is based on voting for an individual candidates rather than voting for a party and this vote includes the wife of the presidential candidate. The wives of presidential candidates are today equally discussed and analyzed, while the media also discusses which one of the previous presidential wives they are going to take after. The purpose of this thesis is to examine and analyze the rhetoric that Michelle Obama and Ann Romney uses in the speeches they give at The Democratic National Convention and The Republican National Convention in an effort to convince the American voters that their husband should be their next president. Since the visual appearance contributes to the speech as a whole this will also be examined and analyzed. Michelle Obama and Ann Romney have been compared throughout the whole election so a comparative analysis of their rhetoric and their visual appearance will also be made here. A qualitative approach has been chosen for this thesis in the form of a rhetorical analysis. This rhetorical analysis is done by using Karlberg and Mrals (1998) rhetorical model.. The results show that both Michelle Obama and Ann Romney used ethos and pathos the most in their speeches to build trust with the audience and to show emotions. The thesis results also show that they are surrogates to the presidential candidates in the way that they can reach target groups that the candidates cannot and with this showing that the presidency is a two-person career where the presidential wife to stands for the feminine side while the presidential post remains masculine. The results also show that political communication doesn’t have to be purely political, and that the media plays a major role in political communication today.

The purpose of this essay has been to describe and compare the personal qualities that the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter (DN) tried to associate Barack Obama and John McCain with during the American presidential election campaign 2008. The main question to be answered is: What social and physical characters as well as what personal experiences, interest and resources did DN tried to emphasize regarding John McCain and Barack Obama during the American presidential election campaign 2008. The theoretical starting-point has been John B Thompson’s theory of the mediated publicity and John Corner´s theory of political persona and spheres of action. Various DN news texts, in all 38 articles, have been examined by content analysis from 25th of august to the 4th of November. The main results show that the most frequent mentioned qualities about Barack Obamas was his skin colour, ethnicity and speech talents. The most frequent mentioned qualities about John McCain was his age and his military experiences from the Vietnam War. The conclusion that can be drawn from this study is that the qualities described in DN created a picture of two different politicians. Many of the qualities that was mentioned have no connection to politics and even if they was just mentioned one time can they play a significant role in trying to build confidence. Many of the qualities that was mentioned are qualities that necessary not have to be seen as positive.

This study takes a qualitative approach to contextualizing and examining the communication of the so-called Kremlin trolls on Twitter, in relation to two major political processes that occurred in 2016, namely the Brexit referendum and the U.S. presidential election. Moreover, the study examines the news media of the two respective countries’ portrayal of the “Kremlin trolls”. The study assesses and problematizes mainstream application and contemporary usage of terminology in relation to two phenomena central to this thesis, namely: “Kremlin trolls”, and “fake news”. The study reconceptualizes the respective concepts into the “Kremlin meddlers” and “deceitful news”, as it was found those terms more accurately reflect both phenomena. Two sets of empirical data are examined in the thesis, one of which consists of 62 posts derived from 14 accounts of the Kremlin meddlers’ Twitter accounts. The other consistsof 30 articles stemming from 10 different news outlets, 5 of which were U.K. news outlets and 5 U.S. news sites, covering the political spectrum from one end to the other. The study applies one theoretical framework toexamine both sets of empiricaldata, namely Teun van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis. The Kremlin meddlers’ Twitter accounts used two strategies to influence the electorates of both countries, one of which was to hide under the guise of pseudonyms impersonating actual citizens of the two nations. The other strategy employed by the meddlers was to maintain accounts that simulated news outlets, acting and appearing much like a legitimate news outlet would on the platform. The communication of the Kremlin meddlers was primarily aimed atsupporters of the ideological right by (re)producing discourse highly critical of the ideological left, this is particularly so for the Twitter accounts seeking to impersonate actual people. The pursuit of ideological polarization is centralin their communication.In the news media’s portrayal of the meddlers,differences are foundacross the ideological spectrum. The study identifies three themesin the discourse; one portraying the meddlers’ in a humanizing view, one creating a Them vs. Us categorization between Russia and the West, and the last focusing on the meddlers’ impacton democratic processes. Intrinsic to all of the themes is the (re)production of elite discourse, primarily seen through the selective use of voices from the symbolic elite to construct the social reality.

Le territoire a-t-il une influence sur le raisonnement politique des individus ? C'est à cette question, en apparence classique, de la science politique que cette thèse entend répondre. A partir d'une enquête menée dans le contexte de l'élection présidentielle française de 2007, nous proposons d'aborder les voies théoriques et méthodologiques d'une étude de l'effet du « territoire » sur les raisonnements et les arguments mobilisés par les individus lorsqu'ils « parlent » de politique. En prenant successivement en compte le territoire comme agrégat de données quantitatives (territoire objectif) puis comme construction sociale opérée par les individus (territoire subjectif), nous proposons de revenir sur les apports d'une approche « écologique » et « processuelle » du raisonnement politique, permettant de comprendre les rouages et l'ampleur de la mobilisation du « territoire vécu » par les individus. La « politique » apparait à la fois comme le résultat d'un repérage des problèmes territoriaux et comme une série de thèmes définis a priori (l'Union Européenne, la mondialisation, le vote lors de l'élection présidentielle), donnant à voir deux aspects distincts de l'influence du territoire sur la politisation des individus. Nos résultats plaident pour le prolongement d'une analyse qualitative et contextualisée des compétences et des raisonnements politiques individuels. / Does the territory influence the way individual reasons about politics? This dissertation aims to answer to this apparently classical question of political science. Based on a survey which was conducted in the context of the French presidential election of 2007, we propose to deal with theoretical and methodological issues about the understanding of the « territory effect » on the way people argue and reason when they « talk about" politics. We successively define the territory as an aggregation of quantitative data (objective territory) and then as a social construction made by individual (subjective territory), in order to argue that an « ecological » analysis of the process that underpin political reasoning is a fruitful way of understanding how and in what extend people use elements from their own territory. Politics appears both as the result of the construction of territorial issues and as a set of public issues (European Union, globalization, presidential election) which gives two different aspects of the way territory can influence the politicization of people. Our results argue that a qualitative and contextualized approach of competences and political reasoning must be deepened.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiano Sena de Souza_Disertacao.pdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-05 / This paper analyzes from the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe the constitution of the Plano Real as a hegemonic sense, considering the rhetoric involved since the implementation of the economic plan, and later in the 1994 presidential election campaign speeches of the two leading candidates: Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The empirical data that supports this research, some of the statements in official documents of the presidency of the republic, official publications, laws, and the speech broadcast on Time Free Election Propaganda (HGPE) by the candidates under discussion. The process of analysis assumes formation of a privileged status of the particular meaning of the Plano Real, featuring a cut antagonistic to inflation, mischievously felt by the population when the implementation of the economic plan. This privileged sense, associated with the preliminary results of the plan, ultimately led to the economic plan to take the centrality of debates on electoral harvest by their competitors, directly influencing the outcome of the 1994 presidential election. Thus this research is to understand and explain the formation of these speeches, their links with other senses, which constituted the end of the process, a hegemonic sense around the Plano Real from these rhetorical discursive practices. / Este trabalho analisa a partir da teoria do discurso de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe a constituição do Plano Real como um sentido hegemônico, considerando as retóricas envolvidas desde a implantação do plano econômico e, posteriormente, na eleição presidencial de 1994, nos discursos de campanha dos dois principais candidatos: Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. O material empírico que embasa a presente pesquisa parte das declarações exaradas em documentos oficiais da presidência da república, publicações oficiais, leis, assim como as falas veiculadas no Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) pelos candidatos em comento. O processo de análise parte do pressuposto de constituição de um status privilegiado do sentido particular do Plano Real, caracterizando um corte antagônico à inflação, sentida nocivamente pela população quando da implantação do plano econômico. Esse sentido privilegiado, associado aos resultados preliminares do plano, derradeiramente levou o plano econômico a tomar a centralidade dos debates na seara eleitoral por seus concorrentes, influenciando diretamente no resultado da eleição presidencial de 1994. Desta maneira, a presente pesquisa consiste em compreender e explicar a formação destes discursos, as suas respectivas articulações com outros sentidos, que constituíram, ao fim do processo, um sentido hegemônico em torno do Plano Real a partir dessas práticas retórico discursivas.

This essay aims to analyze how Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump communicated verbally and non-verbally during the second presidential debate of the 2016 US election. To do this the essay utilizes a method focused on analyzing actio. The essay also analyses main trends in the rhetoric’s of the candidates. To aid the findings from this analysis the essay takes support from theories such as Impression management, footing, face as well as different theories in representation, including stereotypes, gender in politics and the construction of otherness.   The results that the study reached where that very little critic could be raised towards Clinton's actio except for questioning how effective her choice to face the live audience instead of the tv audience was. That only a few major errors could be found in Clinton's actio &amp; her rhetoric as well, was theorized to be due to the stark contrast of her errors against Trump's which many times where a lot worse. The study also found some similarities in how to candidates used similar rhetorical and, to some extent, actio techniques to compel their audience, thou stark differences could be found in the execution of said techniques. Further the study could not point to any definite female or male use of body language, but theorized that this is due to the nature of a political debate and how Clinton might have adapted to the male dominated world of politics. Finally, in the end discussion a speculation was raised that whoever the audience perceived as a “winner” of the debate came down largely to pre-perceived notions of each candidate at least when it came to body language and rhetoric.

The diploma thesis "Some Features of Persuasive Language in Selected Presidential Campaign Speeches of Two Candidates" aims to investigate how the rhetorical device of conceptual metaphor is employed in the election campaign speeches of Barack Obama and Mitt Romney addressed mainly to the Hispanic voters to develop the myth of the American Dream. The political speeches were analyzed under the theoretical framework of the critical metaphor analysis and critical discourse analysis. Besides the analysis of the metaphorical concepts that support the myth creation, other rhetorical devices were examined in the selected corpus of the both speeches for their persuasive function.

許多文獻已經研究過政治事件和外匯市場之間的關聯性。然而，較少研究聚焦在一個國家的政治事件是如何影響另外一個國家的匯率。因此，本文章主要在探討2016美國總統大選如何影響墨西哥幣兌美元的走勢。我們使用EGARCH 模型來衡量美國總統候選人的民調對匯率的平均或波動所造成的影響。實證結果發現美國總統大選會對墨西哥幣兌美元產生較大的波動，希拉蕊的民調增加也會造成墨西哥幣的升值。因此，本文檢驗政治活動會對外匯市場產生影響的假說，也進一步提出實證結果支持一國的匯率會受到他國政治因素牽動的看法。 / Many articles have shown the relationship between political events and currency markets. Nevertheless, few studies provide empirical evidence on how one country’s political elections have impact on movements of exchange rate in other country. In this paper, we attempt to provide some empirical results by analyzing the impact of the 2016 United States presidential election on Mexico’s currency market. We use EGARCH models to estimate the influence of recent U.S. presidential candidates have on the mean and the variance of the Mexican foreign exchange market. We find statistically significant evidence that U.S. presidential election is associated with higher volatility of Mexico’s currency market, and the increase in the chance for a Clinton to win has positive impact on mean return of the peso-dollar exchange rate. These findings offer important insights into the expected impact of the United States presidential elections on the Mexican peso and more generally, the relationship between political events and foreign exchange market.

Direct presidential election is a new phenomenon in Czech Republic which brought a challenge for political marketing. There was no previous experience with presidential campaigns and therefore there were a number of expectations how the candidates are going to carry out the campaigns. The thesis focuses on the election campaigns of individual candidates for Czech president in 2013. On a basis of the theoretical framework is an ambition of the thesis to analyze and compare the campaigns and subsequently to evaluate whether they have played an important role in the election, influenced voters' decisions and election results