This diploma thesis deals with examination of research activities of selected research organizations regarding the historically first direct elections of the president of the Czech Republic. This is done with the use of pre-election surveys realized in connection with presidential elections in the United States of America. The thesis ponders whether the phenomenon of direct elections will be positively accepted not only by Czech Citizen but also by local research organizations. The aim of the presented diploma thesis is the evaluation of Czech presidential surveys and their main methods through the comparison with models from the United States of America. The subsidiary goal is the investigation of prevailing traditions in the Czech Republic and the lack of resources which cause resistance against potential research development in the Czech Republic. At last but not least the thesis evaluates how presidential polls might influence the public opinion. This thesis is divided into five chapters. The first one investigates the election system and polls in the Czech Republic. Next chapter deals with the election system and polls in the United States of America. Chapter three focuses on the comparison of research approaches in the Czech Republic and the United States of America. The fourth chapter presents the...

La présente thèse dit ce qu’est le Président de la République Portugaise, elle le nomme. Pour ce faire, elle montre comment la figure présidentielle s’est construite depuis 1986, depuis que la démocratie portugaise n’est plus « à l’ombre des épées ». A cette fin, la thèse examine d’abord la légitimité particulière du Chef de l’Etat lusitain, directe mais apartisane. Celle-ci doit être comprise à la lumière de l’histoire politique et constitutionnelle du Portugal qui a connu le parlementarisme éclaté et la dictature personnelle. Elle examine ensuite la position du Président de la République au sein de l’architecture constitutionnelle portugaise au moyen de ses pouvoirs et de ses relations avec le Gouvernement en tant que fonction et en tant qu’organe. Si la présidence portugaise ne détermine pas la politique générale du pays, les différents titulaires de la charge présidentielle ont su participer à la formation de la volonté politique de l’Etat grâce au développement d’une magistrature qui leur est propre. Leurs prises de parole et leurs actions de terrain ont permis au Président de la République d’avoir une réalité par-delà le dispositif constitutionnel. De ces différents éléments, la thèse infère enfin la qualification du régime politique portugais et se clôt sur la dénomination de la figure présidentielle portugaise, telle qu’elle a été et s’est construite. / This doctoral dissertation tells what the President of the Portuguese Republic is and gives it a name. To this end, it shows how the Portuguese presidential figure has built itself since 1986, since the Portuguese democracy has no more been under the “shadow of swords”. To reach this goal, the dissertation begins by focusing on the president’s legitimacy, direct but unpartisan. Its particular legitimacy cannot be understood without referring to Portugal’s political and constitutional history which went through fragmented parliamentarism and personal dictatorship. Then it considers the presidential position within the Portuguese constitutional framework using its powers and looking into its relations with the Government as a function and as an organ. If the Portuguese presidency does not fix the country general policy, it does take part in the State’s will formation due to the emergence of a proper magistracy. Speech and field acts have given a reality to the President beyond the constitutional purview. Finally, this doctoral dissertation infers the qualification of the Portuguese political regime and ends by naming the Portuguese presidential figure, as it has been built and as it has been built itself.

本研究試圖從「國際新聞流通」之理論背景出發、根據「新聞馴化」與「新聞框架」理論架構，多層次比較分析不同國家之主要平面媒體對臺灣2012年總統大選報導之趨向，透過內容分析與新聞論述法， 分析自2011年1月1日至2012年1月21日期間，《紐約時報》 ( The New York Times )、《華盛頓郵報》( The Washington Post ) 、《基督教科學箴言報》 ( The Christian Science Monitor ) 則 、香港《南華早報》( South China Morning Post ) 、新加坡《海峽時報》( The Straits Times ) 、南韓《韓國時報》( The Korea Times )、英國《衛報》（The Guardian）與澳洲《澳洲人報》( The Australian ) ，八家不同報紙的相關報導。進而瞭解發生在國外的重要事件如何被其他國家所報導與呈現，是否存在不同差異？並從中探析影響國際媒體報導臺灣本次選舉內容呈現的可能因素。研究發現各報報導數量有顯著差異、報導類型無顯著差異、報導篇幅有顯著差異、報導版面配置具有差異、新聞來源無顯著差異、報導偏向大致相同、主要消息來源存有差異、馴化策略無顯著差異、新聞框架應用大致相同。 / The present study is aimed to explore the significances how major foreign news agencies represented presidential election of Taiwan in 2012. By manifesting contexts of chosen news agencies such as The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Christian Science Monitor, South China Morning Post, The Strait Times, The Korea Times, The Guardian and The Australian with chosen period from 1st January, 2011 to 21st January, 2012, the author furthers the study embedded with theoretical approaches focused on international news flow, domestication and framing of news to articulate how foreign news agencies represented the news event abroad on the basis of data analysis and new discourse, furthermore, the author also examines the potential variables which might influence the news tendency among foreign news agencies when depicting presidential election of Taiwan in 2012. The results suggest there is no overt significance regarding news categories, news sources, news orientation, news domestication and news frames; however, the significance could be applied to the findings as exploring the quantity of news coverage, news layout and major news sources.

This study seeks to illuminate which understanding of democracy the written U.S. digital news media propagates to its readers, through the lens of the 2016 presidential election. This is done through discourse theory and analysis inspired by Laclau & Mouffes work on nodal points and discursive webs. Other theories involve polyarchy as a definition of democracy as well as rational models for voter participation. Written digital articles related to the 2016 election, chosen through entering keywords related to democracy and voting, from a broad range of larger media houses are used as material for the study. The study found that the discourse created and mediated by the news articles, when taken as a whole, understands democracy as a contest between different demographical groups. Race or ethnicity are the most commonly referenced groups. The election is a battle between the candidates’ personalities to entice “their” specific groups to get out and vote. Policy or political issues are rarely mentioned in the articles. Voter participation is low according to the discourse, but that might not be such a big problem according to the discourse. A larger problem for democracy is corruption, political elitism and a poorly designed electoral system.

The subject of this thesis is the presidential system as one of the distinguished alternatives of existing political systems in the present democratic society. This thesis is divided into three parts. The primary aim of the first part is to produce a brief overview of individual political systems and to outline their mutual differences through the description of their characteristics. The second part describes a specific political system in this world - namely the United States of America which became the source of inspiration for all subsequently established systems of this type. This part focusing on the United States is then divided into three separate chapters where each of them provides a view of particular branches of the government which form a constitutional system of the state together. These chapters offer not only the characteristics of these particular government branches and their central government bodies, but they also explain their mutual relationship and the control mechanism and particularly their relation to the President who is the key character of the entire presidential system, also his office and his powers. The main source of information, from which this part of the thesis proceeds, is the United States Constitution itself which is, as the supreme law of the state, the...

The main topic of my diploma thesis is political marketing and presidential election in USA in 2008. Firstly, I described American society through its demographic, racial, social and religious aspects. Then I wrote about public opinion and political socializing of individuals, how they are created and learned through individuals' lives. Political ideology in USA is represented by two mainstream political trends: liberals and conservatives. Thesis then describes strategy in politics, planning of political campaigns and marketing communication in politics. Second part of my thesis describes presidential election in USA in 2008. Introduction is focused on two main candidates: Barack Obama and John McCain. Then it continues with main points and highlights of each presidential campaign. Special part is focused on presidential debates which are very popular in American society. Besides main candidates, thesis describes also vice president candidates and wives of presidential candidates. The final part of the thesis is focused on financial aspect of elections and funding in politics.

This diploma thesis analyses the debates of the two candidates who passed to the second round of the Czech direct presidential election in 2013. Primarily focuses on the debates in the public service media - Czech Television and Czech Radio. To put into context the whole campaign will briefly examine the debates on commercial TV stations as well. The thesis applies content analysis as the methodology. It measures how often both candidates (Miloš Zeman and Karel Schwarzenberg) mentioned their officially declared programme theses in a total of six debates on television and radio. The campaign is also presented more broadly in order to put the analysis into a wider context. Only programmes officially designated will be considered for the analysis so as to secure its accuracy. A quantitative analysis of the content will be applied in order to measure the frequency of programme theses in the debates researched. The principal goal of the thesis is to confirm or disconfirm the hypothesis that programme theses do not play such an important role in a political campaign in general, nor in candidate debates. I focus on the aspect of how different debates were and in which type of media presidential candidates presented the higher number of their programme theses.

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半總統制的運作特色是行政權力分別由總統和總理掌握，當半總統制的總統權力較小，就會由總理主導行政權力，此時半總統制的運作模式趨近於內閣制。但過去較少有文獻比較總統權力較小的半總統制國家，與內閣制國家的實際政治運作，是否有顯著的差異。本文先參照Wu(2012)的分類，選擇準內閣制做為總統權力較小的半總統制次類型，再與內閣制國家做比較。 本文的研究結果，發現準內閣制與內閣制之間，在國會的有效政黨數目、無黨籍總理出現的機率、總統總理同黨的機率沒有顯著的差異。顯示準內閣制的總統如同Wu分類的定義，不會介入任命過程，另外，總統選舉的衣尾效應也無法使大黨的席次增加。在總理任期的比較方面，雖然兩種制度的總理任期沒有顯著的差異，不過準內閣制的總理遭遇提前選舉下台的風險，低於內閣制，且準內閣制的總理連任機率也低於內閣制。這些結果皆表示，準內閣制的總統雖然不會介入組閣過程，但有可能對於國會的選舉時程產生影響，使總理無法在最佳時機發動國會提前選舉，進一步降低總理的連任機率。 綜合本文的研究發現，再對照過去的相關理論。半總統制與內閣制在實際運作上，仍然有一些差異。近年來，學界認為總統權力不是半總統制的重要條件，實際上，即使在總統權力較小的國家，總統權力可能還是有重要的影響。 / The executive power in semi-presidentialism is shared by the president and prime minister where the prime minister will control executive power with a weak president, and the political practice will be like those found in parlimentarism. There are very few articles examining the difference between parlimentarism and semi-presidentialism with a weak president. This paper compares the political practice of semi-presidentialism with a weak president and parlimentarism in different countries. The case selection criteria of a weak president is based on Wu(2012). In his research, quasi-parlimentarism is a subtype of semi-presidentialism, that the president has weak power. The result of this research demonstrates that effective number of parties in parliamentary, probability of non-party prime minister, president and prime minister in the same party have no significant difference between two institutions. This means that in the quasi-parlimentarism the coattail effect of a presidential election does not ensure more seats for a large party, and the president has a weak power to appoint the cabinet. Although the duration of the term of a prime minister has no significant difference, the hazard of early election, and probability of prime minister renewal in quasi-parlimentarism is less than parlimentarism. This means that a president in quasi-parlimentarism has blocked dissolution of parliamentary, and the prime minister cannot call for an early election at his or her favorable time. In summary, the political practice of semi-presidentialism is different than parlimentarism. Presidential power is an important feature of semi-presidentialism, even in small presidential power, a semi-presidentialism country, and its president have great influence on politics.