本論文命題中心是：藉由地緣政治、政治文化及政治菁英的研究角度來探討形成與爆發烏克蘭橙色革命的重要因素？ 首先、本論文選擇由地緣政治的角度來檢視烏克蘭橙色革命國際層次的影響要件，並試圖說明：第一、美國在蘇聯解體後，對於獨立國協區域的權力競逐並未鬆懈。第二、俄羅斯儘管專注致力於本國經濟的發展，但與美國在烏克蘭的權力競逐，在2004年大選中顯示出俄國不計手段也要獲取勝利。第三、歐盟在地緣與烏克蘭有著實質經貿的互動利益，對於權力的競逐，歐盟希望烏克蘭是一個遵守民主國家遊戲規則的朋友。而此三項國際競逐形成橙色革命的爆發背景之一。 其次、本論文也從政治文化的角度來探討烏克蘭東西部歷史文化的發展差異對於政治參與的影響。期望可以印證烏克蘭在蘇聯解體後，國民對於國家認同的提高對於選情的影響以及與橙色革命的因果關係。 最後、本論文以政治菁英的研究角度來觀察烏克蘭大選中菁英們對於權力的競逐。本章節選擇從庫奇馬執政時期開始說明烏克蘭政治菁英彼此的政治恩怨鬥爭，並藉由該研究得到影響橙色革命的關連要件。 所以本論文認為，烏克蘭橙色革命絕不僅僅只是一場人民對選舉舞弊不滿所造成的革命運動。橙色革命背後確實隱含著來自國際、國內與政治決策著的權力競逐關係。 / This study attempts to examine the important elements behind Ukraine's Orange Revolution from three dimensions: geopolitics, political culture, and political elites. From the perspective of geopolitics, this thesis discusses three international actors that effect the outbreak of Orange Revolution in Ukraine. First, after the disintegration of Soviet Union, the United States endeavors to extend his own power to the area of C.I.S. The U.S., therefore, wants to influence on 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election. Second, though Russia concentrates on economic development, Russia never loosens its grip on C.I.S. The 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election in Ukraine gives Russia a chance to expel American influence from Ukraine. Third, the European Union and Ukraine have commercial interests. The EU countries hope that Ukraine will transform into a truly democratic country, so they will make an influence on 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election. From the perspective of political culture, this study discusses how the historically developmental differences between western and eastern parts of Ukraine influence national identification and the electoral votes. From the perspective of political elites, this study discusses the power struggle among political elites from Kuchima period to 2004 presidential election and its impact on the outbreak of Orange Revolution. In conclusion, this study reveals that besides the people’s expectation for democracy, the Orange Revolution implies reasons from international power politics, national identification and the Ukrainian elite’s competitions for political power. / В 2004 году на Украине произошла Оранжевая Революция. Это событие произошло не только из-за коррупции во время выборов президента. Еще другие важные причины повлияли на это. В этой статье представлены три точки зрения на геополитику, политическую культуру и элиту Украинской Оранжевой Революции. Статья делится на три части. Во-первых, после распада Советского Союза в пространстве СНГ существует пустота влияния сегодняшней России. Эта ситуация соответствует американским интересам и позволяет США воздействовать на СНГ. Украинские президентские выборы были шансом для США увеличить влияние на Украину (одна большая страна СНГ). Хотя за последние годы Россия старается увеличить своё экономическое развитие и получает большое достижение, влияние России на страны СНГ продолжает снижаться. Давно Россия считает Украину частью России. И не может терпеть Америку, которая вносит её влияние в СНГ, в частности на Украину. Украинские президентские выборы были конкуренцией с Америкой. Страны СНГ- это соседние государства ЕС. Между ЕС и странами СНГ существуют реальные торговые отношения, представляющие большие интересы. Страны ЕС хотят, чтобы Украина была настоящей демократической страной, как европейские страны. И так, они склоняются на сторону США. Во-вторых, на Украине между западом и востоком существует своя история. Люди на востоке склоняются на сторону России, а на западе - считают себя частью Европейских стран. Разница выражается в различных национальных выражениях. По сей день, через 13 лет после распада СССР, в Украине сформировалась национальная самоидентификация. Граждане постепенно считают себя украинцами, а не русскими. В президентских выборах 2004 года поддержка России Виктора Януковича утратила силу, и коррупция на выборах вызвала споры и революцию. Кроме того, Оранжевая Революция – это результат борьбы политических элит времен правления Кучмы и выборной кампании 2004 года. Итак, можно сделать вывод, что Оранжевая Революция произошла не случайно, так как давно существовали проблемы во внешней и внутренней политике. Ключевые слова: США, Россия, ЕС, геополитика, политическая культура, украинские президентские выборы, Оранжевая Революция, Кучма

本研究主要目的是以內容分析法分析台視在報導1996 年至2008年的四屆總統大選時，選舉新聞的政黨偏差現象，並進一步剖析台視民營化前後，所有權轉變對選舉新聞政治偏差的影響。研究結果顯示，台視在民營化前的三屆（1996年、2000年、2004年）總統大選中，皆出現明顯政治偏差，且偏差方向均對執政黨較為有利。但台視民營化後，選舉新聞的政治偏差情形變得較不明顯，在2008年的總統大選中，台視的選舉新聞已遠比以往公正。為了解所有權轉變對台視選舉新聞公正性的影響，本研究以深度訪談法專訪十名台視記者，分析四屆總統選舉時的採訪歷程。受訪者皆認為，台視在民營化前，政府及執政黨明顯影響選舉新聞報導；但民營化後，政府及執政黨的影響力降低，台視選舉新聞已較為公正。 / This study examines how Taiwan Television Enterprise reported the campaign and candidates during the 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008 Presidential Elections in Taiwan. A content analysis of evening news coverage of election news coverage of the television station indicated that there were significant quantity bias, source bias, and presentation bias in its coverage of the first three presidential election campaigns. However, the television station was more balance in its coverage of the 2008 presidential campaign. A depth interview of 10 reporters of the television station indicated that ownership structure has direct or indirect influence on election coverage of the station. The change of ownership of the station in 2007 has contributed to the achievement of more balanced election coverage in the 2008 presidential election.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how a Breitbart News Network text represented Muslim and Syrian refugees in the weeks leading up to the 2016 United States presidential election. Using a methodological framework based on Norman Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis, the analysis seeks to reveal the linguistic semiotic choices made by the text producer in the representation of Muslim and Syrian refugees and to explain how these semiotic choices were used to achieve their effect. By revealing these linguistic semiotic choices, the beliefs, attitudes, and ideologies that are present in the text─ but not necessarily easily seen─ can be brought out into the open. Once out in the open, they can be critically questioned, contested,  and they can be examined to find out how their beliefs, attitudes, and ideologies can be understood to have destructive consequences on the audience and the groups of people they represent.

The aim of the study was to examine the ways in which the presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump were portrayed in articles regarding the first presidential debate of 2016. We also wanted to examine the differences and similarities between the framing of the two candidates as well as which frames varied between the newspapers from Sweden and the USA and which they had in common. We made a qualitative framing analysis of 14 articles from 14 different newspapers half of which were from Sweden and half from the USA. The result shows that Hillary Clinton is most often portrayed as an experienced and professional politician whereas Donald Trump is portrayed as her opposite in both regards. The framing of Trump shows him as an outsider from the business world, who has a history of controversial behavior in which he is accused of both racism and sexism. Both candidates are portrayed as highly disliked by the American people. They are also portrayed as dishonest as a consequence of their respective scandals where they are being accused of having hidden something from the public – Clinton in her use of a private e-mail server during her time as secretary of state – Trump due to his unreleased tax returns. The American and the Swedish articles frame the candidates similarly, although the American newspapers are more prone to the usage of harsh language in describing the candidates and their actions in the debate. The Swedish newspapers tend to use less emotive words in re-telling the debate.

This thesis examines the factors affecting the outcome of the 1948 presidential election. The factors which will be take up are not a complete list of all those influences on the election but will be those which appeared most frequently in writings on the subject and those which, in the writer's opinion, exerted the strongest influence. By combining specific studies of the tree large pivotal states, with the investigation of general factors affecting the election, it is believed that certain rather definite conclusions can be drawn concerning what happened in the country as a whole.

Master's thesis Photographs of Presidential Candidates in Czech Newspapers ahead of Elections of 2013 compares the visual coverage of nine presidential candidates in the photographs published in three national broadsheet newspapers Lidové noviny, Právo and Hospodářské noviny during the period of four weeks before the first Czech direct presidential elections in January 2013. The theoretical part of the thesis summarizes literature probing the visual framing of politics and the influence of photographic images in media on audiences and their decisions in elections. The quantitative content analysis compares the number of each candidate's pictures in the Czech press in order to determine whether the visual coverage was balanced or not and whether this could have affected the election results. It also verifies the hypothesis that newspapers tend to publish more pictures of the candidates with similar political orientation. Besides that, the thesis also compares how each of the journals uses photography illustration by examining the size, placement, type, caption length and authorship of the pictures.

The dissertation investigates a constitutional amendment to the 2012 legislation of the presidential election. The amendment introduced an election of the president through a popular vote, which was a historical milestone for the Czech legal system. However, the new adjustment was adopted in haste and evinces many deficiencies; that was proven in the 2013 presidential election. Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is to describe problematical parts of the new legal adjustment and find some possible solutions. The main topics are as follows: 1) modification of the basic concepts of the election system, 2) candidate nomination process, 3) election campaign funding and 4) ethical aspects of the election campaign. A comparison of legal adjustments of 14 EU countries with the direct presidential election (the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Finland, France, Croatia, Ireland, Cyprus, Lithuania, Poland, Portugal, Austria, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia) was done, in order to find appropriate solutions. Apart from the results of comparison, the dissertation is based on reports by GRECO, OSCE and the corresponding Czech judicature. In conclusion, the Czech adjustment of the presidential election meets every democratic principle, but, at the same time, contains many mistakes. Especially the queries of "election campaign...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:23:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carla Montuori Fernandes.pdf: 23861446 bytes, checksum: db4fe12108a871c49b31681550d1c40f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The dispute for the brazilian presidency in the elections of 2006 has been in a divergent scenario in regards to five regions of the country. The opinion polls shown on TV during the first term indicated the victory of the former candidate to his reelection, Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), in Southeast, North and Northeast, without mentioning a defeat in central-west and South, where the candidate Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB), had the majority of the vote intentions. In order to cover the electoral campaign, a TV News, in Jornal Nacional, from a network called Rede Globo de Television broadcasted the Project named Caravana JN, that during 52 days performed daily reports in cities spread all over Brazil, with the objective to get to know the population wish regarding the new president. Due to the way that the campaign scenario and the political force that in Jornal Nacional has shown during its existence that we present the following question: Which was the posture adopted by Caravana JN during the electing period? In order to understand if the project has reflected some political tendency, we have opted to use the concept of validating in the reports, during the reconstruction of the electoral scenario in each city that has received the visit of Caravana JN. As a complimentary way of the research we have performed an analysis of the confluent points between the themes of Caravana JN and the agenda of the time that the free Electioneereing advertising of the candidates Lula (PT) and Alckmin (PSDB). A ransom about the Jornal Nacional trajectory, since the military dictatorship up to the election in 2006, performed with the intention of retaking the main aspects of the relation TV and power in Brazil / A disputa para a presidência do Brasil nas eleições de 2006 foi palco de um cenário divergente nas cinco regiões do país. As pesquisas de opinião, veiculadas durante o primeiro turno indicavam a vitória do candidato à reeleição, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), nas regiões Sudeste, Norte e Nordeste, ao lado de uma derrota nas regiões Centro-Oeste e Sul, onde o candidato Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB) obtinha maioria das intenções de voto. Para cobrir a campanha eleitoral, o Jornal Nacional, da Rede Globo de Televisão, lançou o projeto Caravana JN, que durante 52 dias realizou reportagens diárias, em municípios espalhados pelas cinco regiões do Brasil, com o objetivo de mapear o que a população desejava do próximo presidente. Diante da maneira como se estruturava o cenário de campanha e da força política que o Jornal Nacional desempenhou durante toda a sua existência, apresenta-se a seguinte questão: Qual foi a postura adotada pela Caravana JN durante o período eleitoral? Para entender se o projeto refletia alguma tendência política, optou-se por utilizar o conceito de valência nas reportagens, ao lado da reconstrução do cenário eleitoral em cada município que recebeu a visita da Caravana JN. Como forma de complementar a pesquisa, realizamos uma análise dos pontos de confluência entre os temas da Caravana JN e a agenda do horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral (HGPE) dos candidatos Lula (PT) e Alckmin (PSDB). Um resgate sobre a trajetória do Jornal Nacional, desde a ditadura militar até a eleição de 2006, foi realizado, com o intuito de retomar aspectos fundamentais da relação entre televisão e poder no Brasil

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Valter Rodrigues de Carvalho.pdf: 540665 bytes, checksum: 92a8b9b8ce4da54c47f5dee085f2d52b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-29 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / By transforming the constest in the arena of a negotiation game with prizes and contextual in a game of rationality and equilibrium invariant dominant, how did the TSE, raised the costs of coordinating national electoral bases. This explains in large measure because the vertical coordinate effectively failed the electoral strategies of parties. Contrary to this, there was a shift in the strategies of regional imputs of parties in elections governed by the rule. The clearest example of this occurred in 2006 when the parties withdrew almost entirely from the national arena and chose to maximize their choices in elections majoritarian state. Thus, the existence of a national market for inputs, represented by the presidential elections, it ceases to be a strong incentive for parties collectively rationalize their choices, maximizing gains and minimizing losses and thus coordinate their strategies for competing in congressional districts. This is because the costs for the parties to negotiate agreements nationwide reciprocal withdrawals, avoiding double entries in balance, are high so that even the parties that compete in the presidential arena have difficulties to face them. Thus, contrary to the supposed TSE, more efficient coordination of state electoral strategies in the arenas was observed in the 1998 election then electoral dynamic was characterized, because there was no rule of vertical integration, for a game of negotiation in which dominant unbalanced the parties were able to conduct extensive presidential coalitions, allowing support to competitors in the national arena while they could rationalize their choices in context / Ao transformar a competição na arena presidencial de um jogo de negociação com prêmios variáveis e contextualizados em um jogo de racionalidade invariante e equilíbrio dominante, da forma como fez o TSE, elevou os custos de coordenação eleitoral em bases nacional. Isso explica, em grande medida, porque a verticalização não logrou coordenar eficientemente as estratégias eleitorais dos partidos. Contrariamente a isso, observou-se uma inflexão regional nas estratégias de entradas dos partidos nas eleições disciplinadas pela regra. O exemplo mais claro disso ocorreu em 2006, quando os partidos se retiraram quase por completo da arena nacional e preferiram maximizarem suas escolhas nas eleições majoritárias estaduais. Desse modo, a existência de um mercado nacional de entradas, representado pelas eleições presidenciais, deixa de ser um forte incentivo coletivo para os partidos racionalizarem suas escolhas, maximizando ganhos e minimizando perdas e, desse modo, coordenando suas estratégias de competição nos distritos eleitorais. Isso ocorre porque os custos para os partidos negociarem acordos de abrangência nacional de retiradas recíprocas, evitando as entradas duplas em equilíbrio, são elevados de tal forma que mesmo os partidos com condições de competir na arena presidencial têm dificuldades de enfrentálos. Assim, contrariamente ao suposto pelo TSE, maior eficiência na coordenação das estratégias eleitorais nas arenas estaduais foi observado nas eleições de 1998, quando a dinâmica eleitoral se caracterizava, porque não existia a regra da verticalização, por um jogo de negociação sem equilíbrio dominante em que os partidos puderam realizar amplas coligações presidenciais, permitindo dar suporte aos competidores na arena nacional ao mesmo tempo em que podiam racionalizar suas escolhas contextualmente

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carla Montuori Fernandes.pdf: 23861446 bytes, checksum: db4fe12108a871c49b31681550d1c40f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The dispute for the brazilian presidency in the elections of 2006 has been in a divergent scenario in regards to five regions of the country. The opinion polls shown on TV during the first term indicated the victory of the former candidate to his reelection, Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), in Southeast, North and Northeast, without mentioning a defeat in central-west and South, where the candidate Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB), had the majority of the vote intentions. In order to cover the electoral campaign, a TV News, in Jornal Nacional, from a network called Rede Globo de Television broadcasted the Project named Caravana JN, that during 52 days performed daily reports in cities spread all over Brazil, with the objective to get to know the population wish regarding the new president. Due to the way that the campaign scenario and the political force that in Jornal Nacional has shown during its existence that we present the following question: Which was the posture adopted by Caravana JN during the electing period? In order to understand if the project has reflected some political tendency, we have opted to use the concept of validating in the reports, during the reconstruction of the electoral scenario in each city that has received the visit of Caravana JN. As a complimentary way of the research we have performed an analysis of the confluent points between the themes of Caravana JN and the agenda of the time that the free Electioneereing advertising of the candidates Lula (PT) and Alckmin (PSDB). A ransom about the Jornal Nacional trajectory, since the military dictatorship up to the election in 2006, performed with the intention of retaking the main aspects of the relation TV and power in Brazil / A disputa para a presidência do Brasil nas eleições de 2006 foi palco de um cenário divergente nas cinco regiões do país. As pesquisas de opinião, veiculadas durante o primeiro turno indicavam a vitória do candidato à reeleição, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), nas regiões Sudeste, Norte e Nordeste, ao lado de uma derrota nas regiões Centro-Oeste e Sul, onde o candidato Geraldo Alckmin (PSDB) obtinha maioria das intenções de voto. Para cobrir a campanha eleitoral, o Jornal Nacional, da Rede Globo de Televisão, lançou o projeto Caravana JN, que durante 52 dias realizou reportagens diárias, em municípios espalhados pelas cinco regiões do Brasil, com o objetivo de mapear o que a população desejava do próximo presidente. Diante da maneira como se estruturava o cenário de campanha e da força política que o Jornal Nacional desempenhou durante toda a sua existência, apresenta-se a seguinte questão: Qual foi a postura adotada pela Caravana JN durante o período eleitoral? Para entender se o projeto refletia alguma tendência política, optou-se por utilizar o conceito de valência nas reportagens, ao lado da reconstrução do cenário eleitoral em cada município que recebeu a visita da Caravana JN. Como forma de complementar a pesquisa, realizamos uma análise dos pontos de confluência entre os temas da Caravana JN e a agenda do horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral (HGPE) dos candidatos Lula (PT) e Alckmin (PSDB). Um resgate sobre a trajetória do Jornal Nacional, desde a ditadura militar até a eleição de 2006, foi realizado, com o intuito de retomar aspectos fundamentais da relação entre televisão e poder no Brasil