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Dans cette étude nous proposons un parallèle entre le Brésil et la France, avec un focus sur les différences et ressemblances des enjeux au sein des deux sociétés, en ce qui concerne l’action sociale et ses formes d’expression dans le champ religieux. Cette question sera illustrée par l’étude des activités développées au sein de l’organisation missionnaire de tendance évangélique charismatique Youth With a Mission (YWAM), crée en 1960 par Loren Cunningham aux États-Unis et implantée dans les deux pays. Au travers d’un ensemble d’entretiens et d’une enquête comparative observant les dynamiques personnelles des missionnaires et les actions prosélytes parachurch, l’objectif est de comprendre la situation dans laquelle ces pays se trouvent aujourd’hui en fonction des stratégies prosélytistes intégrées au travail social. Nous nous sommes concentré sur l’analyse du rôle des acteurs évangéliques de YWAM, en tant qu’acteurs associatifs et partenaires dans le domaine de l’action sociale au sein d’États dans lesquels l’État Providence et la conception de la laïcité différent. Nous démontrerons que le choix de la politique sociale appliquée et les éléments qui ressortent de ce système sur les résultats pratiques du cadre de vie des populations des deux pays jouent un rôle sur la manière dont s’exprime la religion et se comportent ses membres, comme dans les moyens d’évangélisation et d’entraide. Dans cette dynamique, nous verrons les implications des actions menées par l’organisation, les effets produits par une « collaboration » entre le religieux et la sphère sociale, et sa rencontre avec la logique des dispositifs juridico-administratifs français et brésilien. Nous explorerons quelques pistes sur les nouvelles formes de sociabilité qui se sont présentées en termes religieux, de manières d’agir et de communiquer. Au-delà du domaine socio-politique, la thèse s’intéresse aussi à la compréhension de l’insertion des jeunes dans les institutions religieuses en tant que professionnels de la foi, quittant un style de vie ordinaire pour un engagement religieux. Notre objectif est de comprendre qui sont ces jeunes, leurs historiques familiaux, leur trajectoires personnelles et comment cette nouvelle vie est perçue et vécue à travers leurs motivations. / This research presents a comparative study of aspects of social action and forms of expression within the religious field within Brazil and France. The study focuses on the activities of Youth With a Mission (YWAM), an evangelical charismatic missionary organisation founded in the United States by Loren Cunningham in 1960 and now present in both France and Brazil. Through interviews and comparative observations of the interpersonal dynamics and parachurch proselytizing actions of the missionaries, the aim of the study is to understand the relative impact of the country contexts on the proselytizing strategies of the organisation within its social work. We also analyse the role of the YWAM as social actors and state partners in the social sector, comparing the differing country context of secularism and the welfare state. In this analysis, we consider the issue of public-private collaboration produced by the convergence between YWAM's actions and the distinct legal-administrative contexts in Brazil and France. How do these convergences create innovative forms of social interactions, in terms of religion, social action, and communication? Beyond the socio-political domain, this thesis aims to study the immersion of youths within religious institutions as faith professionals by leaving an ordinary life for a religious commitment. The research analyses who these youths are, and how their family backgrounds and personal trajectories have motivated them to adopt this mode of life.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:49:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 OSCAR VASCONCELOS DE SOUZA FILHO.pdf: 477566 bytes, checksum: ff4218068ef59a8cfc5da74684e0e0bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-03-22 / This dissertation is the result of a study, in the municipality of Anápolis, in the current context of Religious Education in a pluralistic world. Proposes an alternative process in leading people to maturity in open criticism, in a process which leads to learning more pleasurable. The starting point is the ecumenical attitude with the corner stone of the constitutional construction of religious freedom and Religious Education, which is a mere consequence of religious freedom. The work concludes that the nonproselytism promotes a civilization through social harmony. / Esta dissertação é o resultado de estudo, no município de Anápolis, no atual contexto do Ensino Religioso num mundo cada vez mais pluralista. Propõe como alternativa o processo de levar pessoas a uma maturidade dentro de uma abertura crítica, num processo que torne o aprendizado mais prazeroso possível. O ponto de partida é a atitude ecumênica como pedra fundamental da construção constitucional da liberdade religiosa e do Ensino Religioso, o qual é uma mera conseqüência da liberdade religiosa. O trabalho conclui que o não-proselitismo promove a civilização através da harmonia social.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Seguindo uma perspectiva analítica que visa compreender o fenômeno a partir de suas dinâmicas internas, nesta tese focalizo o sentido de missão religiosa que tem impulsionado as recentes transformações na organização da produção musical evangélica, bem com as negociações realizadas pelos diferentes atores sociais religiosos e não religiosos envolvidos no processo. Argumento que esse nicho do mercado possui uma estrutura organizacional similar a de outras empresas estabelecidas no mercado - pois conta, como as demais, com um rol de cantores, capacidade de formação de celebridades, empresas produtoras e distribuidoras -, mas que por estar freqüentemente associada às congregações e igrejas evangélicas, estabelece um modo de auto-regulação estreita mente vinculado a um projeto proselitista que visa a ampliação da audiência do Espírito do Santo e do resgate do mundo. / Following an analytic perspective that intends to understand the phenomenon from its inside dynamics, in this thesis I focus the meaning of religious mission that has been stimulating the recent transformation in the gospel music production organization, as well with the businesses made by the different social factors religious and non-religious involved in the process. I argue that this part of business owns an organizational structure similar to other companies established on the market for it counts, as the others, with a roll of singers, celebrities formation capability, producing companies and deliverers , but for being usually associated to congregations and churches, establishes a way of self-regulation closely joined to a proselytism project that looks for the ampliation of the Holly Ghosts audience and of the rescue of the world.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Seguindo uma perspectiva analítica que visa compreender o fenômeno a partir de suas dinâmicas internas, nesta tese focalizo o sentido de missão religiosa que tem impulsionado as recentes transformações na organização da produção musical evangélica, bem com as negociações realizadas pelos diferentes atores sociais religiosos e não religiosos envolvidos no processo. Argumento que esse nicho do mercado possui uma estrutura organizacional similar a de outras empresas estabelecidas no mercado - pois conta, como as demais, com um rol de cantores, capacidade de formação de celebridades, empresas produtoras e distribuidoras -, mas que por estar freqüentemente associada às congregações e igrejas evangélicas, estabelece um modo de auto-regulação estreita mente vinculado a um projeto proselitista que visa a ampliação da audiência do Espírito do Santo e do resgate do mundo. / Following an analytic perspective that intends to understand the phenomenon from its inside dynamics, in this thesis I focus the meaning of religious mission that has been stimulating the recent transformation in the gospel music production organization, as well with the businesses made by the different social factors religious and non-religious involved in the process. I argue that this part of business owns an organizational structure similar to other companies established on the market for it counts, as the others, with a roll of singers, celebrities formation capability, producing companies and deliverers , but for being usually associated to congregations and churches, establishes a way of self-regulation closely joined to a proselytism project that looks for the ampliation of the Holly Ghosts audience and of the rescue of the world.

Plusieurs indices permettent de croire que la politique étrangère canadienne ainsi que l’Aide publique au développement (APD) ont été remodelées de manière considérable durant la dernière décennie. Sur plusieurs thèmes, l’arrivée du gouvernement conservateur de Stephen Harper coïncide avec ces changements. Parmi ceux-ci, il semble que certaines Organisations non gouvernementales religieuses (ONGR) en partenariat avec l’Agence canadienne de développement international (ACDI) soient favorisées dans leur financement fédéral. L’objectif de ce mémoire est donc, dans un premier temps, de quantifier cette tendance dans l’allocation des fonds de l’APD. Dans un second temps, il s’agit d’expliquer les raisons ayant initié ce virage du régime de l’APD canadienne. L’hypothèse de recherche est que l’aspect religieux de l’idéologie du cabinet de Stephen Harper constitue un élément fort de la culture stratégique (CS) qui modifie le comportement et les décisions quant à la gestion de son régime de l’APD. Ce mémoire, en utilisant une démarche empirique, démontre que les théories institutionnalistes typiquement utilisées dans les études de l’APD ne permettent pas de saisir adéquatement le phénomène observé. Ce mémoire résout de manière novatrice ce déficit théorique en utilisant le concept de la culture stratégique et les approches constructivistes. / Several indicators suggest that Canadian foreign policy and the Official Development Assistance (ODA) have been remodeled significantly during the last decade. Several of these changes coincide with the arrival of the Conservative government of Stephen Harper. Of these, it seems that some religious non-governmental organizations (RNGO) in partnership with the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) are favored in their federal funding. The objective of this thesis is twofold; first, to quantify the trend in the allocation of funds to the RNGO. The second objective is to explain the reasons for this shift in the orientation of Canadian ODA. The research hypothesis is that the religious aspect of the ideology of the Harper cabinet is a strong element of its strategic culture that can influence the behavior and decisions facing the management of its ODA. This thesis, using an empirical approach, shows that institutionalism theories typically used in the studies of ODA do capture adequately the observed phenomenon. This thesis solves in a novel way, this theoretical gap by using the concept of strategic culture and constructivist approaches.

Le droit pénal ne contient, certes, aucune infraction de prosélytisme intellectuel nommée comme telle, mais il connaît, depuis longtemps, la conversion idéologique et s’y intéresse par le moyen de plusieurs types d’incriminations. En effet, s’il demeure, au nom du respect des libertés fondamentales, complètement indifférent à l’appropriation d’une idéologie par le prosélyte, il intervient à chaque fois que l’expression de celle-ci porte atteinte aux valeurs sociales qu’il protège. C’est notamment le cas lorsqu’une idéologie agressive est diffusée : elle échappe à tout contrôle possible par le prosélyte, si bien que sa propagation est source de trouble pour l’ordre public et justifie ainsi sa répression par une infraction d’idéologie. En outre, le droit pénal s’intéresse au comportement du prosélyte : lorsque l’acte qu’il réalise en vue de convertir autrui à une idéologie heurte les valeurs protégées par le législateur pénal, des infractions par idéologie existent pour limiter le prosélytisme intellectuel. Elles ont vocation à réprimer non pas la conversion idéologique en tant que telle, mais les moyens utilisés par le prosélyte au cours du processus de conversion et qui constituent, eux, une menace pour l’ordre et la sécurité publics. Par conséquent, que ce soit à travers des infractions d’idéologie ou par idéologie, le droit pénal contient déjà la réponse pour combattre le prosélytisme intellectuel qui risque de menacer la tranquillité sociale. Dès lors, en dépit de la tendance actuelle qui privilégie le recours à l’arme répressive pour combattre le terrorisme, les sectes dites dangereuses et l’homme criminel – dangereux, à son tour –, aucune intervention législative qui irait dans le sens de la création d’une nouvelle incrimination de prosélytisme intellectuel n’est la bienvenue. En revanche, l’étude du prosélytisme intellectuel a permis de mettre en évidence une particularité propre au délinquant prosélyte qui devrait être prise en compte aussi bien par le législateur que par le juge pénal : animé par une idéologie, le prosélyte devrait être toujours traité comme un délinquant politique et les infractions de prosélytisme intellectuel innommées devraient alors, elles aussi, recevoir cette qualification. / Criminal law does not explicitly incorporate criminal offenses directly related to intellectual proselytism per se. Nevertheless, references to ideological conversion have long been cited in several types of criminal offenses. Criminal law holds that each person has the fundamental human right of freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, and does not interfere in the act of a proselyte adopting an ideology. However, the law is implicated whenever an ideology is conveyed in such a manner that threatens the social values the law is bound to protect. For instance, an aggressive ideology is a real danger to the public order, and can spread and spin out of control. In such cases, it is justified and necessary to consider ideological conversion as a crime named ideological offense.Furthermore, the behavior of the proselyte is of concern, whenever an action to convert a person to an ideology is in conflict with the values that criminal legislators are protecting. Specific offenses induced by an ideology are in place to impede intellectual proselytism. These types of offenses aim to penalize the methods used by the proselyte during conversion, rather than prohibit the ideological conversion itself, as the methods themselves constitute a danger to the public order and safety.Consequently, criminal law already encompasses offenses based on ideological ground or induced by ideology, and which constrain intellectual proselytism that is at risk of disturbing the social order. Any new draft law and intervention to propose additional incrimination related to intellectual proselytism are questionable, in spite of the recent tendency to eradicate terrorism, dangerous sects, or criminals by means of repressive weapons.Interestingly, the study completed on intellectual proselytism has shown that there exist particularities of an intellectual proselyte which are analogous to a political delinquent. And this fact must be taken into account by both prosecutors and criminal judges. A proselyte who is supporting a strong ideology is similar to a political delinquent and thereby, offenses related to intellectual proselytism should be treated in the same manner as infractions of a political delinquent.

Over the past 20 years, Western societies have undergone profound transformations, among other things, due to immigration. These transformations are characterized by an increasing diversity and the impact of a multitude of traditions and religious beliefs. The proliferation of religious traditions and their expression often poses a real challenge, bringing the question of the place of religion in the public space and, consequently, making proselytism and its regulation at the heart of concerns. In certain European societies, considered modern and secularized, such as France, governments are inclined to ensure a certain social cohesion and assert secularism. This is also the case in Quebec, as in June 2019, the law of secularism was adopted. This law, among other things, attests to the neutrality and separation of the state and religion. However, sometimes, some individuals go beyond these principles, viewing secularism as a means to eliminate any traces of religious beliefs in the public space. For some, it could even be a tool to limit the proselytism of religious groups. Based on a few interviews, this research examines the experience of proselytism as lived by evangelical Protestant believers in Montreal. Does the Quebec context generate notable resistances to this religious practice protected by the law? / Depuis ces 20 dernières années, les sociétés occidentales connaissent des transformations profondes entre autres, à cause de l’immigration. Les croyances, religions et origines se diversifient. Cette multiplication de traditions religieuses et leur expression représentent souvent un véritable défi pour le vivre ensemble, plaçant la question de la religion dans l’espace public et notamment le prosélytisme et son encadrement au cœur des préoccupations. Certaines sociétés européennes dont la France, afin de garantir une certaine cohésion sociale, affirment la laïcité de l’État. C’est aussi le cas du Québec, alors qu’en juin 2019 a été adoptée la loi sur la laïcité de l’État. Cette dernière, entre autres, établit la neutralité, de même que la séparation entre État et la religion. Des personnes vont parfois au-delà de ces principes, en voyant en la laïcité un moyen de se débarrasser des traces d’expression de croyances religieuses dans l’espace public. Pour certains, ce serait même un outil permettant de limiter le prosélytisme de groupes religieux. S’appuyant sur quelques entretiens, le présent mémoire se penche sur l’expérience du prosélytisme tel qu’il est vécu par des croyants protestants évangéliques de Montréal. Le contexte québécois produit-il des résistances notables face à cette pratique religieuse protégée par les chartes ?

O presente trabalho busca elidir o verdadeiro significa do ideal de justiça distributiva com vistas à criação de um paradigma ético apto a orientar a adoção de políticas públicas e, ao mesmo tempo, ser o vetor interpretativo da sua eficácia e resultados práticos. Com bases nas premissas teóricas assentadas na basilar obra Uma Teoria da Justiça de John Rawls, busca-se discutir qual é o verdadeiro significado da equidade onde os bens primários sociais são divididos de uma forma tão desigual e como a adoção de políticas públicas orientadas por uma vertente substantiva da justiça pode ser um novo paradigma apto a orientar esta dinâmica. Ultrapassada esta linha de argumentação inicial, o trabalho desdobra-se na busca pelo verdadeiro significado de meritocracia, assentada, ainda uma vez, na distribuição desigual de bens primários sociais ou, simplesmente, na divisão desigual de oportunidades. Nesta ordem de convicções, busca-se afirmar que para haver de fato- a meritocracia é necessário haver um ambiente que propicie igualdade de oportunidades para que cada indivíduo singular possa buscar desenvolver seus projetos de vida de acordo com seu esforço e talento individuais. Por fim, as políticas públicas distributivas podem ser o instrumento que materialize este ideal, desde que sejam orientadas por premissas que privilegiem a vertente substantiva da Justiça e que a partir de uma perspectiva crítica da desigualdade possam buscar a distribuição justa dos bens primários sociais. / The present work intends to clarify the true meaning of the ideal of distributive justice with the aim of creating an ethical paradigm able to orient the implementation of public policies, in addition to serve as an interpretation guideline of its effectiveness and practical results. Based on the theoretical premises set forth on the fundamental work A Theory of Justice, by John Rawls we seek to discuss the true meaning of equity where the primary social goods are distributed in an very unequal way and how the adoption of public policies oriented by a substantive perspective of justice may become a new paradigm to orient this dynamics. Succeeding this initial line of argument, this work develops into the search of the true meaning of meritocracy, founded, once again, on the unequal distribution of primary social goods or, simply, on the uneven division of opportunities. In the context of these beliefs, we seek to assert that in order to exist in fact meritocracy, it is necessary to have an environment which promotes equal opportunities so that each singular person may seek to develop their life project in accordance with their efforts and individual talents. Finally, distributive public policies may be the instrument to materialize this ideal as long as it is oriented by premises which favor the substantive perspective of Justice and that from a critical view of inequality may pursue a just distribution of primary social.

O presente trabalho busca elidir o verdadeiro significa do ideal de justiça distributiva com vistas à criação de um paradigma ético apto a orientar a adoção de políticas públicas e, ao mesmo tempo, ser o vetor interpretativo da sua eficácia e resultados práticos. Com bases nas premissas teóricas assentadas na basilar obra Uma Teoria da Justiça de John Rawls, busca-se discutir qual é o verdadeiro significado da equidade onde os bens primários sociais são divididos de uma forma tão desigual e como a adoção de políticas públicas orientadas por uma vertente substantiva da justiça pode ser um novo paradigma apto a orientar esta dinâmica. Ultrapassada esta linha de argumentação inicial, o trabalho desdobra-se na busca pelo verdadeiro significado de meritocracia, assentada, ainda uma vez, na distribuição desigual de bens primários sociais ou, simplesmente, na divisão desigual de oportunidades. Nesta ordem de convicções, busca-se afirmar que para haver de fato- a meritocracia é necessário haver um ambiente que propicie igualdade de oportunidades para que cada indivíduo singular possa buscar desenvolver seus projetos de vida de acordo com seu esforço e talento individuais. Por fim, as políticas públicas distributivas podem ser o instrumento que materialize este ideal, desde que sejam orientadas por premissas que privilegiem a vertente substantiva da Justiça e que a partir de uma perspectiva crítica da desigualdade possam buscar a distribuição justa dos bens primários sociais. / The present work intends to clarify the true meaning of the ideal of distributive justice with the aim of creating an ethical paradigm able to orient the implementation of public policies, in addition to serve as an interpretation guideline of its effectiveness and practical results. Based on the theoretical premises set forth on the fundamental work A Theory of Justice, by John Rawls we seek to discuss the true meaning of equity where the primary social goods are distributed in an very unequal way and how the adoption of public policies oriented by a substantive perspective of justice may become a new paradigm to orient this dynamics. Succeeding this initial line of argument, this work develops into the search of the true meaning of meritocracy, founded, once again, on the unequal distribution of primary social goods or, simply, on the uneven division of opportunities. In the context of these beliefs, we seek to assert that in order to exist in fact meritocracy, it is necessary to have an environment which promotes equal opportunities so that each singular person may seek to develop their life project in accordance with their efforts and individual talents. Finally, distributive public policies may be the instrument to materialize this ideal as long as it is oriented by premises which favor the substantive perspective of Justice and that from a critical view of inequality may pursue a just distribution of primary social.