Submitted by Neusa Fagundes (neusa.fagundes@unioeste.br) on 2018-07-10T14:22:14Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Juliano_Baldissera2018.pdf: 2385878 bytes, checksum: 44d1b3b2b1e92cd3c467b94b0ef748fc (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-10T14:22:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Juliano_Baldissera2018.pdf: 2385878 bytes, checksum: 44d1b3b2b1e92cd3c467b94b0ef748fc (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Transparency is a challenge for the current and future reform of public administration. Transparency increases resource allocation efficiency, reduces problems between principal and agent, and discourages rent-seeking activities. Considering the theoretical assumptions of the Theory of Public Choice, man is a utility maximizer, selfish and rational, which would explain his actions against public management. This research aims to analyze the influence of socioeconomic, financial-budgetary and political factors on the index of active transparency and passive transparency of Brazilian municipalities. To do so, this research is a quantitative study, in which 3,550 Brazilian municipalities were selected, in which socioeconomic, financial-budgetary and political information were obtained. We used the multivariate analysis technique, more specifically the multiple linear regression method using the ordinary least squares (OLS) method, with cross-section data. The results show that population size captures the complexity of public administration and government, which justifies the fact that in these municipalities they are more likely to adopt e-government activities, so they are more transparent. The positive variation in municipal per capita income and education levels positively impacts the variation in the level of transparency. Brazilian geographical regions add different socioeconomic characteristics, which justifies being shown as a determinant of the level of transparency. Financial condition and municipal debt are associated with financial credibility and the government's ability to meet its payment commitments, so public managers are encouraged to disclose information as a mechanism to allow their actions to be monitored. Intergovernmental transfers have been shown to exert a negative influence on public transparency, since in Brazil, there are many resources that are transferred without a pre-defined condition or expense, causing flypaper effect. Policymakers engage in meaningful investment projects, and use transparency so that citizens can visualize this type of information. Political competition increases the care of the manager, so the same must justify and give more transparency of their actions. The right-wing political ideology and party coalition with the governor demonstrate that these aspects influence the level of transparency, which suggests that political and ideological stability and alignment justify the actions of public managers. Finally, managers in the first electoral mandate exert a negative influence on the level of transparency, since they are less experienced and do not want to show in this direction to show their inefficiencies. / A transparência se mostra como um desafio para a reforma atual e futura da administração pública. A transparência aumenta a eficiência na alocação de recursos, reduz problemas entre o principal e o agente e desencoraja atividades de rent-seeking. Considerando os pressupostos teóricos da Teoria da Escolha Pública, o homem é um maximizador de utilidade, egoísta e racional, o que explicaria suas ações frente à gestão pública. Essa pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a influência dos fatores socioeconômicos, financeiros-orçamentários e políticos no índice de transparência ativa e de transparência passiva dos municípios brasileiros. Para tanto, essa pesquisa trata-se de um estudo quantitativo, em que foram selecionados 3.550 municípios brasileiros, sendo obtidas informações socioeconômicas, financeiras-orçamentárias e políticas. Utilizou-se da técnica de análise multivariada, mais especificamente o método de regressão linear múltipla por meio do método dos mínimos quadrados ordinários (MQO), com dados de seção transversal (cross-section). Os resultados demonstram que o tamanho populacional capta a complexidade da administração pública e do governo, o que justifica o fato de que, nesses municípios, esses são mais propensos a adotarem atividades do governo eletrônico, por isso se mostram mais transparentes. A variação positiva nos níveis de renda per capita municipal e de educação impacta positivamente a variação no nível de transparência. As regiões geográficas brasileiras agregam diferentes características socioeconômicas, o que justifica se mostrarem como um determinante do nível de transparência. A condição financeira e a dívida municipal estão associadas à credibilidade financeira e à capacidade do governo de atender a seus compromissos de pagamento, por isso os gestores públicos são encorajados a divulgarem informações como um mecanismo para permitir que suas ações sejam monitoradas. As transferências intergovernamentais demonstraram exercer influência negativa sobre a transparência pública, uma vez que, no Brasil, existem muitos recursos que são transferidos sem uma condição ou gasto pré-definido, ocasionando o flypaper effect. Os policymakers se envolvem em projetos de investimento significativos e utilizam a transparência para que os cidadãos possam visualizar esse tipo de informação. A competição política aumenta o cuidado do gestor, por isso esse precisa justificar e dar mais transparência de suas ações. A ideologia política de direita e a coligação partidária com o governador demonstram que esses aspectos influenciam o nível de transparência, o que sugere que a estabilidade e o alinhamento político e ideológico justifiquem as ações dos gestores públicos. Por fim, gestores no primeiro mandato eleitoral exercem influência negativa sobre o nível de transparência, uma vez que se mostram menos experientes e não querem transparecer nesse sentido para mostrarem as suas ineficiências.

Submitted by Fabielle Cheuczuk (fabielle.cheuczuk@unioeste.br) on 2018-11-22T12:22:24Z No. of bitstreams: 2 1 dissertação final. ....pdf: 915614 bytes, checksum: aefecb69db16660556f713bade58deb7 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-22T12:22:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 1 dissertação final. ....pdf: 915614 bytes, checksum: aefecb69db16660556f713bade58deb7 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The theme of health governance became important from the health pact in 2006 and with the requirement of the Unified Health System (SUS) to be organized regionally and hierarchically. Within a system where the demands are great and resources can not always meet this demand there is a need for agreement among the federated entities to ensure efficient and quality care that results in the optimization of available resources and user satisfaction of the system. Thus, health governance requires the municipal secretaries to be able to manage the resources and politics in an ethical, transparent and inclusive manner, in order to meet the doctrinal and organizational principles of SUS. The objective of this research is to know the perception of the municipal secretaries on the theme of health governance. This is a qualitative and descriptive research based on a sample of the municipal health secretaries that belong to the 8ª Regional of Health of Francisco Beltrão composed of 27 municipalities. We interviewed 19 municipal secretaries in the geographic microregion of Francisco Beltrão. Data collection was carried out through a semi - structured interview with 13 questions related to public health governance in the period from July to December 2017. After, the interview content analysis was transcribed and performed from the variables that responded to the objectives proposed in the research. The identified profile of the municipal health secretary is male (57,8%), with an average age of 48 years old, 63,15% don‘t have a higher education and the same percentage have already worked in the SUS. Of the interviewees, 57,85% did not know or did not comment on the type of SUS management in their municipalities, 21,05% reported practicing full management and 15,78% semi - full. All municipalities presented at least one indicator that is part of the practice of good governance, but there is no clear understanding of what health governance is. Participation in different instances, compliance with legislation, compliance with requests among other mechanisms, that are part of the governance is fulfilled due to the SUS requirement. It is concluded that, one of the central questions of this research is, was the understanding of the municipal health secretaries on the subject of health governance. Even present all the important elements for the implementation of health governance has identified that the municipal health secretaries still do not have clarity of the meaning of the concept of governance. / O tema governança em saúde tornou-se importante a partir do pacto da saúde, em 2006, e com a obrigatoriedade do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS) ser organizado de forma regionalizada e hierarquizada. Dentro de um sistema em que as demandas são grandes e nem sempre os recursos podem atendê-las, existe a necessidade de pactuação entre os entes federados para garantia de um atendimento eficaz e de qualidade que resulte na otimização dos recursos disponíveis e na satisfação do usuário do sistema. Assim, a governança em saúde, exige dos secretários municipais de saúde habilidade e capacidade em administrar recursos e a política de forma ética, transparente e participativa com objetivo de atender os princípios doutrinários e organizativos do SUS. O objetivo desta pesquisa é conhecer a percepção dos secretários municipais de saúde sobre o tema da governança em saúde. Trata-se de uma pesquisa de cunho qualitativo e descritivo a partir de uma amostra dos secretários municipais de saúde que pertencem a 8ª. Regional de Saúde de Francisco Beltrão, composta por 27 municípios. Foram entrevistados nesta pesquisa 19 secretários municipais pertencentes à microrregião geográfica de Francisco Beltrão. A coleta de dados foi realizada através de entrevista semiestruturada com 13 questões referentes à temática da governança em saúde pública no período de julho a dezembro de 2017. Após, a entrevista foi transcrita e realizada uma análise de conteúdo a partir das variáveis que respondam aos objetivos propostos na pesquisa. O perfil identificado do secretário municipal de saúde é do sexo masculino (57,8 %), idade média de 48 anos, 63,15% não possuem o ensino superior e o mesmo percentual já atuaram no SUS. Dos entrevistados 57,85% não souberam ou não opinaram sobre o tipo de gestão do SUS em seu município, 21,05% relatam exercer gestão plena e 15,78% semiplena. Todos os municípios apresentaram no mínimo um indicador que faz parte da prática de uma boa governança, mas não há uma compreensão clara do que é governança de saúde. A participação em diferentes instâncias, o cumprimento da legislação, o atendimento a solicitações entre outros mecanismos, que fazem parte da governança é cumprido devido à exigência do SUS. Concluise que, uma das questões centrais desta pesquisa foi o entendimento das secretarias municipais de saúde sobre a questão da governança em saúde. Mesmo apresentando todos os elementos importantes para a implementação da governança em saúde, identificou-se que os secretários municipais de saúde ainda não possuem clareza sobre o significado do conceito de governança.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / This research report sets up a model of policy development at Traditional Authority level in Namibia that is then used in examining the Ovambanderu constitutional case. Reference to the Generic Model, as used by de Coning (2000) and the Moore (1995) Strategic Triangle is not new or original to this thesis. These models have been used elsewhere and were considered as appropriate for this case study due to the complexity of the issues under consideration. This study attempts to demonstrate the importance of applying public policy models and theories to policy making in Namibia. Firstly, the author has applied the generic model to the Ovambanderu case to elicit information pertaining to the process followed in drafting the constitution. Secondly, the Moore Strategic Triangle was used in furthering discussion on the importance of considering phases and stages in the public policy process, which touch on such aspects as political feasibility, substantive value and administrative feasibility (Moore, 1995). The emphasis here was on the importance of dynamism in the policy-making process, not as a once off event but as an ongoing process. This research report shows that public policy/constitution making needs specialised skills in order for it to be a success. Capacity needs to be sourced and used appropriately, while objectives of the policy/constitution are communicated clearly to the stakeholders. Again the fear amongst the community that once a policy/constitution is implemented it becomes binding and difficult to change needs to be addressed by clearly informing people that a policy remains a statement of intent until it is put to use and once it is implemented there is always room for improvement on issues that may create problems for the affected parties. Another important lesson is the fact that public policy making has been and remains a process as it involves bargaining, issue prioritisation, issue filtration, advocacy, reporting and consultation before decisions are made. The Ovambanderu constitutional problem has now set a scene for better policy planning at Traditional Authority level and the government needs to consider this as a serious phenomenon that can lead to major problems if ignored

Le phénomène de la dette publique dans les démocraties contemporaines est toujours un sujet d’actualité qui mobilise aussi bien les économistes, les politologues et les historiens. La spécificité de cette thèse est qu’elle combine à la fois l’aspect économique, politique et historique de la dette publique. Elle se concentre particulièrement sur l’étude de la relation entre la dette publique et la démocratie. Selon J. Buchanan, l’ordre institutionnel d’une démocratie conduit naturellement à un accroissement de la dette publique. Inspirée de cette proposition, l’idée de cette thèse consiste à s’interroger sur les effets du système politique et démocratique sur la dette publique. Plus exactement, l’objectif consiste à expliquer la variation de la dette publique par la gouvernance politique et la distribution des préférences électorales. Nous vérifions les hypothèses formulées à l’aide d’une étude économétrique réalisée sur des échantillons composés d’une trentaine de pays et de données macroéconomiques et politiques couvrant la période 1994 – 2013. / The phenomenon of public debt in contemporary democracies is a topical subject that mobilizes economists, political scientists and historians. The particularity of this thesis is to examine the economic, political and historical aspects of public debt. It focuses on the relationship between public debt and democracy. According to J. Buchanan, democracy naturally leads to the accumulation of public debt. Inspired by this notion, the aim of this thesis is to explain the effects of the political and democratic system on public debt, specifically variations in public debt resulting from the system of governance and distribution of electoral preferences. To test these hypotheses, we developed empirical research and built a sample culled from about thirty countries consisting of macroeconomic and political data covering 1994 _ 2013.

<p>Decades and policies come and go, and the ominous problem of corruption remains almost unaltered. Some of the most sought-after policies for corruption deterrence focus on institutional reforms aimed at assuring the right and effective access to information, reinforcing rule of law, tackling impunity, and increasing integrity standards for public servants. The aim of this dissertation is to test whether the impact of these policies over corruption is traceable at the subnational level of mexico and the united states. Seeking to accomplish this purpose, statistics measuring corruption, transparency and relevant variables are analyzed through ols regression and correlation methods. The findings point that spite of the evident benefits of transparency for democratic governance, under the methodology selected and with the ensuing subnational statistics, it is not possible to affirm that corruption is noticeable affected by transparency or integrity variables. Implications of these findings ask for a revision on the manner corruption is measured, and to devise which sort of circumstances bolster or thwart transparency´s prowess to cause a dent over corruption.</p> <p> </p>

<p>This dissertation is a collection of three papers. Each paper constitutes a chapter. Each chapter empirically examines an aspect of bias-motivated behavior in the United States. </p> <p>The first chapter studies the impact of penalty enhancement statutes by state legislatures on the incidence of hate crimes in the United States. Penalty enhancements may deter crime, however, the passing of such laws may also increase awareness among law enforcement officials and increase arrests. Using administrative data on hate crimes and a difference-in-differences method that leverages state-level variation in the introduction of legislation, this paper does not find a significant effect of the state enactment of penalty enhancement statutes on hate-crime incidence rates. </p> <p>The second chapter examines whether election timing and election outcomes affect the incidence of crimes motivated by hate and intolerance. Using administrative data and a difference-in-differences design that compares election with non-election years, I show that hate crimes increase by an average of 28 percent in the three weeks around a US presidential election. This effect is larger in recent presidential elections and when there is no incumbent candidate. Second, using a similar design and cross-state variation in the timing of gubernatorial elections, I find no evidence that these state-level elections affect hate-crime incidence. Third, using regression-discontinuity designs based on vote counts, I find that the number of hate crimes is not affected by presidential or gubernatorial election outcomes. </p> <p>The third chapter studies the impact of presidential and gubernatorial election timing on the level of toxicity present on social media platforms such as Twitter. Together with Sameer Borwankar, I empirically determine the extent to which the toxicity of Twitter content changes during election times as compared to non-election times. We randomly sample Twitter users and collect all tweets made by this sample around election time. We use a difference-in-differences identification leveraging election and non-election years. We further focus on toxic content that is motivated by political polarization and examine various bias-motivation categories that come up in this content as well as the variation in the intensity of toxicity between national and local election times.  </p> <p><br></p>

Unfunded public pension and Other Post Employment Benefits (OPEB) liabilities impose major threats to local fiscal sustainability, which increases governments' default risk and crowds out funding for essential local services. To close the funding gaps, localities may apply a wide range of fiscal instruments, including increasing taxes, fees, and user charges, issuing debt and bonds, obtaining grants and/or decreasing expenditures. This research compares the US local fiscal choice behavior in the context of the fiscal federalism framework. The goal is to identify the ideal mix of constitutional fiscal rules to preserve local fiscal sustainability. Not only should the rules aim to minimize local adverse fiscal behavior pre-crisis, which may include excessive spending, large accumulations of unfunded liabilities, and over-reliance on external grants, but also allow strong local fiscal adaptive capacity post-crisis. The findings help localities identify any effective and prudent fiscal options available to close their pension funding gaps and contribute to the overall sub-national fiscal institutional reforms. Theoretically, this research introduces a novel analytical framework pertaining to local fiscal sustainability by separating pre-crisis and post-crisis institutional analysis and by consolidating two historically viewed as two competing paradigms, public choice and public finance. I argue that the two approaches are complementary rather than contradictory since public choice theory sets up an institutional prerequisite for normative outcomes to be realized and prevents the occurrence of extreme circumstances. The ideal mix of formal fiscal rules, thus, should induce the balanced budget rule that applies to all budget items, stringent spending and debt limits, and institutionalized local tax authority and stable tax structure, but not tax limits. Tax limits are less effective in constraining government than spending and debt limits due to fiscal gimmicks. Moreover, stringent tax limits could significantly limit local governments' ability to bounce back on their own. This research also found that cities do apply different fiscal strategies to reduce exogenous shocks, given their unique fiscal institutions in place. Furthermore, cities with fewer institutional constraints exhibit a faster speed of adjustment. However, certain institutional variables, such as public union size and tax authority, might not have the same fiscal implications as predicted by the theory. Cities often manage to cut their short-term spending regardless of the size of their public unions. A broad range of tax authority does not imply greater local revenue-generating capacity. Own source revenue autonomy might be a better indicator of local fiscal adaptive capacity. / Doctor of Philosophy / Unfunded public pension and Other Post Employment Benefits (OPEB) liabilities impose major threats to local fiscal sustainability, which increases governments’ default risk and crowds out funding for essential local services. To close the funding gaps, localities may apply a wide range of fiscal instruments, including increasing taxes, fees, and user charges, issuing debt and bonds, obtaining grants and/or decreasing expenditures. This research compares the US local fiscal choice behavior in the context of the fiscal federalism framework. The goal is to identify the ideal mix of constitutional fiscal rules to preserve local fiscal sustainability. Not only should the rules aim to minimize local adverse fiscal behavior pre-crisis, which may include excessive spending, large accumulations of unfunded liabilities, and over-reliance on external grants, but also allow strong local fiscal adaptive capacity post-crisis. The findings help localities identify any effective and prudent fiscal options available to close their pension funding gaps and contribute to the overall sub-national fiscal institutional reforms. Theoretically, this research introduces a novel analytical framework pertaining to local fiscal sustainability by separating pre-crisis and post-crisis institutional analysis and by consolidating two historically viewed as two competing paradigms, public choice and public finance. I argue that the two approaches are complementary rather than contradictory since public choice theory sets up an institutional prerequisite for normative outcomes to be realized and prevents the occurrence of extreme circumstances. The ideal mix of formal fiscal rules, thus, should induce the balanced budget rule that applies to all budget items, stringent spending and debt limits, and institutionalized local tax authority and stable tax structure, but not tax limits. Tax limits are less effective in constraining government than spending and debt limits due to fiscal gimmicks. Moreover, stringent tax limits could significantly limit local governments’ ability to bounce back on their own. This research also found that cities do apply different fiscal strategies to reduce exogenous shocks, given their unique fiscal institutions in place. Furthermore, cities with fewer institutional constraints exhibit a faster speed of adjustment. However, certain institutional variables, such as public union size and tax authority, might not have the same fiscal implications as predicted by the theory. Cities often manage to cut their short-term spending regardless of the size of their public unions. A broad range of tax authority does not imply greater local revenue-generating capacity. Own source revenue autonomy might be a better indicator of local fiscal adaptive capacity.

<div>The purpose of this dissertation is to study the effectiveness of public policies in generating fuel savings and emissions reductions. I focus on applying various empirical methods to analyze consumer responses to policy changes on both extensive and intensive margins. This dissertation consists of two chapters.</div><div><br></div><div>In the first chapter, I compare the effectiveness of fuel taxes and product taxes on reducing gasoline consumption of new car buyers. I employ a unified data source for vehicle choice and subsequent vehicle use to estimate a random effects logit demand model that explicitly accounts for vehicle use heterogeneity. My demand estimation suggests that new car buyers fully value the fuel-saving benefits from improved vehicle fuel efficiency when they initially purchase their cars. My policy simulations indicate that high-mileage drivers are more responsive to a change in fuel taxes than to a change in product taxes, even as low-mileage drivers are more responsive to product taxes. By capturing such heterogeneous consumer response to policies, I show that a counterfactual increase of the fuel tax is more effective than a revenue-equivalent product tax in reducing the total gasoline consumption of new car buyers. Further, when accounting for its effects on consumer response on both extensive and intensive margins, a change in fuel taxes has a clear advantage over a change in product taxes in reducing the consumption of gasoline even when the magnitude of tax increase is small. More importantly, a model not accounting for vehicle use heterogeneity understates the fuel saving effects of both policies and misleads us about the relative effectiveness when comparing different policies. </div><div><br></div><div>The second chapter explores how changes in the marginal cost of driving affect consumers decisions about passenger vehicle utilization, as measured by average daily miles traveled per vehicle. This intensive margin of consumer response has important implications for the effectiveness of usage-based policies, such as the fuel tax and the mileage tax, that designed to address externalities of driving. I estimate the elasticity of driving with respect to fuel cost per mile using a large panel data that covers 351 towns and cities in Massachusetts over 24 quarters. While most researchers in this literature apply fixed effects estimators to examine the elasticity of driving, I use a factor model econometric setup to account for unobserved common factors and regional heterogeneity. Residual diagnostics confirm that the factor model setup does a better job of removing the cross-section dependence than fixed effects estimators do. Given low consumer responsiveness to changes in the marginal cost of driving engendered by current usage-based policies, rights-based approaches like congestion charges might be better alternatives to influence vehicle utilization and vehicle ownership.</div>

Reconstruímos a Teoria da Escolha Pública explicitando seus pressupostos sobre a natureza do objeto, do conhecimento e dos valores e sua lógica de operação, ou seja, seu método de solução de problemas. Mostramos com essa teoria que podemos entender a política como um processo de pacificação pela troca, em vez de um processo de pacificação pelo poder. Temos então novas respostas para as perguntas fundamentais da Ciência Política: Como é possível emergir a cooperação pacífica e legítima entre indivíduos? Qual é a maneira de fazer com que diferentes interesses individuais sejam reconciliados? A Teoria sugere que a política pode ser um jogo de soma positiva, evitando deseconomias constitucionais, guiando-se pelo princípio da unanimidade. Mostraremos então os desenhos constitucionais como ambientes de interação entre indivíduos e poderemos predizer que regras engendrarão cooperação ou competição. / We do a reconstruction of the Public Choice Theory explaining their assumptions about the nature of the object, knowledge and values and logic of their operation, i.e. its method of solution of problems. We show that with this theory we can understand the politics as a process of pacification through trade-offs, instead of a peace process by means of power. Proceeding in this way we obtain new answers to fundamental questions of Political Science: How can emerge a peaceful and legitimate cooperation among individuals? What is the way to conciliate different individual interests? The theory suggests that politics can be a positive-sum game, avoiding constitutional diseconomies, and must be guided by the principle of unanimity. Then we show how the constitutional designs as interaction environments for individuals and so can predict what rules make cooperation or competition.

Nosso objetivo principal, nesta tese, é fornecer um esboço de reconstrução programática do livro Os Limites da Liberdade, escrito por James Buchanan, aplicando os recursos da Metodologia da Teoria da Ciência e do Programa de Pesquisa, visando, especificamente, definir a nossa estrutura conceitual, que pretende reconstruir o problema e o modo de organizar a concepção de Estado ou da ordem constitucional, na perspectiva do autor James Buchanan. O núcleo da concepção deste autor é baseada na tese ontológica que considera o indivíduo uma entidade livre, auto-interessada e racional, dentro de uma perspectiva analógica, ligada com a noção econômica do mercado. O processo de reconstrução, deste trabalho, acompanha a idéia de emergência da cooperação, traduzida na ordem política pela noção do meio-termo entre a Anarquia e o Leviatã. Isto é feito buscando-se as regras metodológicas e as teses programáticas que controlam o equilíbrio ou balanço democrático da ordem política, em relação a esses dois extremos ou limites institucionais. A imagem deste equilíbrio, que é modelada pela analogia com a idéia econômica de mercado, está definida, apropriadamente, na expressão anarquia ordenada. A regra fundamental deste sistema institucional propõe otimizar a delegação de autoridade para o cidadão controlar poderes políticos, resgatando as premissas fundamentais da democracia, no sentido de evitar qualquer possibilidade da anarquia e do controle excessivo do Leviatã. A idéia básica da anarquia ordenada consiste em valorizar a racionalidade e a capacidade de negociação dos indivíduos, que são conhecedores de seus próprios interesses e limitados pelo interesse dos outros participantes. A operacionalização da anarquia ordenada é fundamentada no desenvolvimento de um projeto institucional que disponibiliza tecnologias, regras, sistemas e critérios de decisão que, supostamente, podem resolver problemas relacionados ao conflito dos interesses públicos e privados, através da interação democrática dos indivíduos. Nesta perspectiva, são elementos relevantes no contexto público do desenho institucional da anarquia ordenada, os sistemas político e judiciário, onde as tecnologias legais e as inovações legislativas podem desempenhar significativo papel na implementação da visão democrática da anarquia ordenada. / Our first aim at this thesis is to provide an outline of a rational reconstruction of the book The Limits of Liberty by James Buchanan with the methodological resources of the Methodology of Theory of Science and the Research Program with the purpose of defining our conceptual framework out of which we pretend to build up the problem and the specific way of organizing the conception of state or institutional order in Buchanan\'s view. The core of this conception is based upon the ontological thesis according to which the only entity existing is the individual, free, self interested and rational and also the guideline of pursuing the analogy with the notion of market in economics.This process of reconstruction follows, therefore, the idea of a emergency of cooperation that it is translated into the notion of political order as a middle way between anarchy and Leviathan. This is done pursuing the methodological rules and theses that controls its balance or skewness at the political order towards one of the boundaries.The image of this balance, that is moulded by this analogy with the idea of market, is properly defined as ordered anarchy. The main rule coordinating the other rules, a radical one, is that one should optimize the delegation of authority for citizen to control the political powers in order to work out the basic postulates of democracy in order to avoiding, on the one hand, any possibility of anarchy and in the other hand, Leviathan\'s excessive control. It follows the basic idea of valuing the rationality and capacity of negotiation of the individual who knows best its own interest but it is also limited by the interest of the others. The operationalization of this rule is based upon the development of a institutional design with resources of technologies, rules and systems and criteria of decision that are suposed to solve the problems related to the conflict of public and private interests coming from the interactions among the individuals in the ordered anarchy. In this perspective, a relevant element of this institutional design is that one of the electoral and judiciary system inside of which the technologies and its innovations will play a very meaningfull role for implementing this view of ordered anarchy.