La Prusse orientale fait partie des provinces que l’Allemagne perdit en 1945. Cette perte ne fut entérinée définitivement qu’au début des années 1990, lorsque la RFA, pour permettre une réunification rapide, renonça à sa position juridique, selon laquelle le règlement définitif du tracé de ses frontières ne pourrait intervenir que dans le cadre d’un traité de paix mettant officiellement fin à la Seconde Guerre mondiale. En l’absence de traité de ce type en bonne et due forme, ce sont les traités que l’on nomme généralement « Traités de Réunification » qui remplissent ce rôle. Le renoncement officiel et définitif de la RFA à ce qu’elle considérait comme ses droits sur les territoires de l’Oder-Neisse fut diversement accueilli par la société de ’Allemagne réunifiée. La population de l’ancienne RDA ne se sentait pas concernée par un problème réputé ne pas exister dans cet Etat, celle de RFA avait très majoritairement et depuis longtemps accepté la perte des territoires en question ; seules les Associations de réfugiés qui en sont originaires, ainsi que certaines des franges les plus conservatrices, jusqu’à l’extrême-droite, du paysage politique refusèrent, ou refusent encore pour certaines, de parler de la Prusse orientale (allemande) au passé. À travers le traitement public, parfois l’instrumentalisation du sujet par trois grands types d’acteurs, nous nous attachons à déterminer la place qu’occupe dans l’Allemagne réunifiée, directement ou indirectement, la Prusse orientale sur le plan politique et identitaire. Ces grands acteurs sont : • les Réfugiés eux-mêmes, premiers concernés, • les deux grands partis populaires allemands CDU/CSU (conservateur) et SPD (social-démocrate) : depuis le milieu des années 1990, ils sont obligés de se confronter de nouveau à cette thématique qui fait l’objet d’une « résurgence mémorielle » et qui, à ce titre, a réinvesti l’espace public, • les acteurs du système scolaire, « structurateur » identitaire et cristallisateur mémoriel par excellence. / East Prussia belongs to the provinces Germany lost in 1945. This loss was only fully ratified in the early 1990’s, when the FRG gave up its legal position in order to enable a rapid reunification. The permanent renonciation from the FRG to what it considered as its rights over the Oder-Neisse territories had a contrasted effect on the reunified Germany society. The population of the former GDR did not feel concerned about a problem deemed not to exist in this state, whereas the FRG one accepted the loss of those teritories a long time ago. Only both the associations of refugees born in those territories and the most conservative fringes of the society including the extreme right refused or still refuse to talk about (German) East Prussia as an element from the past. Trough the public treatment (which is sometimes an instrumentalisation) of the subject by three main actors, we are focusing on determining the role that East Prussia directly or indirectly plays in reunified Germany. These major actors are : • The refugees themselves, first concerned, • Both major popular German political parties CDU/CSU (conservative) and SPD (social-democrat). Since the mid-1990’s the memory resurgence of the subject has forced them to confront it again, as it’s been taking a new place in the public field. • The school system : a structuring institution par excellence in terms of identity and memory.

The overarching aim of this essay is to chart how Swedish news papers have framed refugees and the refugee crisis during 2013, 2015 and 2017 and if there has been a shift in the usage. The paper searches to do so by examining editorial articles from two of the biggest newspapers in Sweden, Aftonbladet and Svenska Dagbladet. The two papers have opposite ideological views; however, they are both independent from political parties. Drawing on an analytical framework elaborated in earlier studies the study uses frame analysis to examine the different usage made during each year. The study finds that the most dominant frame during the time is the responsibility frame, focusing on the responsibility and/or lack of responsibility taken by the government in relation to the refugees. It is also observed that the shift in usage of the human interest-frame and the economical frame is the most distinguishable, where the use of the first-named decrease while the other increase in 2015 compared with 2013. It is also observed that the content of these frames varies among the examined years. The conclusion of the essay is that the framing of refugees has changed not only under the researched years but over all and that the usage is in constant movement.

The aim of this study is to examine how female refugees in Sweden experience that their escape and arrival to Sweden have formed their lives and wellbeing. The study seeks to understand how several women live their lives in relation to equality, discrimination and justice within the Swedish territorial borders. This is done with the Capability Approach by Martha C Nussbaum where she uses a list of universal values that should be central to women in every country, as a method of comparing how fair women live. I chose to interview six women who have fled to Sweden as refugees during the past 10 years, in order to see if the Capability Approach applies to them. I have also used Nancy Frasers theory of the scales of justice in my thesis. Fraser mentions three-dimensional politics where the inclusion of redistribution, recognition and representation should be achieved to create justice for women. The result showed that the women lack central capabilities such as the right to not being discriminated based on their ethnicity or religion, and the right to experience emotional development that is not bothered by traumatic experiences or unhealthy relationships. Furthermore, these women do not have the right to participate in political decisions that affect and shape their lives. The result in relation to Fraser’s theory indicates that these women have a limited freedom in Sweden. According to Fraser, there has to be an integration of a redistribution of resources, recognition, and a representation in Swedish politics, which benefit female refugees.

The main topic of this diploma thesis is the Exile Experience in Bertolt Brecht?s Flüchtlingsgespräche. On the background of political and social change this thesis deals with the question of exile identity as well as with the relationship to home, in this case Germany. Further on, there is an analysis of the boundary and virtue motif. Finally, this diploma thesis deals with the change in the use of language and analyses images of exile life in the time of World War Two.

Research on forced migration has largely ignored asylum seekers from sexual and gender minorities. This exploratory study aimed to examine both positive and negative experiences of LGBT asylum seekers who had migrated to Sweden. Within the study, experiences prior to migration, during transit, and after arrival in Sweden were conceptualized as a process. Guided by the research question “How do LGBT asylum seekers describe positive and negative experiences of their asylum journeys?”, semi-structured interviews with eleven LGBT asylum seekers were conducted and analyzed using inductive thematic analysis. The analysis resulted in five themes; 1. Living Under Threat, 2. Into the Abyss, 3. Living in Suspension, 4. External Sources of Support and 5. Strength from Within. Considerable stressors were reported, spanning form pre- to post migration. LGBT asylum seekers are found to be an especially vulnerable group that demonstrates considerable internal resources.

This dissertation examines two different perspectives on refugee status and state sovereignty respectively, and their bearings on refugee protection regimes. It reveals how dominant views of refugee status and state sovereignty have contributed to establishing restrictive refugee law and policy associated with various forms of external migration controls in the 21st century, and provides alternative views that may contribute to creating more “just” refugee protection regimes.   When refugees came to be regarded as those who fled from various push factors, such as persecution, distress and wars etc. (the persecution perspective), refugee policies were developed to provide “push factors-free” environments. These have not necessarily included surrogate political membership in the country of asylum (particularly, in developed countries).  Instead, developed countries have endorsed humanitarian assistance schemes that aim to provide aid to refugees in regions of their origin rather than providing settlement in their own territories. Moreover, in refugee law, the fear of “persecution”, as a push factor, has become a critical factor in determining refugee status. As a parallel, governments have developed various forms of deterrence policies based on a traditional concept of state sovereignty that allows states to implement migration polices at their own discretion.  Under these circumstances, refugees find it difficult to reach developed countries, and many of them end up being “contained” in refugee camps or other facilities in regions of their origin for a long time.   This dissertation calls into question these views of refugee status and state sovereignty, by providing alternative views: the protection perspective and an account of sovereignty that requires “responsible” border control. The protection perspective regards the ruptured protection relationship between a state and a citizen (thus, the lack of state protection) as the core element of refugee status. According to this view, refugee status is inextricably associated with systemic failure of the nation-states system (not merely with push factors) that is designed to secure political membership for each individual in the international state system. Therefore, as a matter of justice, the ultimate remedy for refugeehood is to provide surrogate political membership in the country of asylum or to restore original political membership in the home country. This project also proposes a concept of “responsible” border control, according to which, a state should exercise state sovereignty in relation to border control within institutional frameworks in which multiple authorities, including human rights norms, have been institutionalized. In this way, the dissertation aims to provide a more “just” framework in which to propose, adopt and implement refugee law and policy. From this alternative perspective, refugees are perceived as those who have right to political membership in the country of asylum rather than mere humanitarian assistance in refugee camps or somewhere else. / Graduate

Due to an increased flow of refugees, migration has become an important issue that hasraised a lot of concern during the past years. During 2015 alone European member statesreported almost two million migrants crossing their external borders. This study aims tobring into light how the refugees that arrived in Romania starting with late 2014 till present,after being granted asylum or subsidiary protection manage to accommodate themselveswithin the communities they choose to settle. It does so by exploring the way these refugeesconstruct and develop feelings of home and belonging abroad. This study research questionsare first: how do refugees experience local communities and establish feelings of home andbelonging? and second: how does the life course perspective help the refugees getaccommodated to their new urban environment? The empirical research to answer thesequestions is qualitative, relying on in depth, semi structured life history interviews held withrefugees that have been granted asylum or subsidiary protection by the Romanian statestarting with the late 2014 until present. The findings pointed out: 1) the effect of the lifecourse: (e.g. the events of being uprooted and relocated into a foreign land brought lifealtering changes in an individuals’ life course). 2) The individuals interviewed showedintimate emotions about their new home and feelings of belonging. 3) The informantsperceived their experience as a perceptual process of negotiation with themselves and thelocal community from which they belong.

The purpose of this dissertation was to compare and contrast the origins, formulation, course, and outcome of three major American immigration schemes to provide haven for German Jewish and non-Aryan refugees and British children: The Intergovernmental Committee for Political Refugees (better known as the Evian Conference), and particularly the German Refugee Children’s Bill (also labeled as the Wagner-Rogers Bill) and the Hennings Bill. The Evian Conference, called for by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in the aftermath of the Anschluss, the German annexation of Austria, sought to create a global solution to the problem of forced migration. The Wagner-Rogers Bill, influenced by the November 1938 nationwide pogrom of Kristallnacht and the British Kindertransport, a project to resettle Jewish and Christian children from the Reich into the United Kingdom, attempted, by legislative means, to allow the entry of ten thousand children outside of the annual German and Austrian quotas in 1939 and 1940. The Henning Bill endeavored to rescue British children from the perils of aerial warfare in 1940. This measure necessitated the amendment of the Neutrality Act of 1939, which prohibited American shipping from entering war zones. It has been argued that the Evian Conference was, at its core, a publicity ploy, designed to express sympathy for persecuted German minorities, while avoiding any political cost or acceptance of impoverished refugees. The Wagner-Rogers Bill failed as a result of the interplay of multiple factors that included: lack of presidential backing; the economic throes of the Great Depression; fear of aliens; anti-Semitism; growing isolationism and resistance to continued immigration, and a disunited and fractious Jewish community that sought to avoid stimulation of domestic prejudice and more restrictive immigration policies. A key component was a critical misreading of the bill’s sponsors of public compassion for Hitler’s victims; sentiments that did not translate into a willingness to accept Jewish refugees. The Henning Bill, which FDR endorsed with strict qualifications, demonstrated preferences for particular ethnic groups; specifically, British Christian children. In contrast with the Wagner-Rogers Bill, this legislation rapidly made its way through Congress and into law. Its failure lay in the inability to acquire guarantees of safe passage through contested waters by the warring powers. A general review followed by a more detailed examination was made of existing official and un-official sources, employing public records, private diaries, books, newspapers, journals, and other periodicals for the critical period of January 1, 1938 through December 31, 1940. Various historiographical appraisals have been made of the actions of Roosevelt, his administration, Congress, the Jewish community, and general public, and these opinions have generated markedly divergent opinions. Some have alleged that FDR and his administration, particularly the Department of State, abandoned the Jews to their fate while others assert that, in the context of the time, he did everything that was potentially achievable. Debate has also been waged over wide-ranging accusations of inaction, apathy, prejudice, and complicity involving official sources, the general public, and American Jewry. I argue that any assessment of responsibility for failure to attempt rescue can be laid at the feet of many actors in this existential drama of life and death.

Lifestyle of immigrants and recognized refugees Migration can be defined as more or less terminated process moving of people among places which are determinated by state borders. It is the process when person or group of people leave their land to find better place for living. Each person has his or her own lifestyle and it is one of the basic factors that influences the quality of living. The lifestyle is formed during life when is a person in interaction with enviroment. The theory is further split into 6 main chapters that involve all issues of lifestyle of immigrants and recognized refugees. The history of migration to the Czech Republic is analyzed, asylum processing and the most important lifestyle of national minorities is mentioned. In the last chapter of theoretical part integration of immigrants and asylum seekers in the Czech Republic is mentioned. The practical part is devoted to the research and it was dedicated to lifestyle of immigrants and asylum seekers in the Czech Republic and in their domicile of origin. The aim of the thesis was to compare lifestyle of immigrants and asylum seekers in the Czech Republic and in their domicile of origin. The hypothetical assumption suggested that lifestyle of immigrants and asylum seekers is the same in the Czech Republic as in their domicile of origin. The regions of the research were South Bohemian region, Plzeň region and Ústí nad Labem region. To prove or invalidate the hypothesis a method of questionnaire was used. 100 people were accosted and they received questionnaire to fill in it during four months. I received 64 questionnaires back. After evaluation of the questionnaires I came to the result that people who had filled the questionnaire have the same lifestyle in the Czech Republic as in their domicile of origin. The hypothesis was proved. Public, students of social school and their educators will be introduced with the results. I would recommend to focuse individual social work because each person has different needs. Easygoing integration into Czech society coheres with reaction of Czech people as well. My work could be used as text book referring about national minorities living in the Czech Republic. At the end of the thesis there are some supportive documents related to my work. It is neccesary to know that the more we can help foreigners to integrate themselves and we adopt them as our fellow-citizens the faster they will feel at {\crqq}home{\crqq} in the Czech Republic.

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