The aim of this thesis is to answer the question of why rebel groups engage in conflict with each other despite sharing an identity. Previous research suggests that a shared identity should promote cooperation, but recent conflicts between rebel groups in Syria seem to suggest that shared identity can instead be a cause for rivalry. This thesis investigates this puzzle by using Pischedda’s theory on windows of opportunity and vulnerability and Hafez theory on proxidistant ideologies. The cases of the thesis are the conflicts between Ahrar Al-Sham and IS in 2014 and between Ahrar Al-Sham and the Al Nusra Front in 2017. The results indicate that shared identity does cause rivalry, and both theories receive support for their explanation of inter-rebel conflict. All three rebel groups are labeled as extremists, which supports Hafez theory that extremist groups are more likely to engage in conflict with rivals. The military strength and the possible costs of attack of the rebel groups seem to support Pischedda’s theory that rebel groups use specific windows in time to attack their rivals. There are however some problems that neither theory can explain, such as Ahrar Al-Shams friendly relationship to Al Nusra between 2014 and 2017. This thesis provide insight into the understudied field of inter-rebel conflict of War Studies by highlighting the importance of identity.

How does the prevalence of female combatants in a rebel group influence conflict severity? Previous research has investigated the impact conflict has on women but has overlooked women’s contributions to conflict. Diverging from this paradigm, recent quantitative research has investigated why women join rebellions, why rebel groups recruit them, and how this affects conflict dynamics and outcomes. This study contributes to this new direction by asking how the gender composition of a rebel group influences the number of battle deaths amassed during a conflict. I hypothesize that a higher prevalence of female combatants in a rebel group increases conflict severity. I argue that female combatants increase rebel group capabilities, creating parity between rebel-state dyads, which then produces a greater quantity of battle deaths. Using a dataset on women’s prevalence in 211 rebel groups between 1989 and 2014, I run an ordinary least squares regression model to test my hypothesis. This study’s empirical evidence shows support for my hypothesis but does not yield any substantive indication of how female combatants contribute to severity. The causal mechanism behind this relationship remains for future research to uncover.

The intentional killing of civilians by rebel groups is an often observed phenomenon in civil wars. An aspect of civil war that may influence this phenomenon is support by foreign actors to rebel groups. This thesis aims to answer the research question of how external support to rebel groups affects violence against civilians. The theoretical framework used to answer the research question will be built upon two conflicting logics in the current literature. Based on this framework, I argue that the key to explaining how external support affects violence against civilians, lies in the heterogeneity of support and that the various support types can be indexed into two categories, leading to two hypotheses: 1) external support that allows rebels to focus on governance will result in lower levels of rebel one-sided violence, and 2) external support to rebel groups that creates independency from the civilian population results in higher levels of rebel one-sided violence. To test the hypotheses, this thesis uses a quantitative research method and NBRMs using UCDP datasets. The results show that while some types of support align with the expected outcomes, others yield unexpected results, underscoring the importance of considering the varied effects of external support.

Self-determination is a peoples' right to freely determine their political, economic and cultural destiny without external interference. However, the cultivation of a culture of respect for self-determination remains the greatest challenge to post-colonial Africa. Dictatorships and other oppressive regimes very substantially affected Africa's efforts to develop a culture of constitutionalism and respect for the right of peoples to selfdetermination. Most African countries typify the failed effort of trying to establish an enduring democracy and respect for the right of peoples to take part in the government. After five decades of transition from colonialism to constitutional democracy, most African peoples are still under the yoke of governments they consider undesirable or oppressive. This work primarily sets out to investigate if the denial of the right of peoples to self-determination justifies the use of force to secure such a right. Since independence, Africa has experienced armed rebel groups seeking either to effect radical transformation of the whole state or to separate from the state to which they belong in order to create a new state. In the main, this study explores the extent to which rebel groups acting on behalf of peoples are or are not allowed to use force for the attainment of self-determination. The thesis begins with an historical development of the right to self-determination in international law. It initially examines how self-determination has developed from a political principle to a legal right. Despite the fact that self-determination is one of the core principles of the UN Charter, there are still many controversies over its precise meaning, scope and application. The thesis considers the two aspects of selfdetermination: external self-determination and internal self-determination. The external aspect implies the right of people to form a new, sovereign and independent state, whereas the internal aspect implies the right of people to participate in the political framework of an existing state. The thesis also assesses the state of the academic literature over the right of peoples to self-determination, with a view to determining whether the right can be used by a group of people whose internal self-determination has been denied to effect secession from the state. It advocates that, outside the colonial context, the right of self-determination does not equal to a "right to secession and independence". The thesis argues, however, that in exceptional circumstances such as gross violations of human rights and the denial of internal self-determination, people should be endowed with a right to secession in the manifestation of a right to unilateral secession as a remedy of such injustices. The thesis further turns to the mechanisms for the protection of the peoples' right to self-determination, the problems and challenges in Africa. The challenges do not only include the legality of the use of force by rebel groups and national liberation movements in seeking to attain self-determination, but also the right of other states to assist them in their struggles. The work probes the nature of international law and critically assesses whether the persistent denial of demands for self-determination led to calls for drastic remedies, including the use of armed force. Before this theory is critically assessed, the thesis defines the differences between national liberation movements and rebel groups. It argues that as far as self-determination struggles are concerned, there must be representative organisations acting on behalf of people whose right of self-determination has been denied. In the light of these contentions, the study examines the general ban on the use of force as laid down by the UN Charter, and finds that the Charter does not expressly refer to self-determination as a situation where people may resort to the use of force for the attainment of such a right. It then turns to the history of and circumstance surrounding the use of force, examines the jus ad bellum regarding "liberation struggles", and concludes that the use of force by national liberation movements against colonial and racist regimes has strong theoretical foundations and support in state practice. Outside of the colonial and apartheid contexts, however, the argument that rebels acting on behalf of oppressed peoples may legitimately use force in pursuit of selfdetermination thus remains ambiguous. In that context, this thesis examines the practice relating to the use of force by rebel groups and the laws of war provisions that apply in civil wars, and concludes that none of them proves that the international community of states accepts rebels' right to use force as a legal entitlement. Finally, based on the lessons learned from and lacunae identified in all norms relating to the enforcement mechanisms of the right of self-determination, this study concludes with a set of suggestions and recommendations. / LLD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Self-determination is a peoples' right to freely determine their political, economic and cultural destiny without external interference. However, the cultivation of a culture of respect for self-determination remains the greatest challenge to post-colonial Africa. Dictatorships and other oppressive regimes very substantially affected Africa's efforts to develop a culture of constitutionalism and respect for the right of peoples to selfdetermination. Most African countries typify the failed effort of trying to establish an enduring democracy and respect for the right of peoples to take part in the government. After five decades of transition from colonialism to constitutional democracy, most African peoples are still under the yoke of governments they consider undesirable or oppressive. This work primarily sets out to investigate if the denial of the right of peoples to self-determination justifies the use of force to secure such a right. Since independence, Africa has experienced armed rebel groups seeking either to effect radical transformation of the whole state or to separate from the state to which they belong in order to create a new state. In the main, this study explores the extent to which rebel groups acting on behalf of peoples are or are not allowed to use force for the attainment of self-determination. The thesis begins with an historical development of the right to self-determination in international law. It initially examines how self-determination has developed from a political principle to a legal right. Despite the fact that self-determination is one of the core principles of the UN Charter, there are still many controversies over its precise meaning, scope and application. The thesis considers the two aspects of selfdetermination: external self-determination and internal self-determination. The external aspect implies the right of people to form a new, sovereign and independent state, whereas the internal aspect implies the right of people to participate in the political framework of an existing state. The thesis also assesses the state of the academic literature over the right of peoples to self-determination, with a view to determining whether the right can be used by a group of people whose internal self-determination has been denied to effect secession from the state. It advocates that, outside the colonial context, the right of self-determination does not equal to a "right to secession and independence". The thesis argues, however, that in exceptional circumstances such as gross violations of human rights and the denial of internal self-determination, people should be endowed with a right to secession in the manifestation of a right to unilateral secession as a remedy of such injustices. The thesis further turns to the mechanisms for the protection of the peoples' right to self-determination, the problems and challenges in Africa. The challenges do not only include the legality of the use of force by rebel groups and national liberation movements in seeking to attain self-determination, but also the right of other states to assist them in their struggles. The work probes the nature of international law and critically assesses whether the persistent denial of demands for self-determination led to calls for drastic remedies, including the use of armed force. Before this theory is critically assessed, the thesis defines the differences between national liberation movements and rebel groups. It argues that as far as self-determination struggles are concerned, there must be representative organisations acting on behalf of people whose right of self-determination has been denied. In the light of these contentions, the study examines the general ban on the use of force as laid down by the UN Charter, and finds that the Charter does not expressly refer to self-determination as a situation where people may resort to the use of force for the attainment of such a right. It then turns to the history of and circumstance surrounding the use of force, examines the jus ad bellum regarding "liberation struggles", and concludes that the use of force by national liberation movements against colonial and racist regimes has strong theoretical foundations and support in state practice. Outside of the colonial and apartheid contexts, however, the argument that rebels acting on behalf of oppressed peoples may legitimately use force in pursuit of selfdetermination thus remains ambiguous. In that context, this thesis examines the practice relating to the use of force by rebel groups and the laws of war provisions that apply in civil wars, and concludes that none of them proves that the international community of states accepts rebels' right to use force as a legal entitlement. Finally, based on the lessons learned from and lacunae identified in all norms relating to the enforcement mechanisms of the right of self-determination, this study concludes with a set of suggestions and recommendations. / LLD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

No description available.

Existe-t-il un lien entre le degré de publicité du soutien fourni par des États à des groupes rebelles et les relations entre les insurgés soutenus et les civils durant les guerres internes ? Les études sur les conflits examinent de plus en plus la manière dont un soutien étatique externe à des insurgés locaux façonne le comportement de ces derniers. Cependant, la littérature néglige l’influence de la décision des États-soutiens de nier ou reconnaître leur aide sur la conduite des rebelles. Divisée en trois parties, ma thèse de doctorat utilise une méthodologie mixte alliant analyses quantitatives et études de cas qualitatives pour combler cette lacune dans la littérature. L’Article 1 présente de nouvelles données sur le degré de publicité du soutien étatique aux rebelles durant les guerres civiles entre 1989 et 2018. Il montre ensuite que cette variable est négativement corrélée à la propension des insurgés à user de la violence envers les non-combattants. L’Article 2 commence par présenter une théorie expliquant comment, pourquoi et dans quelles circonstances les États-soutiens tentent-ils de superviser les interactions avec les non-combattants des insurgés qu’ils appuient lors des guerres civiles. Il applique ensuite ce cadre théorique au soutien des États-Unis aux Unités de protection du peuple (YPG) et aux Forces démocratiques syriennes (FDS) dans le nord-est de la Syrie entre 2014 et 2020. L’Article 3 montre qu’en plus d’être corrélé négativement à la violence rebelle envers les civils, le degré de publicité du soutien étatique aux insurgés est corrélé positivement à la propension de ces derniers à fournir des services à la population. Il nuance ensuite les résultats statistiques en montrant que l’existence d’institutions formelles de fourniture de services n’équivaut pas nécessairement à une participation effective des civils à l’exercice du pouvoir en zones rebelles. Ainsi, la thèse met en évidence le lien critique entre le degré de publicité du soutien étatique aux rebelles et les interactions entre insurgés soutenus et civils. Les résultats de recherche montrent dès lors que les expériences des non-combattants au cours de conflits qualifiés d’internes à un espace sont corrélés à des facteurs et intérêts liés à des acteurs externes à ce même territoire. / What is the relationship between the overtness of state support to rebels and the nature of insurgent-civilian interactions during civil wars? Conflict studies increasingly examine how external support to local insurgents influences rebel behavior. However, the literature neglects the link between the state sponsors’ decisions to acknowledge or deny their support and insurgent behavior. My three-part doctoral dissertation uses a mixed-methods research design combining quantitative analyses and qualitative case studies to address this gap in the literature. Article 1 introduces new data on the overtness of external support to rebels during civil wars between 1989 and 2018. The paper then shows that this variable negatively correlates with the propensity of the insurgents to target civilians. Article 2 begins by outlining a theory of how, why, and when the state sponsors monitor the interactions with civilians of the insurgents they support. The paper then applies this theoretical framework to the United States’ (US) support for the People’s Defense Units (YPG) and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in Northeast Syria between 2014 and 2020. Article 3 shows that in addition to negatively correlating with civilian targeting, the overtness of external support to rebels positively correlates with the propensity of the insurgents to provide social services during civil wars. The paper then qualifies the statistical results by showing that the creation of formal social service institutions by the rebels does not necessarily lead to effective civilian participation in decision-making in insurgent areas. The dissertation thus highlights the critical link between the overtness of state support to rebels and the insurgent-civilian interactions. In this way, I show that civilian experiences during conflicts we characterize as internal to a territory correlate with factors and interests linked to external actors.

This thesis examines how the use of children specifically as soldiers could affect the likelihood of rebel-inflicted conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). Previous scholars have examined the relationship between rebel groups’ overall recruitment of children and violence against civilians or CRSV, making this a previously unexplored area. The hypotheses of this paper are (1) that the rebel use of children as soldiers will increase the probability of rebel-inflicted CRSV, and (2) that the rebel use of children as soldiers will increase the probability of rebel-inflicted CRSV among groups who have child members, not otherwise. The theoretical argument is in short that groups using children as fighters have lower group cohesion than other groups, increasing the incentive for rebel leadership to promote or tolerate CRSV, and that the lower cognitive ability of child combatants compared to adults is exploited as they are subjected to intense social pressure to fit into the role of a strong and masculine fighter. The hypotheses were tested in a quantitative analysis, the results of which were inconclusive, mainly due to limitations in the data used. Despite this, the analysis further strengthens the support for the relationship between child members and CRSV that has been theorized only recently, and by few scholars. This paper contributes to our understanding about rebel targeting of children and use of CRSV. It also provides avenues for future research, highly recommending future studies disaggregating the roles of children in armed groups with more suitable data.

Les politologues ont récemment commencé à analyser les processus organisationnels et sociaux des guerres civiles. Malgré certains progrès, nous en savons peu sur les trajectoires des insurgés et les processus transperçant le cycle de vie des groupes rebelles. En effet, la plupart des théories négligent la dimension de longue durée des rébellions. Comblant cette lacune, la thèse construit une approche longitudinale des cycles de vie des groupes rebelles. Comment les différentes étapes du cycle de vie d'une organisation rebelle sont-elles liées les unes aux autres? Comment les individus façonnent-ils les organisations rebelles? Comment les individus sont-ils transformés par leur passage au sein de groupes rebelles? Inspiré par la sociologie politique, la thèse soutient que la formation, le maintien et l'héritage des groupes rebelles sont conditionnés par les expériences, mentalités, liens sociaux et compétences des individus composant ces organisations. En retour, la participation au sein des organisations, de sous-unités et à divers rôles transforme les individus, façonnant les dynamiques de guerre et d'après-guerre. La thèse étudie des mécanismes et processus liant les étapes de vie des groupes rebelles, incluant le courtage, le bricolage institutionnel, la légitimation, la trajectoire de vie et la socialisation à vie. L'article I construit une théorie du bricolage dans la formation des groupes rebelles. Dans les milieux hétérogènes, les organisateurs emploient le courtage et le bricolage institutionnel pour renforcer leur capacité opérationnelle. À l’aide de l'analyse des réseaux sociaux et répertoires organisationnels, l’article retrace la formation de la guérilla urbaine du M-19 en Colombie. Les organisateurs de cette guérilla ont recruté des spécialistes de la violence par le courtage et ont réorganisé diverses formes organisationnelles à travers le bricolage institutionnel pour faciliter la coordination interne de l’organisation naissante. L’article II adopte l'approche relationnelle à la légitimité des groupes armés pour étudier la production culturelle et musicale des FARC en Colombie. L'article analyse 258 chansons, des documents internes de la guérilla et des prestations artistiques. L’article démontre que les FARC employaient la production culturelle pour légitimer la hiérarchie interne du groupe et leurs objectifs face aux élites établies et à la population civile. L'article III développe une typologie des trajectoires et des incidences biographiques des ancien.e.s combattant.e.s. L'outil conceptuel permet d’évaluer la position des individus par rapport à la politique, la violence et l'État ainsi que de retracer des dynamiques complexes au sein des trajectoires de vie. Une fois agrégées, les incidences biographiques contribuent à d'importantes dynamiques d'après-guerre. L'article élabore un nouveau programme de recherche portant sur les vies de l’après-guerre civile. L’article IV étudie les processus de socialisation à vie et l’engagement social des ancien.e.s combattant.e.s. L'article emploi une approche biographique pour retracer les trajectoires de 32 ancien.e.s combattant.e.s du M-19. La socialisation au sein des institutions de travail social et d'enseignement, avant le recrutement et pendant la guerre, a conféré aux ancien.e.s combattant.e.s du M-19 des dispositions et des ressources qui, en interaction avec les opportunités post-démobilisation, a façonné leur engagement social. La dissertation offre une vision holistique des cycles de vie des groupes rebelles et étudie des dynamiques liant l’avant, pendant et après guerre. La thèse contribue à notre compréhension des guerres civiles en analysant des processus longitudinaux façonnant les vies des individus, le contenu et la structure des groupes rebelles et les sociétés. / Political scientists recently started to analyse the organizational and social processes of civil wars. Despite progress, we know little about the trajectories of insurgents and the processes that span through the life cycle of rebel groups. In fact, most theories neglect the longue durée dimension of rebellions. Filling this gap, this thesis constructs a longitudinal approach to the life cycle of rebel groups. How are different stages in the life cycle of a rebel organization linked to one another? How do individuals shape rebel organizations? How are individuals transformed by their passage through rebel groups? Inspired by political sociology, the thesis argues that the formation, maintenance and legacy of rebel groups are conditioned by the experiences, mindsets, social ties and skills of individuals composing those organizations. In turn, participation in organizations, subunits and roles transform individuals, shaping wartime and post-war dynamics. The thesis studies mechanisms and processes linking insurgent group life stages, including brokerage, institutional bricolage, legitimation, life trajectory, and lifelong socialization. Article I constructs a theory of bricolage in rebel group formation. In heterogeneous environments, rebel organizers employ brokerage and institutional bricolage to build operational capacity. The article employs social network analysis and the analysis of organizational repertoires to retrace the formation of the M-19 urban guerrilla in Colombia. M-19 organizers recruited violent specialists through brokerage, and reorganized various organizational forms through institutional bricolage to facilitate internal coordination in the nascent organization. Article II employs the relational approach to armed group legitimacy to study cultural and music production within the FARC guerrilla in Colombia. The article analyses 258 songs, guerrilla internal documents, and artistic performances. It shows that FARC’s cultural production was employed to legitimize the group’s internal hierarchy and its goals in relation to established elites and the civilian population. Article III develops a typology of ex-combatant trajectories and biographical outcomes. The conceptual tool can be used to assess the position of individuals in relation to politics, violence and the state and track complex dynamics in life trajectories. When aggregated, biographical outcomes contribute to important post-war dynamics. The article elaborates a new research agenda on civil war afterlives. Article IV investigates lifelong socialization processes and social engagement amongst ex-combatants. The article employs a biographical approach to study the trajectories of 32 M-19 ex-combatants. Socialization in social work and education institutions in pre-recruitment and wartime life stages provided M-19 ex-combatants with dispositions and resources that, in interaction with post-demobilization opportunities, shaped their social engagement. The dissertation provides a holistic view of rebel group life cycles and studies dynamics linking prewar, wartime and post-war stages. The thesis contributes to our understanding of civil wars by analysing longitudinal processes shaping individual lives, the content and structure of rebel groups and societies. / Recientemente politólog@s han empezado a analizar los diferentes procesos organizativos y sociales de las guerras civiles. A pesar de los avances, sabemos poco sobre las trayectorias de los insurgentes y los procesos que comprenden el ciclo de vida de grupos rebeldes. De hecho, la mayoría de las teorías omiten la dimensión a largo plazo. Llenando este vacío, esta tesis desarrolla una teoría longitudinal de ciclos de vida de grupos rebeldes. ¿Cómo se conectan las diferentes etapas del ciclo de vida de una organización rebelde? ¿Cómo los individuos dan forma a las organizaciones rebeldes? ¿Cómo se transforman los individuos durante su participación en grupos rebeldes? Inspirándose en la sociología política, la tesis argumenta que la formación, el mantenimiento y el legado de los grupos rebeldes están condicionados por las experiencias, mentalidades, vínculos sociales y habilidades individuales de sus participantes. Asimismo, su involucramiento en organizaciones, subunidades y roles también transforma los individuos, moldeando así las dinámicas de guerra y posguerra. Esta tesis estudia mecanismos y procesos que relacionan las etapas de vida de los grupos rebeldes, incluyendo la intermediación, el bricolaje institucional, la legitimación, la trayectoria de vida y la socialización vitalicia. El artículo I construye una teoría de bricolaje en la formación de grupos rebeldes. En entornos heterogéneos, los organizadores recurren a la intermediación y el bricolaje institucional para fortalecer su capacidad operativa. Utilizando el análisis de redes sociales y repertorios organizativos, el artículo rastrea la formación de la guerrilla urbana del M-19 en Colombia. Los organizadores del M-19 reclutaron especialistas en violencia a través de la intermediación y reorganizaron varias formas organizativas con el bricolaje institucional para facilitar la coordinación interna de la organización emergente. El artículo II emplea el enfoque relacional de la legitimidad de los grupos armados para estudiar la producción cultural y musical de las FARC en Colombia. El artículo analiza 258 canciones, documentos internos de la guerrilla y actuaciones artísticas. El trabajo demuestra que las FARC empleaban la producción cultural para legitimar la jerarquía interna del grupo y sus objetivos frente a las élites establecidas y la población civil. El artículo III desarrolla una tipología de las trayectorias e implicaciones biográficas de los excombatientes. La herramienta conceptual permite evaluar la posición de los individuos en relación con la política, la violencia y el estado, así como rastrear dinámicas complejas dentro de las trayectorias de vida. Una vez agregadas, las implicaciones biográficas contribuyen a importantes dinámicas posguerra. El artículo establece una nueva agenda de investigación sobre las vidas posguerra civil. El artículo IV estudia los procesos de socialización de por vida y el compromiso social de los excombatientes. El artículo emplea un enfoque biográfico para rastrear las trayectorias de 32 excombatientes del M-19. Socialización en instituciones de trabajo social y educativas, antes del reclutamiento y durante la guerra, proporcionó a los excombatientes del M-19 disposiciones y recursos que, en interacción con las oportunidades posteriores a la desmovilización, influye en su compromiso social. La disertación ofrece una visión holística de los ciclos de vida de grupos rebeldes y explora las dinámicas que atraviesan el pre, durante y posguerra. La tesis contribuye a la comprensión de las guerras civiles analizando los procesos longitudinales que influyen vidas individuales, el contenido y la estructura de grupos rebeldes y sociedades.